CLASSICAL  STUDIES: 


ESSAYS 


ANCIENT    LITERATURE   AM)   ART. 


WITH  THE  BIOGRAPHY  AND  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 
EMINENT  PHILOLOGISTS. 


BY 

BARNAS    SEARS, 

PRESIDENT   OF   NEWTON   THEOLOGICAL    INSTITUTION. 

B.    B.   EDWARDS, 

PROFESSOR   IN   ANDOVER    THEOLOGICAL    SEMINARY. 

C.  C.    FELTON, 

PROFESSOR   IN   HARVARD   UNIVERSITY. 


BOSTON: 
GOULD,    KENDALL    AND    LINCOLN, 

59    WASHINGTON     STREET. 

1843. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1843, 

By  GOULD,  KENDALL  &  LINCOLN, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  Massachusetts. 


WM.  S.  DAMRELL,  PRINTER, 
NO.  11  CORNHILL... .BOSTON. 


%0 


INTRODUCTION. 


In  the  United  States,  the  question  of  classical  education 
has  often  been  discussed,  and  its  utility  sometimes  vehemently 
denied.  In  the  meantime,  the  study  of  the  Greek  and  Roman 
authors,  and  the  taste  for  ancient  art,  have  been  making 
constant  progress,  both  in  schools  and  colleges.  Many  of  the 
choicest  works  of  the  classical  writers  have  been  carefully  and 
learnedly  edited  by  American  scholars.  Professor  Woolsey's 
selection  of  the  Attic  Tragedies  has  been  welcomed  with 
applause,  both  at  home  and  abroad ;  and  his  recent  edition  of 
the  Gorgias  of  Plato  is  the  best  edition  of  that  admirable 
dialogue,  for  practical  use,  that  has  ever  yet  appeared.  Other 
works,  prepared  on  similar  principles,  have  been  published 
from  time  to  time ;  and,  at  present,  the  classical  course,  in 
several  of  our  colleges,  instead  of  being  limited  to  a  volume  or 
two  of  extracts,  embraces  a  series  of  entire  works  in  all  the 
leading  departments  of  ancient  literature.  The  mode  of 
studying  antiquity  has  also  been  materially  changed  and 
improved  within  a  few  years.  History,  the  arts,  the  domestic 
life,  the  private  and  public  usages,  the  mythology,  and  the 
education  of  the  ancients,  have  been  carefully  investigated,  and 
their  scattered  lights  concentrated  upon  the  literary  remains  of 


IV  INTRODUCTION. 

antiquity.  Thus  classical  scholarship  in  America  is  beginning 
to  breathe  the  same  spirit  which  animates  it  in  the  old  world  ; 
it  is  beginning  to  be  something  higher  and  better  than  the 
dry  study  of  words  and  grammatical  forms ;  it  is  becoming  a 
liberal  and  elegant  pursuit ;  a  comprehensive  appreciation  of 
the  greatest  works  in  history,  poetry,  and  the  arts,  that  the 
genius  of  man  has  ever  produced. 

Amidst  the  din  of  practical  interests,  the  rivalries  of 
commerce,  and  the  great  enterprises  of  the  age,  classical 
studies  are  gaining  ground  in  public  estimation.  It  must 
always  be  so  with  the  advance  of  civilization.  We  must, 
however,  confess  with  shame,  that  in  American  legislative 
assemblies,  where  we  naturally  look  to  find  the  highest 
courtesy  of  manners  and  the  graces  of  literature,  little 
proof  of  advancing  culture,  of  any  kind,  is  given.  Scenes 
of  brutality,  to  the  disgrace  and  sorrow  of  the  nation,  are  often 
enacted  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  that  seem  to 
show  that  the  night  of  barbarism  is  settling  over  the  land. 
Many  of  the  speeches  delivered  there,  exhibit  a  coarseness 
and  vulgarity  of  sentiment,  a  disregard  or  ignorance  of  the 
proprieties  of  speech,  an  utter  insensibility  to  the  elegances 
of  letters,  and  to  the  humanizing  influences  of  the  arts, 
which  must  be  bitterly  deplored.  When  a  work  of  art  was 
lately  received  in  Washington,  —  a  work  on  which  the  great 
American  sculptor  had  lavished  all  the  resources  of  his 
genius,  and  spent  several  years  in  the  flower  of  his  life,  —  it 
was  assailed  by  an  honorable  member,  in  a  strain  of  ribaldry, 
which  a  gentleman  cannot  even  quote. 

But  the  prospects  of  American  education  and  refinement  are 
more  encouraging,  if  we  turn  from  public  to  private  life.  It  is 
a  much  more  common  thing  for  young  men  to  continue  their 
classical  studies  beyond  the  time  of  the  college  education,  than 


INTRODUCTION.  V 

it  has  been  in  former  days.      The  orators  and  dramatists  of 
Greece  and  Rome  are  frequently  made  the  companions  of  the 
writers    on  law  and  divinity,   though  classical    pursuits    are 
sometimes  represented  as  on  the  decline  all  over  the  world. 
Modern  literature,  throbbing  with  present  life  ;   impassioned 
poetry,  which  the  strong   and  exciting  character  of  the  age 
kindles  into  fiery  expression,  take  hold  of  all  hearts,  stir  up  all 
minds,  and  leave  but  little  time  for  the  severer  pursuits  of  the 
classical  scholar.      But  this  is  a  wrong  view  of  the  subject, 
at  least  in  the  extent  to  which  it  is  sometimes  carried.      The 
excitements  of  modern  literature  lend  additional  ardor  to  classical 
studies.     The  young  blood  of  modern  literature  has  put  new  life 
into  the  literature  of  the  dead  languages.     That  exquisitely 
beautiful  poem,  Goethe's  Iphigenia  at  Tauris,  has  inseparably 
connected   the   name   of  the   great   German   with   him  whom 
Aristotle  calls  the  most  tragic  of  poets,  and  who  was  Milton's 
most  cherished  bard.     The  comparison  between  the  German 
and  the  Greek  gives  a  fresh  charm  to  the  works  of  both.     This 
point  is  admirably  illustrated  in  Hermann's  eloquent  preface  to 
his  edition  of  the  Iphigenia  Taurica  of  Euripides.      That  most 
delicate  and  harmonious  tragic  drama,  the  Ion  of  Mr.  Talfourd, 
— whose  composition  shed  a  delight  and  a  charm  over  many 
years  of  intense  professional  labor,  —  has  led  many  a  scholar 
back  to  the  beautiful  antique,  from  which  the  title  and  the 
general  subject  were   taken ;    and   the   applause  with  which 
this  masterly  re-production  of  the  classical  spirit  and  almost 
the    antique   form,  was  welcomed   a  few  years  ago,  was  a 
pleasant  indication  of  the  still  existing  love  of  antique  beauty. 
The  majestic   simplicity  of   Milton's   Samson  Agonistes,  and 
its  Dorian  choruses,  forcibly  bring  to  mind  the  Prometheus  of 
JEschylus,  and  suggest  very  instructive  comparisons  between 
the  lofty  characters  of  the  two  poets.     And  who  does  not  feel 
Aa 


VI  INTRODUCTION. 

that  he  can  better  understand,  and  more  profoundly  appreciate, 
the  glorious,  but  terrible  imagination  of  the  poet  of  Agamemnon, 
when  he  has  once  been  moved  and  agitated  by  the  awful  power 
of  Macbeth ;  when  the  myriad-minded  poet  of  England,  in 
whom  the  genius  of  man  took  its  sublimest  nights,  has  once 
entered  into  and  taken  possession  of  his  soul. 

But  the  Greek  and  Roman  classics  stand  at  the  beginning 
and  at  the  source  of  European  culture.  Nothing  can  displace 
them.  Homer  is  the  fountain-head  of  all  European  poetry 
and  art.  There  he  stands,  venerable  with  nearly  thirty 
centuries,  touching  his  heroic  harp  to  strains  of  unsurpassed, 
nay,  unapproachable  excellence  and  grandeur.  All  the  features 
of  a  great  heroic  age,  —  the  chivalry  of  the  classical  world, 
—  from  which  European  civilization  dates,  and  political  and 
domestic  order  take  their  rise,  —  stand  forth  in  living  reality, 
in  his  immortal  pictures.  There  he  stands,  radiant  with  the 
beams  of  the  early  Grecian  morning,  as  "jocund  day  stands 
tiptoe  on  the  misty  mountain  top."  Who  is  to  drive  him 
from  his  station  there?  And  how,  then,  is  Homer  to  pass  from 
the  memory  and  the  hearts  of  men?  Impossible.  It  is  not 
a  question  to  be  decided  by  a  few  petty  and  short-sighted 
utilitarian  views.  Homer's  reign  is  firmly  established  over  the 
literary  world,  and  if  any  nation  should  ever  become  so 
barbarous  as  to  banish  him  from  their  schools,  the  penalty  and 
disgrace  would  be  their  own.  The  language  of  Homer,  as  a 
picturesque,  melodious,  and  enchanting  instrument  of  thought, 
has  never  been  surpassed. 

Now  these  great  ancients  have  been,  time  out  of  mind, 
the  teachers  of  the  civilized  world.  They  form  a  common 
bond,  which  unites  the  cultivated  minds  of  all  nations  and 
ages  together.  He  who  cuts  himself  off  from  the  classics, 
excludes  himself  from  a  world  of  delightful  associations  with 


INTRODUCTION.  Vll 

the  best  minds.  He  fails  to  become  a  member  of  the  great 
society  of  scholars ;  he  is  an  alien  from  the  great  community 
of  letters.  He  may  be  a  learned  man  ;  he  may  have  all  the 
treasures  of  science  at  his  command  ;  he  may  speak  the  modern 
languages  with  facility ;  but  if  he  have  not  imbued  his  mind 
with  at  least  a  tincture  of  classical  taste,  he  will  inevitably 
feel,  that  a  great  defect  exists  in  his  intellectual  culture. 

We  have  said,  that  the  neglect  of  classical  studies  among 
liberally  educated  men  was  less  general  now  than  formerly. 
And  yet  these  pursuits  are  too  often  thrown  aside.  Why 
should  they  be  so?  Why  is  classical  study  abandoned  at  all, 
at  the  close  of  the  college  course?  Are  there  good  reasons 
for  laying  it  aside  when  one  leaves  the  walls  of  the  university? 
The  apology  is  substantially  this.  It  has  no  immediate 
connection  with  practical  life.  Imperative  duty  is  not  to  be 
neglected  for  an  elegant  pastime.  The  lawyer  and  the 
physician  must  direct  their  energies  to  the  business  on  which 
their  living  depends.  The  client  does  not  inquire,  whether 
an  advocate  is  conversant  with  Greek  metres,  or  can  write 
beautiful  Latin.  A  religious  society  seeks  for  a  good, 
theologian  and  pastor.  They  care  little  for  the  classical 
phrase  of  his  discourses.  In  other  words,  the  members  of 
the  learned  professions  must  not  diverge  to  the  right  hand 
or  to  the  left.  Even  if  classical  learning  should  be,  in  some 
respects,  connected  with  the  practical  business  of  life,  it  is 
not  so  regarded  by  the  mass  of  the  people.  The  lawyer,  who 
is  known  to  possess  a  fine  classical  taste,  is  less  popular,  other 
things  being  equal,  than  his  neighbor,  who  is  a  lawyer,  and 
nothing  else.  If  he  would  be  much  sought  after  by  clients, 
he  must  not  read  Homer,  unless  by  stealth. 

This  method  of  reasoning,  however,  does  not  seem  to 
accord  with    facts.      Some  of   the  most    successful  men    in 


Vlll  INTRODUCTION. 

all  the  professions  have  been  accomplished  classical  scholars, 
pursuing  the  study  of  the  ancient  languages  in  the  midst  of 
exhausting  labors.  A  few  instances  may  be  cited.  Edmund 
Burke  said,  that  Virgil  was  a  book  which  he  always  had 
within  his  reach.  William  Pitt  was  deeply  versed  in  the 
niceties  of  construction  and  peculiarities  of  idiom,  both  in  the 
Greek  and  Latin  languages.  It  is  mentioned  of  Curran,  that, 
amid  the  distractions  of  business  and  ambition,  he  was  all  his 
life  returning  with  fresh  delight  to  the  perusal  of  the  classics. 
In  the  last  journey  which  he  ever  took,  Horace  and  Virgil  were 
his  travelling  companions.  The  late  chief  justice  Parsons, 
of  Massachusetts,  filling,  perhaps,  the  most  laborious  office 
in  the  State,  always  found  time  to  gratify  his  classical  taste. 
John  Luzac,  an  eminent  professor  of  Greek  at  Leyden,  spoke 
of  him  as  "a  giant  in  Greek  criticism."  Robert  Hall,  in 
the  most  active  period  of  his  ministry,  devoted  several  hours  in  a 
day,  for  a  number  of  years,  to  a  thorough  study  of  the  classics. 
He  often  referred  to  Plato  in  terms  of  fervid  eulogy,  expressing 
his  astonishment  at  the  neglect  into  which  he  apprehended 
the  writings  of  that  philosopher  were  sinking.  In  our  own 
neighborhood,  an  eminent  lawyer,  constantly  employed  in 
the  duties  of  his  profession,  stands  confessedly  at  the  head 
of  American  philologists.  A  judge,  also,  in  one  of  our 
metropolitan  courts,  whose  practical  duties  are  of  a  very 
laborious  nature,  is  a  profound  and  accurate  Greek  scholar. 

Reliance,  however,  in  a  question  of  this  kind,  need  not  be 
placed  exclusively  on  special  cases.  It  may  be  supported  by 
satisfactory  arguments,  at  least  in  relation  to  the  clerical 
profession.  A  book  written  in  Hebrew  and  Greek  is  their 
Magna  Charta,  their  authoritative  commission.  Resort  to 
translations  is  as  obviously  improper,  as  it  would  be  for  a 
constitutional  lawyer  to  gain   his  knowledge  of  the  political 


INTRODUCTION.  IX 

institutions  of  the  State  at  second  hand.  A  mastery  of  the 
original  languages  of  the  Bible  was,  probably,  never  attained 
by  any  one,  who  was  not  familiar  with  classical  Greek.  The 
main  element  of  the  New  Testament  is  the  later  Attic  dialect, 
as  modified  by  the  intermingling  of  words  from  other  languages. 
Even  authors  of  the  highest  name,  in  regard  to  style,  like 
Xenophon  and  Pindar,  throw  much  valuable  light  on  the 
Scriptures.  Homer  and  Herodotus  remind  the  reader,  in  a 
thousand  places,  of  the  sweet  simplicity  and  childlike 
artlessness  which  delight  us  in  the  narratives  of  the  Pentateuch. 
Philo  and  Josephus  are  among  the  best  helps  for  the 
interpretation  of  parts  of  the  Bible.  A  large  portion  of  the 
standard  commentaries  on  the  Scriptures,  from  the  time  of 
Jerome   down,   have   been  written  in  Latin. 

The  direct  benefits  of  classical  study  to  the  medical  and 
legal  student  may  not  be  so  obvious.  The  arguments  which 
the  lawyer  employs,  and  the  observations  which  direct  the 
physician's  practice,  are  more  or  less  of  recent  origin.  Still, 
medical  science  first  struck  its  roots  into  Grecian  soil.  The 
fathers  of  the  healing  art  wrote  in  the  Greek  language..  The 
distinguished  physician,  Boerhaave,  who  was  well  acquainted 
with  Latin  and  Greek  before  he  was  eleven  years  old,  was 
forcibly  struck,  in  the  course  of  his  subsequent  reading,  with 
the  correct  method  and  sterling  sense  of  Hippocrates.  An 
eminent  American  physician  has  said,  that  the  best  descriptions 
of  the  symptoms  of  disease  are  found  in  the  Greek  language. 
Roman  law  is  the  parent  and  germ  of  every  code  which  has 
been  formed  since.  No  sovereign,  not  even  Napoleon  himself, 
has  done  so  much  for  the  science  of  law,  as  the  Greek  emperor 
Justinian.  No  language  contains  so  many  of  the  sources  of 
scientific  legislation  as  the  Latin.  It  is  a  treasury  of  facts 
and  principles  down  to  our  day. 


X  INTRODUCTION. 

It  may  be  urged,  indeed,  that  there  is  no  necessity  for 
repairing-  to  the  original  fountain.  All  that  is  valuable  in 
the  treatises  of  Hippocrates,  or  in  the  rescripts  of  Justinian, 
are  readily  accessible  in  the  modern  languages.  Why 
compel  the  student  to  ascend  to  the  little  spring  hidden  under 
the  moss  of  an  old  language,  when  he  can  drink  of  a  river 
that  flows  fast  by  his  own  door,  and  which  has  been  increased 
by  a  thousand  fresh  fountains?  A  sufficient  answer  is,  that 
we  cannot  understand  a  subject  with  certainty,  if  we  do  not 
trace  it  to  its  source.  By  the  radical  study  of  any  topic,  we 
come  to  feel  an  assurance  of  belief,  which  is  one  of  the  best 
elements  of  success,  because  it  imparts  to  the  mind  a  firm 
confidence  in  its  own  powers.  It  is  said,  that  there  are,  in  the 
writings  of  Hippocrates,  some  of  the  finest  descriptions  of 
the  natural  course  of  disease,  disturbed  neither  by  medicine 
nor  violent  interference.  Now  these  characteristic  touches, 
which  are  the  marks  of  genius,  as  well  as  of  an  accurate 
understanding,  cannot  be  enjoyed  through  a  translation.  The 
more  picturesque  they  are,  the  more  need  of  seeing  the  very 
shape  and  coloring  by  which  they  are  delineated.  So  of  law 
and  political  science.  Who  has  laid  the  best  foundation  for 
statesmanship,  the  man  that  has  patiently  studied  Demosthenes, 
Thucydides,  and  Polybius,  in  the  original ;  or  he  whose 
knowledge  of  ancient  Greece  is  made  up  from  Langhorne's 
Plutarch,  and  Mitford's  jaundiced  history?  Mere  information  is 
not  the  only  thing  which  is  needed.  There  are  now  American 
senators,  whose  heads  are  crammed  with  encyclopedias,  but 
whose  great,  ponderous  speeches  have  no  other  effect  than  to 
thin  the  senate  chamber.  A  statesman  needs  that  close,  vivid 
apprehension  of  a  principle  or  theory,  which  he  can  get  from 
Thucydides,  but  not  from  Rollin.  In  the  sciences  of  law 
and  medicine,  much    is   depending  on   nice  discrimination   in 


INTRODUCTION.  XI 

language,  or  exact  definition  ;  who  is  so  well  prepared  to  make 
accurate  distinctions  as  he  who  is  versed  in  the  literature  of 
those  languages,  where  the  greater  number  of  medical  and 
political  terms  have  their  origin? 

Still  more  important  are  the  indirect  benefits  of  classical 
study.  Among  these  are  its  effects  in  securing  completeness 
of  character,  both  intellectual  and  moral.  The  powers  of  the 
soul  are  various  in  their  structure,  and  are  developed  only  by 
various  nourishment.  Being  a  bright  image  of  the  perfect 
Mind  that  formed  it,  the  soul  has  susceptibilities  for  all  things 
beautiful  and  sublime  in  nature  and  in  art.  The  law  graven  on 
it  is  violated  whenever  its  affections  are  hemmed  in  upon  one 
dusty  track.  A  man  may  be  so  absorbed  with  the  cure  of  the 
maladies  of  the  body,  or  of  legislation,  that  a  single  faculty  of 
his  mind  attains  an  enormous  growth,  while  he  has  no  ear 
for  the  music  which  comes  from  every  part  of  the  visible 
creation,  or  those  finer  strains  uttered  by  every  well-attuned 
human  soul. 

An  illustration  of  this  tendency  may  be  drawn  from  the 
clerical  profession.  A  clergyman  may  limit  his  studies  to 
Oriental  literature.  He  may  be  inordinately  fond  of  the 
literary  treasures  of  the  East.  The  poetry  of  the  Hebrews  is, 
undoubtedly,  loftier  than  that  of  any  other  people.  "The 
sweet  singer  of  Israel"  is  the  child  of  nature.  He  opens  his 
imaginative  soul  to  the  full  impression  of  the  scenes  around 
him.  He  is  fettered  by  no  passion  for  ideal  beauty,  by 
none  of  the  devices  of  rhyme,  metre,  or  fastidious  criticism. 
His  song  breaks  out  in  the  stately  rhythm  of  nature.  All  things 
tend  towards  the  sublime.  He  looks  off  from  Lebanon,  and 
sees  the  sun  setting  on  the  level  bosom  of  the  "great  sea, 
and  wide  on  every  hand,"   without    an    intervening    object. 


Xll  INTRODUCTION. 

The  same  luminary,  rising  on  a  boundless  desert  of  sand,  is 
one  of  the  grandest  objects  in  nature.  The  tempest  has  a 
terrible  commission  to  execute  there.  In  his  ideas  of  the  true 
God,  also,  the  Hebrew  has,  immeasurably,  the  superiority 
over  the  Greek  and  the  Roman.  By  universal  consent,  the 
passages  which  are  sublimest  in  Greek  poetry,  are  those 
which  make  the  nearest  approach  to  the  Hebrew  delineations 
of  the  Divine  attributes. 

Yet,  on  the  other  hand,  in  the  quality  of  beauty,  the  Greek 
has  greatly  the  advantage.  His  language  is  an  exact  copy 
of  himself,  easy,  graceful,  flexible,  fashioned  to  express  the 
subtlest  conceptions,  and  to  charm  the  most  practised  ear ; 
cultivated,  till,  as  it  should  seem,  cultivation  could  proceed  no 
further ;  copious  in  its  forms,  perfect  music  in  its  movement. 
The  scenery,  too,  of  Greece,  and  the  natural  treasures  which 
it  contained,  conspired  to  the  same  end.  "Five  hours'  walk 
from  the  plain  of  Marathon,"  says  Dr.  Wordsworth,  "are  the 
marble  quarries  of  Pentelicus,  inviting,  by  its  perfect  whiteness 
and  splendor,  the  chisel  of  Phidias  and  Praxiteles.  On  another 
side  of  Athens,  are  the  quarries  of  the  snow-white  Megarian, 
and  the  grey  stone  of  Eleusis,  to  which  Rome  was  indebted 
for  some  of  her  best  buildings."  All  things  tended  to  make 
the  Greeks  a  nation  of  artists.  They  had  the  richest  materials 
in  overflowing  abundance,  the  kindest  sky  for  the  preservation 
of  their  works,  and  an  exquisite  inward  sense  for  fair  proportion 
and  beautiful  forms. 

Now,  have  not  such  things  an  influence  in  training  the 
mind  of  the  theological  scholar?  If  he  fails  to  cultivate  his 
original  susceptibilities  for  sweet  sounds  and  delicate  thoughts, 
or,  in  other  words,  if  he  does  not  repair  to  the  primary  sources 
and  true  models  for  instruction,  so  far  will  his  soul  continue 


INTRODUCTION.  Xlll 

unformed  and  unsightly.  If  he  cannot  refresh  his  weary  spirit, 
or  unfold  some  of  his  better  faculties  by  classical  culture,  he 
should  accept  it  as  a  severe  misfortune. 

Is  the  study  of  the  modern  tongues  an  equivalent?  The 
French  language  has  immense  stores  of  science ;  the  German, 
of  literature.  Paris  is  the  centre  of  medical  knowledge  ;  Berlin 
and  Heidelberg,  of  legal.  Still,  it  may  be  doubted,  whether 
the  best  works  in  any  modern  language  are  fitted,  in  the  highest 
degree,  to  educate  the  soul.  How  different  is  the  impression 
which  is  felt  in  the  perusal  of  what  are  called  the  classical 
works  in  French  and  German,  from  that  which  is  experienced 
while  reading  the  Tusculan  Questions,  or  the  Phaedo'?  The 
difference,  indeed,  is  partly  owing  to  association.  The  latter 
have  the  ancient  coloring  upon  them.  There  are  a  thousand 
time -hallowed  reminiscences  with  old  Hesiod  and  Homer. 
The  modern  languages  remind  us  of  copy-rights,  and  of  the 
steam  power-press.  Yet  it  is  not  to  be  wholly  ascribed  to  the 
mellowing  effect  of  time.  No  languages  ever  were,  none  ever 
will  be,  polished,  like  the  Greek  and  Latin.  There  is  no 
similar  instance  in  the  ancient  world.  No  such  phenomenon 
will  exist  hereafter,  because  all  the  modern  languages  are 
necessarily  undergoing  rapid  changes.  The  art  of  printing 
is  as  fatal  to  the  perfection  of  the  outward  form  in  English 
or  in  German,  as  it  is  to  the  faultless  calligraphy  of  the 
Persian  scribe.  Innumerable  causes  are  at  work  to  modify 
the  German,  a  language  which  has  some  close  affinities  to 
the  Greek.  Should  it  cease  to  be,  in  some  of  the  strange 
accidents  of  time,  a  spoken  language,  stopped  in  its  mid-career, 
like  a  stream  from  the  Alps  suddenly  congealed  by  the  frost, 
what  motley  forms  would  it  reveal !  How  different  from  the 
two  classical  languages!  About  these,  there  is  a  repose,  a 
sculpture-like  finish,  a  serenity,  to  which  no  modern  dialect 
B 


XIV  INTRODUCTION. 

approaches.  What  a  perfect  correspondence  between  the 
thought  and  the  expression.  The  writer  does  not  stumble 
on  a  synonym,  or  a  word  somewhere  in  the  neighborhood  of 
that  which  was  needed,  like  most  modern  authors,  but  hits  the 
very  word.  We  feel  that  it  would  be  sacrilege  to  try  to  change 
it  for  another.  In  the  best  Greek  writers,  the  collocation  of 
words  is  wonderfully  felicitous,  not  resulting  from  the  laws  of 
prosody  alone,  but  from  the  musical  soul  of  the  writer.  The 
Italian  is  called  a  beautiful  language,  but  how  unlike  is  its 
monotony  to  the  endless  variety  of  the  Homeric  hexameter, 
or  the  lofty  rhythm  of  the  Platonic  prose. 

It  is  sometimes  asked,  in  a  skeptical  tone,  why  this  idolatrous 
attachment  to  the  classics?  Why  do  Latin  and  Greek  hold 
such  a  supremacy  over  the  thousand  tongues  of  earth?  It  is 
enough  to  answer,  that  the  fact  is  beyond  contradiction.  We 
do  not  know  why  the  Egyptian  language  was  not  more  perfect. 
Yet  we  hardly  feel  bound  to  sit  down  and  study  Coptic  for 
the  purpose  of  improving  our  taste.  It  is  not  known  why 
there  have  not  been  more  than  one  Shakspeare  and  one  Milton. 
But,  because  our  attachment  to  these  masters  may  be  called 
idolatrous,  ought  we  to  betake  ourselves  to  Sir  Richard 
Blackmore's  Creation  and  Glover's  Leonidas?  Just  so  with 
Greek  and  Latin.  They  happen  to  be  the  only  languages 
which  are  developed  according  to  the  rules  of  perfect  art. 
Therefore  it  is  the  wisdom  of  all  public  men,  who  would 
mature  their  own  faculties,  and  labor  worthily  in  their 
respective  spheres,  to  devote  a  little  time  every  day  to  these 
ancient  masters  of  wisdom  and  eloquence. 

The  members  of  the  learned  professions  are  necessarily 
involved  in  wearying  cares.  In  the  whirl  of  business,  or  in 
the  collisions  of  interest,  the  feelings  of  the  heart  are 
apt  to  be  blunted,  and,  though  once  delicate  and  gentle,  to 


INTRODUCTION.  XV 

become  harsh  and  violent.  Something  is  needed  to  soothe  the 
chafed  spirit.  What  better  resort  than  to  Cicero's  Epistles, 
or  Homer's  Odyssey,  in  order  to  calm  the  troubled  heart,  and 
recall  the  pleasant  days  of  early  youth.  The  very  sight  of  an 
ancient  classic  sometimes  acts  as  a  spell  to  lay  the  irritated 
temper.  It  speaks  with  the  voice  of  an  affectionate  monitor, 
full  of  the  words  of  wisdom. 

In  the  strifes  of  various  kinds,  which  all  men  in  public  life 
must  encounter,  more  or  less,  it  is  well  that  there  is  a  common 
ground  on  which  they  can  mingle  in  friendly  intercourse. 
There  is  an  ancient  classical  homestead,  which  has  not  been 
divided  off  among  the  different  heirs.  All  will  be  received 
back  with  a  joyous  welcome.  All  have  the  same  right  to  the 
fruits  and  flowers.  No  theories  of  government,  no  theological 
feuds,  no  small  bickerings,  may  find  admission  among  this 
happy  gathering.  There  is  a  binding  influence  even  in  Greek 
and  Latin  words.  In  the  very  midst  of  a  stormy  debate,  a 
felicitous  classical  allusion  will  sometimes  restore  good  humor. 
On  the  floor  of  the  British  parliament,  a  well-timed  citation 
from  Horace  has  often  been  like  oil  poured  upon  the  troubled 
waters.  It  recalls  to  whig  and  tory  the  happy  days  of 
Eton  and  of  Westminster,  or  the  ripening  scholarship  and 
joyous  communion  of  later  college  days.  In  a  neighboring 
State,  there  is  a  veteran  statesman  and  scholar,  who  was 
fourteen  years  a  senator  of  the  United  States,  "  whose  selectest 
pleasure  it  has  been,  for  sixty  years,  to  commune  with  those 
immortal  minds,  who  have  bequeathed  to  the  world  the  richest 
treasures  of  thought,  and  the  most  exquisite  models  of  style." 
Who  can  tell  the  worth  of  this  venerable  Nestor,  in  maintaining 
the  decorum  of  a  deliberative  body  1  The  scenes  of  wild 
turmoil  that  have  so  often  reigned  in  the  lower  branch,  to  the 
shame  of  the  actors  and  the  sorrow  of  the  country,  were  not 


XVI  INTRODUCTION. 

caused,  it  may  be  confidently  affirmed,  by  the  classical  scholars 
in  that  house.  Those,  who  daily  commune  with  the  best 
minds  of  antiquity,  may,  and  sometimes  do,  differ  in  political 
opinion,  but  they  have  no  taste  for  the  coarse  dialect  of  the 
low-bred  politician.  The  vernacular  language  is  the  armory 
to  which  the  demagogue  resorts.  A  thorough  classical 
training,  and  a  continued  recurrence,  through  life,  to  these 
sources  of  refined  feeling  and  elegant  thought,  is  one  of  the 
best  assurances  for  a  kind  and  gentlemanly  deportment  in 
public  men. 

A  happy  influence  is  exerted  by  classical  study  in  another 
way.  It  is  well  known,  that  our  mental  and  moral  habits  are 
intimately  connected  with  our  style  of  thinking  and  of  speaking. 
Thus  our  sense  of  rectitude  is  very  much  dependent  on  the 
accuracy  of  the  language  which  we  employ.  Confusion  in 
speech  leads  to  confusion  in  morals.  Perspicuity  in  diction 
is  often  the  parent  of  clear  mental  and  moral  conceptions. 
Hence,  scarcely  any  thing  is  more  important  in  the  culture 
of  the  young,  than  exact  attention  to  the  nicer  shades  of 
thought ;  than  the  ability  to  discriminate  in  respect  to  all 
terms,  those  relating  to  moral  subjects  particularly,  which 
are,  in  general,  regarded  as  synonymous.  One  of  the  chief 
benefits  of  classical  study  goes  to  this  very  point.  It  is 
itself  a  process  of  accurate  comparison.  It  is  taking  the 
valuation,  as  it  were,  of  the  whole  stock  of  two  most  copious 
languages.  Some  of  the  principal  authors  use  words  with 
wonderful  precision.  Plato,  for  instance,  defines  with 
microscopic  acuteness.  His  power  of  analysis  was,  perhaps, 
never  equalled.  His  ear  seemed  to  be  so  trained  as  to  detect 
the  slightest  differences  both  in  the  sense  and  in  the  sound  of 
words.  This  is  one  reason  why  no  translation  can  do  justice 
either  to  his  poetic  cadences,  or  to  his  thoughts.     No  one  can 


INTRODUCTION.  XVll 

be  familiar  with  such  an  author,  and  really  perceive  the  fitness 
of  his  words,  and  the  truth  of  the  distinctions  which  they 
imply,  without  becoming-  himself  a  more  exact  reasoner  and 
a  nicer  judge  of  moral  truth.  Language,  when  thus  employed, 
is  not  a  dead  thing.  It  re-acts,  with  quickening  power,  on 
our  minds  and  hearts.  When  we  use  words  of  definite  import, 
oar  intellectual  and  moral  judgments  will  become  definite. 
A  hazy  dialect  is  the  parent  of  a  hazy  style  of  thinking,  if  it  is 
not  of  doubtful  actions.  The  dishonest  man,  or  the  dishonest 
State,  often  allow  themselves  to  be  imposed  upon  by  a  loose 
mode  of  reasoning,  and  a  looser  use  of  language.  Here,  then, 
may  be  drawn  an  argument  not  unimportant,  in  favor  of 
continued  attention  to  those  finished  models  of  style  and  of 
thought,  which  are  found  in  the  studies  in  question.  They 
nourish  a  delicacy  of  perception,  and  the  sentiments  and  feelings 
gradually  gain  that  crystal  clearness  which  belongs  to  the 
visible  symbols. 

Once  more,  it  is  to  be  feared,  that  a  degenerating  process 
has  been  long  going  on  in  our  vernacular  tongue.  There 
is  danger  that  it  will  become  the  dialect  of  conceits,  of 
prettinesses,  of  dashing  coxcombry,  or  of  affected  strength, 
and  of  extravagant  metaphor.  Preachers,  as  well  as  writers, 
appear  to  regard  convulsive  force  as  the  only  quality 
of  a  good  style.  They  seem  to  imagine  that  the  human 
heart  is,  in  all  its  moods,  to  be  carried  by  storm.  Their  aim 
is  the  production  of  immediate  practical  effect.  Hence,  there 
is  a  struggle  for  the  boldest  figures  and  the  most  passionate 
oratory.  The  same  tendency  is  seen  in  the  hall  of  legislation, 
and  pre-eminently  in  much  of  our  popular  literature.  Passion  ; 
over-statement ;  ridiculous  conceits ;  the  introduction  of  terms 
that  have  no  citizenship  in  any  language  on  earth ;  a  disregard 
of  grammar ;  an  affected  smartness,  characterize,  to  a  very 
Bb 


XV111  INTRODUCTION. 

melancholy  degree,  our  recent  literature.  To  be  natural,  is 
to  be  antiquated.  To  use  correct  and  elegant  English,  is  to 
plod.  Hesitancy  in  respect  to  the  adoption  of  some  new- 
fangled word,  is  the  sure  sign  of  a  purist.  Such  writers 
as  Addison  and  Swift  are  not  to  be  mentioned  in  the  ears  of 
our  "  enterprising  "  age.  The  man  or  the  woman,  who  should 
be  caught  reading  the  Spectator,  would  be  looked  upon  as 
smitten  with  lunacy.  In  short,  there  is  reason  to  fear,  that 
our  noble  old  tongue  is  changing  into  a  dialect  for  traffickers, 
magazine-writers,  and  bedlamites. 

One  way  by  which  this  acknowledged  evil  may  be  stayed, 
is  a  return  to  such  books  as  Milton,  Dry  den  and  Cowper  loved  ; 
to  such  as  breathed  their  spirit  into  the  best  literature  of 
England  ;  to  the  old  historians  and  poets,  that  were  pondered 
over,  from  youth  to  hoary  years,  by  her  noblest  divines, 
philosophers,  and  statesmen.  Eloquence,  both  secular  and 
sacred,  such  as  the  English  world  has  never  listened  to 
elsewhere,  has  flowed  from  minds  that  were  imbued  with 
classical  learning. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


Page. 
Introduction, 3 

I. 

Schools  of  German  Philology,    S 13 

II. 

Study  of  Greek  Literature,    E.    .        .  •      .        .        .        .33 

III. 
Study  of  Classical  Antiquity,    E 45 

IV. 
Wealth  of  the  Greeks  in  Works  of  Plastic  Art,    F.         65 

V. 

Philological  Correspondence,    S 99 

David  Ruhnken  to  John  Daniel  Ritter,  ....       101 

Ruhnken  to  Ritter, 103 

Ruhnken  to  Ritter, 103 

Ruhnken  to  Ritter, 106 

Ruhnken  to  J.  P.  D'Orville, 106 

Ruhnken  to  D'Orville, 107 

Ruhnken  to  J.  A.  Ernesti, 107 

Ruhnken  to  Ernesti, 108 

Ruhnken  to  Ernesti, ,        ,       108 

Ruhnken  to  Ernesti, 109 

Ruhnken  to  Ernesti, HO 

Ruhnken  to  Ernesti, HI 

C.  G.  Heyne  to  Ernesti, 112 


XX  CONTENDS. 

Page. 

Ruhnken  to  Heyne, 113 

Ruhnken  to  Heyne, 114 

Ruhnken  to  Heyne, 115 

Ruhnken  to  Heyne, 115 

Ruhnken  to  Heyne, 116 

Ruhnken  to  Heyne, 117 

Ruhnken  to  Immanuel  Kant, 117 

Ruhnken  to  Thomas  Tyrwhitt, 119 

Ruhnken  to  John  Henry  Voss, 119 

Voss  to  Ruhnken, 120 

Ruhnken  to  F.  A.  Wolf, 123 

Ruhnken  to  Wolf, 124 

Daniel  Wyttenbach  to  William  Cleaver, 125 

Wyttenbach  to  J.  C.  Banks, 128 

Wyttenbach  to  Thomas  Gaisford, 129 

Wyttenbach  to  Gaisford, 130 

Wyttenbach  to  J.  B.  G.  Villoison, 132 

Wyttenbach  to  Villoison, 132 

Wyttenbach  to  Pierre-Henri  Larcher, 133 

Wyttenbach  to  Sainte  Croix, 135 

Wyttenbach  to  Sainte  Croix, 137 

Wyttenbach  to  J.  A.  Boissonade, 140 

Wyttenbach  to  Chardon  la  Rochette, 141 

Wyttenbach  to  Larcher, 142 

Wyttenbach  to  J.  B.  Gail, 143 

Wyttenbach  to  Count  de  Fontanes, 144 

Wyttenbach  to  H.  C.  A.  Eichstaedt, 146 

Wyttenbach  to  J.  C.  Bang,    .  148 

Wyttenbach  to  Christian  Daniel  Beck, 150 

Wyttenbach  to  F.  A.  Wolf, 151 

Wyttenbach  to  Heyne, 153 

Wyttenbach  to  C.  G.  Schtttz, 156 

Wyttenbach  to  Wolf, 157 

Wyttenbach  to  Augustus  Matthiae, 158 

Wyttenbach  to  Frederic  Creuzer, 161 

Wyttenbach  to  Creuzer, 163 

Wyttenbach  to  Augustus  Bockh,  i  164 

Wyttenbach  to  Heyne, 164 

Wyttenbach  to  A.  H.  Niemeyer, 166 

J.  C.  Adelung  to  C.  G.  Schutz,      .......      166 

J.  A.  Apel  to  Schtttz,         ........  167 

F.  J.  Bast  to  Schtttz, 168 

F.  SchOll  to  Schtttz,  .  169 

Immanuel  Bekker  to  Schtttz,         ......      169 


CONTENTS 


Augustus  Backh  to  Schtitz, 

Bockh  to  Schutz, 

K.  A.  Bottiger  to  Schtitz, 

Bottiger  to  Schatz;    . 

Bottiger  to  Schtitz, 

Bottiger  to  Schtitz,    . 

Bftttiger  to  Schtitz, 

Bottiger  to  Schatz;    . 

Bottiger  to  Schtitz, 

Bottiger  to  Schtitz,    . 

Bottiger  to  Schtitz, 

A.  B.  Caillard  to  Schtitz,  . 

Caillard  to  Schiitz, 

Creuzer  to  Schtitz,     . 

Creuzer  to  Schtitz, 

Creuzer  to  Schutz,     . 

Eichstaedt  to  Schtitz,     . 

Eichstaedt  to  Schtitz, 

J.  G.  Gruber  to  Schtitz, 

Gruber  to  Schtitz, 

Gruber  to  Schutz,  . 

Gruber  to  Schutz, 

Godfrey  Hermann  to  Schtitz, 

Hermann  to  SchQtz, 

Hermann  to  Schiitz, 

Hermann  to  Schtttz,  . 

C.  D.  Ilgen  to  Schiitz,   . 

Frederic  Jacobs  to  Schutz, 

Jacobs  to  Schtitz,  . 

Jacobs  to  Schiitz, 

Jacobs  to  Schutz,  . 

Jacobs  to  Schiitz, 

Jacobs  to  SchQtz,  . 

Jacobs  to  Schutz, 

Jacobs  to  Schutz, 

Schiitz  to  Jacobs, 

Schtitz  to  Jacobs,  . 

Schutz  to  Jacobs, 

G.  Schafer  to  Schutz,    . 

Schafer  to  Schutz,     . 

Schafer  to  Schutz, 

Schafer  to  Schtitz,     . 

Francis  Passow  to  Hudtwalker, 

Passow  to  Ernest  Breem, 


XX11  CONTENTS. 

Page. 
Passow  to  Jacobs,  ........       200 

Passow  to  Henry  Voss,     ........  203 

Passow  to  Voss; 204 

Passow  to  Voss,         .  §  206 

Passow  to  Voss,     .-..••...       206 
Passow  to  Jacobs,      . 207 

VI. 

School  of  Philology  in  Holland,    E.  ....      209 

Early  Philologists,     .         . .211 

Tiberius  Hemsterhuys, 213 

L.  C.  Valckenaer, 228 

David  Ruhnken, 229 

Daniel  Wyttenbach, 246 

Philip  Van  Heusde,        ........       264 

Living  Philologists, 264 

VII. 

Superiority  of  the  Greek  Language  in  the  use  of  its 

Dialects,    F. 267 

VIII. 
History  of  the  Latin  Language,    S 287 

IX. 

Education  of  the  Moral  Sentiment  among  the  Ancient 

Greeks,    F.    . 313 

Notes, 355 


I. 


SCHOOLS  OF  GERMAN  PHILOLOGY. 


CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 


SCHOOLS  OE  GERMAN  PHILOLOGY. 

Nothing  in  Germany  attracts  the  attention  of  the 
literary  world  more  than  the  philological  attainments  of 
her  great  scholars.  "While,  on  the  one  hand,  we  are 
interested  to  know  the  results  of  their  immense  learning 
and  toil,  in  order  that  we  may  not  remain  ignorant  of 
those  things  pertaining  to  antiquity,  with  which  so  many 
are  familiar,  we  are  not  less  concerned,  on  the  other  hand, 
to  ascertain  the  process  by  which  such  scholarship  is 
formed,  so  that  we,  also,  may  enter  upon  the  same  course 
of  improvement. 

In  giving  some  account  of  the  principal  classical 
philologists  of  Germany,  we  shall  best  accomplish  our 
object,  by  exhibiting  the  peculiar  character  of  the  different 
schools  of  German  philology,  accompanied  by  examples 
of  individuals,  who  have  risen  to  eminence  in  Greek  and 
Roman  literature,  only  by  efforts  of  an  extraordinary 
character. 

Heyne  and  Winckelmann  are  the  two  individuals  who 
have  contributed  most  to  the  formation  of  the  present 
character    of    German    philology,    and    who,    therefore, 
deserve  our  first  attention. 
2 


14 


CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 


Heyne  was  a  native  of  Chemnitz,  in  the  kingdom  of 
Saxony.  His  parents  lived  in  the  greatest  poverty. 
Want  was  the  earliest  companion  of  his  childish  sports. 
The  first  impressions  made  upon  his  heart  were  those 
produced  by  a  mother's  tears,  on  returning  to  her  house, 
at  the  close  of  the  week,  without  having  sold  enough  of 
the  cloth  woven  by  her  husband,  to  furnish  bread  for  their 
children.  His  earliest  employment  was  to  wander  about, 
endeavoring  to  force  the  sale  of  this  article,  in  times 
of  great  commercial  depression.  Indeed,  his  father's 
condition  was  not  unlike  that  of  the  starving  English 
operatives  at  this  moment.  The  heart  of  young  Heyne 
was  driven  to  desperation,  and  the  hungry  boy  was 
naturally  enough  a  violent  Chartist  in  feeling;  and  he 
afterwards  attributed  it  to  the  kindness  of  Providence,  that 
there  was  no  popular  tumult  to  set  fire  to  his  patriotic 
soul.  He  entered  the  school  in  the  fauxbourg,  and, 
during  the  first  year,  gave  lessons  to  little  children,  in 
order  to  raise  money  to  pay  his  own  tuition.  At  length, 
the  ordinary  instruction  in  the  school  no  longer  met  his 
wants,  and,  to  take  lessons  in  Latin,  would  cost  three 
cents  a  week  more,  which  neither  he  nor  his  parents 
could  provide.  One  day,  as  he  was  sent  to  a  distant 
relative  for  a  loaf  of  bread,  his  countenance  showed  that 
he  had  been  weeping.  On  inquiry,  it  was  ascertained 
that  poverty  kept  him  from  those  studies  which  he  longed 
to  pursue,  and  the  three  cents  a  week  were  at  once 
promised  him.  The  boy  returned,  tossing  his  loaf  into 
the  air,  and  bounding,  with  his  bare  feet,  like  a  lamb.  As 
he  made  rapid  progress  in  his  studies,  the  time  soon  came, 
when  he  could  learn  no  more  at  the  school  in  the  suburbs. 
At  this  period,  if  there  had  been  the  least  encouragement 
to  industry,  he  would  have  become  a  weaver,  like  his 
father.  His  fondest  desire  was  to  enter  the  Latin  school 
within  the  walls  of  the  town ;  but  whence  could  he  obtain 


HEYNE WINCKELMANN.  15 

his  gulden  a  week  for  tuition,  his  books,  and  his  blue 
mantle  ?  A  pastor  in  the  fauxbourg  had  received  good 
accounts  of  the  boy's  talents  and  scholarship,  and  was, 
moreover,  his  second  sponsor.  These  circumstances 
induced  the  good  preacher  to  have  the  youth  examined  by 
a  competent  instructor ;  and,  the  examination  turning  out 
favorably,  he  sent  him  to  the  Latin  school,  at  his  own 
expense.  In  this  school  he  remained  seven  years,  during 
which  period  he  made  great  progress  in  his  studies. 

At  the  age  of  nineteen,  he  went  to  Leipsic;  but,  on 
arriving  at  the  university,  he  learned,  for  the  first  time, 
that  his  support  was  to  be  discontinued.  Indeed,  he  had 
earned  his  living,  for  some  time,  by  giving  private  lessons  ; 
but  he  had  been  encouraged  to  expect  the  continued  aid  of 
the  old  preacher.  Thus,  with  but  two  guldens  in  his 
pocket — less  than  two  dollars — with  a  slender  wardrobe, 
and  with  no  books,  he  found  himself  a  stranger,  in  a  large 
city,  about  to  enter  the  university.  Most  boys  would  have 
returned  home  at  once,  and  have  abandoned  a  pursuit 
beset  with  so  many  difficulties.  Heyne  was  willing  to 
endure  any  hardship,  if  he  might  go  on  with  his  studies. 
His  sufferings,  at  this  period,  were  almost  incredible.  He 
was  reduced  to  such  extreme  distress,  that  a  waiting-maid 
was  moved  to  compassion,  and  actually  supplied  him  daily 
with  food  from  her  own  wages.  "  Dear  creature,"  he 
afterwards  exclaimed,  when  at  the  head  of  the  critics  of 
his  age,  "  could  I  now  but  find  thee  among  the  living, 
how  gladly  would  I  repay  thee  !"  Some  of  the  professors 
admitted  him  gratuitously  to  their  lectures ;  one  of  them 
lent  him  books,  and  gave  him  advice ;  and,  among  other 
things,  advised  him  to  follow  Scaliger's  example,  and  read 
the  Greek  authors  through,  in  chronological  order.  He 
followed  the  advice  with  such  ardor,  or,  in  his  own 
language,  "with  such  folly,"  that,  for  more  than  six 
months,  he    slept   only  two   nights    in   the  week.     But 


16  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

another  professor  sent  the  beadle  to  demand  the  tuition  for 
a  course  of  lectures,  a  part  of  which  only  he  had  attended. 
Heyne  was  in  distress.  He  had  never  succeeded  in 
obtaining  a  stipend.  He  often  had  to  buy  his  dinner 
with  less  than  three  pfennigs,  or  about  one  cent.  At  this 
time,  he  had  an  opportunity  of  becoming  a  private  tutor 
in  a  family.  "  But  I  perceived,"  he  observes,  in  his 
autobiography,  "  that  to  leave  the  university  then, 
would  ruin  my  scholarship  for  life.  For  several  days,  I 
struggled  under  these  contending  influences.  I  cannot 
now  comprehend  how  it  was,  that  I  had  the  courage  to 
decline  the  offer,  and  to  pursue  my  studies  at  the 
university."  These  are  among  the  most  interesting 
incidents  in  Heyne's  early  life.  But  his  evil  star 
followed  him  to  the  very  day  of  his  appointment  to  the 
most  important  philological  professorship  in  Germany. 
Even  after  he  had  finished  his  course  in  the  university, 
and  while  he  was  in  Dresden,  living  on  promises  of 
promotion,  he  could  not  afford  to  hire  lodgings.  A  friend 
permitted  him  to  stay  in  his  room,  but  could  offer  him  no 
bed.  He  slept  on  the  floor,  with  books  for  his  pillow. 
Heeren,  his  son-in-law,  and  biographer,  says,  that  "  a  sort 
of  soup,  made  of  the  empty  pods  of  peas,  was  often  his 
only  repast."  After  a  few  years,  when  the  place  of 
Gesner,  the  celebrated  professor  of  languages  in  Gottingen, 
became  vacant  by  his  death,  Euhnken,  of  Leyden,  was 
invited  to  fill  it.  But  he  preferred  not  to  leave  Holland, 
where  he  had  resided  so  long,  and  was  so  advantageously 
situated,  and  declined  the  appointment,  adding  the  inquiry, 
why  the  university  should  think  it  necessary  to  go  out  of 
the  country  to  find  a  worthy  successor  of  Gesner;  and 
affirming,  that  there  was  a  young  man  in  Saxony,  who 
would  soon  fill  Europe  with  his  fame ;  that  his  name  was 
Christian  Gottlob  Heyne.  A  letter  was  immediately 
addressed  to  Ernesti,  in  Leipsic,  to  ascertain  where  the 


HEYNE WINCKELMANN.  17 

individual  was  to  be  found.  All  that  Ernesti  could  say- 
was,  that  there  was  such  a  young  man,  and  that  he  was 
somewhere  in  Dresden.  Letters  were  then  sent  to  the 
Saxon  capital,  but  no  information  respecting  Heyne  could, 
at  first,  be  obtained.  Thus  the  residence  of  the  candidate 
for  the  most  important  professorship  in  Germany  could  not, 
without  difficulty,  be  found  !  Euhnken  and  Hemsterhuys, 
in  Holland,  had  read  his  edition  of  Tibullus,  and  predicted 
his  future  greatness;  and  their  word  overcame  all  the 
doubts  arising  from  the  fact  of  his  obscurity. 

From  the  hour  of  that  appointment,  we  are  to  date  the 
origin  of  the  present  school  of  German  philology.  Gesner 
and  Ernesti  had  previously  introduced  a  better  taste ;  but 
the  comprehensiveness  and  thoroughness  of  modern 
German  philology  are  first  found  in  Heyne.  Until  his 
time,  classical  literature  did  not  form  a  distinct  profession. 
It  was  but  a  subsidiary  branch  of  the  other  professions, 
especially  of  theology.  Heyne  was  the  first  man  who 
took  his  position,  not  as  a  theologian,  or  jurist,  but  as  a 
philologist  by  profession.  He  enlarged  the  domain  of 
philology,  marked  out  its  boundaries,  and  arranged  its 
parts  into  a  complete  and  independent  system. 

We  would  not  claim  undue  regard  for  this  distinguished 
man,  nor  exalt  him  at  the  expense  of  others.  Ernesti  and 
Gesner  have  their  just  fame,  and  they  can  never  be 
despoiled  of  it.  But  it  would  argue  great  ignorance  of  the 
facts  in  the  case,  to  deny  the  distinction  just  made.  Nor 
would  we  attribute  to  Heyne,  what  has  been  accomplished 
by  his  successors.  Wolf,  and  Hermann,  and  Bockh  have, 
unquestionably,  made  great  advances  upon  him. 

But  it  would  be  wrong  to  attribute  all  the  improvement, 
made  in  philology,  to  Heyne.  Twelve  years  earlier, 
another  poor  boy,  son  of  a  cobbler,  was  born  in  Stendal, 
about  midway  between  Berlin  and  Hamburg.  The 
extraordinary  force  of  his  character  alone  raised  him  above 
2* 


18  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

the  occupation  of  his  father.  He  pushed  his  way  along 
in  the  world  by  his  own  resoluteness  and  unconquerable 
love  of  knowledge.  In  the  Latin  school — into  which  he 
found  his  way,  nobody  knows  how — he  maintained 
himself,  as  Luther  did,  by  singing  before  the  doors  of  the 
great,  and  by  giving  private  lessons  in  music.  In  his 
sixteenth  year,  he  went  to  Berlin,  in  order  to  enjoy  better 
literary  advantages.  Fabricius  had  recently  died;  and 
the  extensive  and  select  library  of  that  great  scholar  was 
about  to  be  sold  in  Hamburg  by  public  auction.  This 
poor  country  boy  felt  an  insatiable  desire  for  some  of  the 
choice  editions  of  the  classics  contained  in  that  library. 
He  accordingly  undertook  the  journey  from  Berlin  to 
Hamburg  on  foot,  a  distance  of  about  160  miles,  and  on 
his  way,  begged  of  the  rich  the  money  for  the  purchase, 
and  returned  on  foot,  with  the  books  on  his  shoulders. 
We  cannot  pursue  his  early  career  any  further.  He 
entered  the  university  of  Halle.  Afterwards,  he  became 
conrector,  or  usher,  in  the  gymnasium  of  Seehausen, 
where  he  laid  the  foundation  of  his  Greek  scholarship. 
Having  struggled  with  numerous  difficulties,  and  made 
various  fruitless  attempts  to  enter  upon  a  higher  course, 
he  finally  succeeded  in  becoming  librarian  to  a  nobleman 
near  Dresden,  where  his  aspiring  genius  not  only  found 
nourishment  in  the  literary  treasures  of  that  city,  but 
received  its  proper  direction,  from  the  collections  of  art 
which  adorn  this  Florence  of  Germany.  It  was  here,  that 
the  way  was,  at  length,  opened  for  his  being  transferred  to 
Rome,  and  placed  in  the  midst  of  the  ruins  of  the  anci  nt 
world.  He  was,  at  first,  secretary  to  one  of  the  cardinals, 
who  needed  the  aid  of  a  Greek  scholar  in  his  library. 
Winckelmann's  progress  in  ancient  learning  and  ancient 
art  was  wonderful.  He  read  all  the  remains  of  Greek 
literature,  in  order  to  throw  their  concentrated  light  upon 
the   history  of  art.      Not   only  were  these   productions, 


HEYNE WINCKELMANN.  19 

including  fragments  and  inscriptions,  interpreted  with 
philological  severity,  but  the  original  text  was  criticised 
and  corrected,  as  it  had  been  done  by  no  student  of  art 
before  him.  He  was  soon  regarded  as  the  first  Grecian 
in  Eome.  His  History  of  Ancient  Art  was  no  sooner 
published,  than  it  placed  him  at  the  head  of  that  department 
of  learning  in  Europe.  He  was  made  superintendent  of 
all  the  antiquities  in  and  about  Eome,  and,  afterwards, 
president  of  the  society  of  Antiquarians.  The  most 
interesting  fact  to  us  is,  that,  through  Winckelmann, 
classical  literature  was  associated  with  the  elegant  arts. 
The  cultivation  of  a  Grecian  taste  now  became  distinctly 
an  object  of  the  student's  ambition ;  and,  by  the  confluence 
of  the  two  new  streams  of  learning,  which  flowed  fresh  from 
the  schools  of  Heyrie  and  Winckelmann,  was  produced 
that  style  of  scholarship  which  is,  at  present,  the  chief 
characteristic  of  German  philology,  and  which  is  most 
perfectly  represented,  in  all  its  parts  and  due  proportions, 
in  the  lamented  Charles  Otfried  Miiller,  of  Gottingen,  a 
scholar,  whose  early  death  has  deprived  classical  learning 
of  one  of  its  chief  ornaments. 

Before  proceeding  to  sketch  the  history  of  this  modern 
school  of  philology,  it  will  be  necessary  to  survey  the 
state  of  classical  learning  in  Europe,  as  it  was  in  the  year 
1767,  just  before  the  assassination  of  Winckelmann,  when 
Heyne  was  thirty-eight  years  of  age. 

A  bright  day  had  long  before  dawned  on  Italy.  Bembo 
and  Manutius  had  successfully  imitated  the  Ciceronian 
Latinity.  A  youthful  enthusiasm  had  seized  upon  the 
choice  spirits  of  the  nation.  The  sighing  of  Petrarch 
after  the  Homeric  songs,  had  found  not  only  a  response, 
but  had  attained  the  object  of  its  longing,  in  the  Greek 
school  of  the  court  of  the  Medici.  No  one  is  ignorant  of 
the  immense  benefit  which  resulted  to  Europe  from  the 
classic  spirit  which  was  awakened,  at  an  early  period,  in 


20  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

Italy.  But  if  we  estimate  it  according  to  the  standard  of 
the  present,  we  shall  see,  that,  if  it  had  the  freshness  of 
youth,  it  had  its  weakness  too.  At  a  later  period,  Italian 
scholarship  declined,  and,  in  Winckelmann's  time,  it  was 
comparatively  weak  and  superficial. 

France  had  taken  up  classical  learning  with  more 
vigor.  Never  did  that  nation  manifest  more  intellectual 
power  than  through  her  early  Grecian  scholars.  The 
achievements  of  Henry  Stephens,  of  Scaliger,  Casaubon, 
and  of  Salmasius,  will  bear  honorable  comparison  with 
those  of  her  greatest  mathematicians.  But  her  golden 
age  of  classical  learning  terminated  with  the  banishment 
of  the  Huguenots. 

England  and  Holland  had  put  a  strong  hand  to  the 
same  great  work,  but  each  in  a  different  way,  and  with 
widely  different  results.  The  former,  by  establishing  a 
national  system  of  classical  education,  has  impressed  upon 
the  literary  and  historical  character  of  the  people  the  marks 
of  Greek  and  Roman  greatness.  The  latter  collected, 
with  great  industry,  her  folios,  to  swell  the  libraries  of  the 
learned,  who  formed  a  separate  caste,  having  but  little  to 
do  with  their  fellow-citizens,  or  with  the  native  language 
and  literature.  England,  in  the  days  of  Stanley,  pursued 
the  favorite  method  of  polyhistory,  as  it  was  termed, 
which  was  introduced  by  the  French,  and  carried  to  an 
extreme  by  the  Dutch.  At  a  later  period,  it  separated 
history  and  geography  from  philology  and  criticism ;  and, 
under  Bentley,  Taylor,  Markland,  Tyrwhitt  and  others, 
English  philology  rose  to  such  an  eminence,  as  to  become 
the  admiration  of  the  learned  of  all  countries.  Through 
Porson  and  his  followers,  it  became  so  exquisite,  and  so 
limited  to  the  mere  language  and  metre  of  the  Greek 
tragedians,  to  the  neglect  of  the  orators,  historians,  and 
philosophers,  as  to  lose  its  strong  hold  on  the  general 
character  of  the  nation. 


HEYNE WINCKELMANN.  21 

Meanwhile,  the  Dutch  critics  prosecuted  their  method 
of  accumulating  facts  and  parallel  passages,  with  as  little 
concern  for  their  native  tongue  as  for  the  Chinese.  No 
one  discoursed  in  purer  Latin  than  Euhnken;  but  he 
nearly  forgot  his  native  German,  and  despised  the  Dutch, 
as  did  all  the  scholars  of  Holland  at  that  time.  Hermann 
says  of  him,  that,  in  conversation,  he  spoke  no  language, 
but  dealt  out  a  medley  of  Dutch,  Latin,  French  and 
English.  Roman  literature  and  Latin  poetry  were  most 
cultivated  in  Holland.  A  distinguished  Grecian  school  had, 
indeed,  sprung  up  under  the  auspices  of  Hemsterhuys, 
and  was  now  in  its  highest  glory,  under  Ruhnken. 

We  are  now  prepared  to  assign  to  Heyne  his  true 
position.  If  we  go  back  to  the  period  of  1767,  we  find, 
in  all  the  south  of  Europe,  none  who  could  compete  with 
him,  except  Winckelmann,  who  was  now  at  Rome  ;  and 
he,  by  nature  an  artist,  and  a  critic  by  study,  excelled  in 
a  congenial,  but  different,  department  of  learning.  They 
were  friends  and  correspondents ;  and  the  influence  of  the 
latter,  upon  the  studies  of  the  former,  was  of  the  happiest 
kind.  In  the  west,  was  his  friend  and  admirer,  Ruhnken, 
in  Leyden,  six  years  older  than  himself.  Hemsterhuys 
had  been  dead  one  year.  Wyttenbach  was  but  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  and  was  still  at  Marburg.  He  was  yet  to  study 
at  Gottingen,  under  Heyne,  before  removing  to  Holland. 
In  England,  was  the  aged  Markland,  modest,  refined, 
and  hypochondriacal;  and  the  physician,  Musgrave; 
but  the  young  Tyrwhitt  was  the  only  brilliant  star  in  the 
English  constellation  of  critics  at  that  time.  Parr  was  of 
the  same  age  with  Wyttenbach,  and  Porson  was  but  a 
boy,  eight  years  old.  Of  all  these,  Ruhnken  alone  could 
dispute  the  palm  with  Heyne.  In  his  own  country, 
the  latter  was  then  without  a  rival.  He  differed  from 
Winckelmann,  by  surveying  all  the  literary  remains  of 
the  ancients,  from  poetry,  instead  of  art,  as  its  centre ;  from 


22  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

the  French  and  Dutch  critics,  not  so  much  by  extent 
of  erudition,  as  by  refinement  of  taste.  He  introduced 
order  and  system,  doing,  for  what  the  Germans  term  the 
science  of  antiquity,  the  same  that  Bacon  did  for  natural 
science.  He  was  a  less  exquisite  verbal  critic  than 
Ruhnken,  but  his  range  of  study  was  more  comprehensive 
and  systematic. 

We  dwell  the  longer  on  Heyne's  personal  history,  as  it 
furnishes  the  thread  of  the  principal  events  with  which 
we  are  concerned.  He  was  a  man  of  public  spirit  and 
high  aims.  It  was  a  matter  of  sacred  duty  with  him,  to 
contribute  to  the  advancement  of  classical  learning,  as  a 
means  of  human  improvement.  Integrity,  simplicity,  and 
dignity,  united  with  an  almost  unparalleled  earnestness 
and  laboriousness,  fitted  him  admirably  for  his  public 
station.  Both  natural  disposition  and  experience  made 
him  cautious  and  reserved  in  his  intercourse  with 
strangers,  especially  with  young  men.  The  number  and 
pressure  of  his  public  duties  often  caused  him  to  appear  less 
affable  than  he  really  was.  Hence  the  jealousy  of  some 
students,  afterwards  conspicuous  for  their  literary  disputes, 
who  imagined  they  were  not  sufficiently  noticed  by  him. 
His  preparations  for  the  ordinary  university  exercises 
were  of  the  most  comprehensive  character.  With  his 
ardent  mind,  and  literary  enthusiasm,  a  short  time  for 
special  preparation  on  any  given  subject  was  sufficient, 
not  only  to  give  him  the  command  of  all  his  resources, 
but  to  awaken  a  deep  interest  in  the  exercise.  Thus 
prepared,  he  was  accustomed  to  enter  his  lecture-room, 
where  the  richness  of  his  learning  and  the  fire  of  his 
spirit  made  ample  amends  for  his  plain,  extemporaneous 
language,  and  his  free,  and,  sometimes,  desultory  manner. 

Here  the  most  singular  and  extraordinary  character, 
in  the  annals  of  German  philology,  presents  himself  to 
our  notice.     About  ten  years  later,  an  original,  coarse 


HEYNE WOLF.  23 

self-confident  youth,  seventeen  years  of  age,  came  to 
Heyne,  proposing  to  study  nothing  but  philology.  Heyne 
knew  the  usages  of  the  schools  to  be  such,  that  few  men 
would  be  supported  as  mere  philologists.  He  therefore 
discouraged  the  young  man,  saying  that  it  was  customary 
for  every  student  to  choose  one  of  the  learned  professions, 
and  study  philology  in  connection  with  that ;  and  added, 
that  there  were  but  four  or  five  professorships  in  all 
Germany,  where  a  professor  of  classical  philology  would 
be  supported.  The  determined  youth  replied,  very 
characteristically,  "  I  intend  to  have  one  of  them."  This 
young  man  was  Wolf,  subsequently  the  author  of  the 
celebrated  Prolegomena  to  Homer.  The  interview  was 
not  very  gratifying  to  either  party.  Wolf  expected  to  be 
received  with  open  arms,  and  applauded  for  his  courage 
and  zeal.  Heyne  desired  to  see  more  modesty  and 
civility.  The  result  was,  that,  while  the  greatest  classical 
scholar  in  Germany  was  lecturing,  year  after  year,  with 
unbounded  applause,  on  Homer,  the  young  man,  who  was 
destined  to  become  the  greatest  Homeric  critic  of  his  age, 
was  prosecuting  his  studies  in  the  very  same  place,  and 
yet  would  not  attend  those  lectures — the  only  lectures,  it 
would  be  supposed,  in  which  he  would  take  any  special 
interest.  That  bold  spirit  was  only  nerved  to  greater 
daring  by  the  repulse  which  he  met  with.  He  resolved,  on 
the  spot,  to  become  the  rival,  rather  than  the  disciple.  In 
the  case  of  another,  this  would  have  been  a  great  mistake ; 
but  in  the  case  of  Wolf,  it  was  not  so.  He  had  a  spirit 
which  nothing  could  discourage,  and  an  intellectual 
energy  which  loved  to  grapple  with  difficulties.  His 
course  was  his  own,  and  the  results  were  his  own.  Had 
he  been  disciplined  by  Heyne,  he  might  have  been  less 
paradoxical  as  a  critic,  and  less  rough  and  self-willed  as  a 
man ;  but  the  world  might  never  have  been  blessed  with 
the  Homeric  heresy. 


24  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

Still,  Wolf  did,  at  first,  attend  some  of  the  lectures  of 
Heyne ;  and  an  interchange  of  civilities  continued  between 
them,  until  after  the  publication  of  the  Prolegomena,  about 
twenty  years  from  this  time,  and  twelve  after  he  had 
actually  obtained,  in  Halle,  one  of  those  professorships, 
which  he  told  Heyne,  in  his  first  interview  with  him,  he 
intended  to  have.  They  corresponded  occasionally,  and 
complimented  each  other  in  those  convenient  superlatives 
which  the  Latin  language,  particularly  the  modern,  so  well 
supplies.  During  this  long  interval,  Wolf  had,  by  his 
own  private  studies,  raised  himself  so  high  as  to  become 
the  acknowledged  head  of  ancient,  and  especially  of 
Homeric  literature.  In  1797,  when  Heyne  had  reviewed 
Wolf's  great  work,  in  a  manner  that  was  not  very 
complimentary,  the  latter  at  once  broke  off  his  private 
correspondence,  and  publicly  addressed  to  the  former  the 
famous  letters  on  the  new  theory  of  the  Iliad.  Hejme 
himself  took  but  little  part  in  the  controversy;  but  the 
rivalry  of  the  two  schools  of  learning,  and  the  zeal  of  the 
friends  and  disciples  of  the  two  leaders,  carried  the 
excitement  to  the  highest  pitch. 

We  may  now  extend  our  view,  and  advance  to  the 
present  generation  of  critics.  In  Leipsic,  classical  studies 
were  flourishing,  in  an  unusual  degree,  under  Reiz,  of 
whose  exquisite  scholarship  we  need  mention  no  other 
proof,  than  that  Hermann  was  trained  under  him.  Indeed, 
the  present  Leipsic  school  of  Greek  philology  was  founded 
by  Reiz,  and  carried  to  its  highest  eminence  by  Hermann. 
In  Jena,  Professor  Schiitz,  editor  of  the  most  celebrated 
critical  journal  of  that  age,  the  Universal  Literary  Gazette, 
held  a  distinguished  place,  as  a  classical  teacher.  His 
editions  of  jEschylus,  Aristophanes,  and  Cicero,  gave  him 
a  high  reputation,  and  extensive  influence  as  a  critic.  Of 
the  numerous  young  men  reared  to  eminence  by  him, 
Jacobs  and  Creuzer  are  best  known.     The  former,  though 


SCHOOLS    OF   GERMAN    PHILOLOGY.  25 

placed  in  the  very  first  rank  of  critics,  by  his  Greek 
Anthology,  and  other  works,  and  though  invited  by  the 
university  of  Gottingen  to  become  Heyne's  successor,  has, 
in  his  modesty  and  love  of  quiet,  always  chosen  to 
remain  in  Gotha,  either  as  teacher  in  the  gymnasium, 
or  as  librarian  to  the  duke,  except  the  short  interval  in 
which  he  was  unfortunately  seduced  to  Munich.  Creuzer 
was  early  an  object  of  attention  among  scholars,  and 
had  scarce  made  a  beginning  as  academical  teacher  at 
Marburg,  when  he  was  called  to  Heidelberg.  Through 
Wyttenbach's  influence,  he  was  made  professor  of  philology 
in  Leyden ;  but,  on  account  of  the  unfavorable  effects  of 
the  climate  in  Holland,  he  soon  returned  to  Heidelberg, 
where,  from  that  time  to  the  present,  he  has  distinguished 
himself  by  his  extensive  investigations  pertaining  to 
antiquity.  This  is  not  the  place  to  enter  into  the  merits 
of  the  mythological  controversy,  originating  with  Voss 
and  Heyne,  and  prosecuted  by  Creuzer,  Hermann,  Lobeck, 
and  Miiller.  He,  who  would  rightly  estimate  Creuzer  as 
a  scholar  and  an  antiquarian,  must  follow  him  through 
all  his  mythological  researches,  in  which  are  to  be  found 
his  chief  excellences  and  his  chief  defects.  But  we  return 
to  the  earlier  days  of  Schiitz  and  of  his  associates.  All 
the  teachers  at  Leipsic  and  Jena,  and  their  disciples, 
except  Jacobs,  while  they  duly  valued  the  extraordinary 
merits  of  Heyne,  gave  the  preference  to  Wolf,  as  the  finer 
and  more  thorough  critic. 

If  the  founder  of  a  particular  school  of  criticism  is  to  be 
estimated  by  the  character  of  his  disciples,  few  will  come 
off  with  more  honor  than  Wolf.  Heyne's  influence  was 
felt  throughout  all  Germany,  and  all  Europe.  He 
interested  different  classes  of  minds  in  ancient  learning. 
Wolf's  influence,  on  the  contrary,  was  greatest  upon  the 
few  who  were  thoroughly  disciplined  under  his  care.  The 
first  distinguished  scholar,  formed  under  Wolf,  was 
3 


26  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

Heindorf,  so  justly  celebrated  for  his  edition  of  Plato. 
The  second,  was  the  ablest  and  most  prolific  editor  of  the 
age,  Immanuel  Bekker,  of  Berlin.  The  third,  was  that 
prodigy  of  Greek  and  antiquarian  learning,  Augustus 
Bockh.  These  young  men  were,  indeed,  finally  alienated, 
to  some  extent,  from  their  teacher,  in  consequence  of  his 
growing  arrogance ;  but  they  were  always  true  to  his 
principles  of  criticism.  They  were  certainly  excusable 
for  being  restive  under  the  galling  yoke  which  was 
unceremoniously  put  upon  them,  after  they  were  full- 
grown,  by  this  ill-natured  and  freakish  veteran  of  learning. 
The  truth  is,  the  whole  period,  from  1807,  when  he  was 
called  to  Berlin,  and  employed  in  laying  the  foundations 
of  the  university,  up  to  his  death  in  1824,  was  one  which 
increased  neither  his  literary  reputation,  nor  the  number 
of  his  friends.  The  rupture  which  broke  out  between 
him  and  Buttmann,  Schleiermacher,  Niebuhr,  Bockh,  J. 
G.  Schneider,  and  Savigny,  has  no  importance,  except  to 
illustrate  the  literary  feuds  of  those  times. 

Heindorf,  then  in  Berlin,  as  were  most  of  the  early 
disciples  of  Wolf,  was  the  very  opposite  of  his  teacher. 
He  was  uncommonly  mild  and  amiable.  His  health  was 
very  feeble,  and  he  was  subject  to  melancholy.  One 
cannot  read  his  history  without  feelings  of  sadness.  All 
our  sympathies  are  awakened  in  favor  of  a  worthy  and 
modest  young  man,  eager  for  improvement,  and  yet 
depressed  in  spirit ;  first  encouraged  and  highly  honored 
by  his  teacher,  and  then  an  object  of  jealousy;  struggling 
with  ill  health,  and  working  enthusiastically  upon  his 
Plato,  partly  as  an  antidote  to  despondency;  seeking  to 
merit  an  important  station,  and  rapidly  rising  in  fame; 
and  then  thrown  upon  a  bed  of  illness,  at  the  idea  of  his 
responsibilities,  when  appointed  professor  at  Breslau,  and 
finally  dying  a  few  years  after. 


SCHOOLS    OF    GERMAN    PHILOLOGY.  27 

Immanuel  Bekker,  now  fifty-eight  years  of  age,  betrays 
in  his  iron  features  the  determined  and  unyielding 
perseverance  of  his  character.  No  living  critic  has  such  a 
knowledge  of  Greek  manuscripts.  The  libraries  of  Paris 
and  Kome  have  been  his  laboratories.  He  was,  at  first, 
educated  under  Spalding  and  Heindorf,  in  a  gymnasium 
of  Berlin,  his  native  city;  then  he  went  to  Halle,  and 
studied  under  Wolf,  who  pronounced  him  the  best  qualified, 
of  all  his  disciples,  to  carry  out  his  views  of  criticism. 
Since  then,  he  has  been  professor  in  the  university  of 
Berlin,  though  he  has  spent  much  time  abroad,  in  various 
foreign  libraries.  The  extent  of  his  critical  labors  is  truly 
astonishing.  The  most  searching  investigation  of  the 
texts  and  manuscripts  of  such  voluminous  authors  as 
Plato,  and  Aristophanes,  and  Aristotle,  is  only  a  small 
part  of  his  labors. 

Augustus  Bockh,  also  fifty-eight  years  of  age,  is  a 
native  of  Carlsruhe.  He  studied  under  Wolf  in  Halle, 
and  was  then,  for  a  time,  in  Berlin.  At  the  age  of 
twenty-two,  he  was  made  professor  in  Heidelberg,  and 
since  1811,  he  has  been  professor  in  Berlin.  At  the 
present  time,  his  reputation  is  higher  than  that  of 
any  classical  scholar  in  Germany.  In  mere  language, 
Hermann  is,  undoubtedly,  his  superior;  in  the  single 
department  of  manuscript  learning,  called,  in  Germany, 
diplomatic  criticism,  Bekker  takes  precedence.  In  the 
archaology  of  art,  Muller  excelled  him,  as  do  many  others. 
But  in  a  knowledge  of  what  the  Greeks  and  Komans 
were  practically — in  the  power  of  reproducing  Grecian 
and  Roman  life,  in  all  its  thousand  forms — no  one  can 
pretend  to  be  his  equal.  No  one  else  could  have  written 
the  Public  Economy  of  the  Athenians,  published  when  he 
was  but  thirty-two  years  of  age.  In  this  kind  of  research, 
Charles  Otfried  Muller,  his  own  disciple,  came  nearest  to 
him.     It  is  the  union  of  the  better  portions  of  the  methods 


28  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

of  "Wolf  and  of  Niebuhr,  that  constitutes  the  excellence 
of  Bockh  and  his  followers.  Bernhardy,  Gerhard, 
and  Meyer  are  now  among  his  most  distinguished 
disciples ;  and  it  is  very  evident,  that  the  Berlin  method 
of  philology  is  gaining  upon  that  of  Leipsic,  and  is  more 
closely  united  with  all  the  intellectual  movements  of  the 
present  day.  In  the  lecture-room  of  Bockh,  when  he  is 
upon  some  important  subject,  it  is  no  uncommon  thing  to 
meet  with  such  men  as  von  Humboldt  and  others,  who 
are,  themselves,  among  the  profoundest  scholars  of  the 
age.  The  ascendency  of  this  school  may  be  owing,  in 
part,  to  the  spirit  of  the  times,  which  is  more  intent  upon 
great  discoveries  in  the  world  of  facts,  than  upon  the 
niceties  of  language.  The  best  Latin  writers  of  the 
present  day,  and  the  best  expositors  of  words  and  phrases, 
are  trained  under  Hermann,  to  whom  we  now  turn  our 
attention. 

If  one  were  to  go  into  the  lecture-room  of  the  professor 
of  Poetry  and  Eloquence  at  Leipsic,  a  few  moments  before 
the  hour,  he  would  see  a  crowd  of  the  maturest  scholars  of 
the  university,  and  of  philologists  who  had  been  educated 
elsewhere,  finding  their  seats,  and  preparing  their  papers, 
for  taking  notes.  The  hum  of  numerous  whispering 
voices  fills  the  room.  An  aged,  but  spirited  man,  of 
moderate  stature,  with  fire  in  his  eye,  and  fury  in  every 
movement,  darts  in  at  the  door.  The  well-known  signal, 
given  by  those  nearest  him,  instantly  silences  a  hundred 
tongues.  By  this  time,  you  hear  his  clinking  spurs,  and, 
as  he  mounts  the  stairs  to  the  desk,  your  eye  falls  upon 
his  blue  coat,  with  metal  buttons  and  badge  of  knighthood, 
his  deer-skin  breeches,  and  long  riding  boots.  His  whip 
and  gloves,  and  hat  and  chair  are  all  flying  to  their  places, 
and  a  stream  of  extemporaneous  Latin  is  already  pouring 
forth.  Before  you  are  aware  of  it,  the  ship  is  under  full 
sail.     The  whole  energy  of  the  lecturer's  mind  is  directed 


SCHOOLS    OF    GERMAN    PHILOLOGY.  29 

to  his  object ;  the  point  of  difficulty  in  the  Greek  text,  or 
in  the  interpretation,  is  placed  directly  before  you  in  all  its 
bearings ;  the  principles  involved,  are  clearly  stated,  and 
discussed  in  animated  and  flowing  Latin ;  the  difference 
between  his  views  and  those  of  Bockh,  Miiller,  or  Dissen, 
are  alluded  to  freely  but  kindly,  occasionally  with  keen 
satire,  but  more  frequently  with  the  playfulness  of  harmless 
wit ;  and  thus  the  hour  is  passed,  and  the  most  difficult 
and  abstruse  subjects  luminously  exhibited  and  disposed 
of,  before  the  hearer  stops  to  take  a  long  breath.  When 
the  lecture  is  over,  one's  mind  is  so  exhilarated,  and  so 
possessed  of  the  spirit  of  the  Greek  author,  as  to  be  ready 
to  plunge  directly  into  a  protracted  perusal  of  the  text; 
but,  after  a  moment,  a  feeling  of  exhaustion  suggests  the 
query,  whether  it  would  not  be  better  to  go  to  the  dinner- 
table. 

Such  is  Godfrey  Hermann,  in  his  lecture-room.  Visit 
him  in  his  museum,  as  he  calls  his  study  in  the  city,  and 
he  will  entertain  you  with  free  and  lively  conversation ; 
and  if  you  have  any  reasonable  claim  upon  his  attention, 
he  will  show  you  a  chair,  and  draw  you  into  protracted 
conversation,  as  if  you  were  an  old  friend.  In  his  family, 
that  resides  a  little  out  of  the  city,  he  appears  as  a 
plain,  but  lively  old  man.  Simplicity  and  sterling  sense 
characterize  his  domestic  circle. 

Hermann  has  no  airs  of  professional  dignity.  He  seems 
to  act  with  reference  to  himself,  simply  as  man,  not  as  the 
titled  individual  whom  kings  love  to  honor;  and,  in 
this  respect,  he  is  the  very  opposite  of  Schlegel,  of  Bonn. 
Once,  he  promised  the  writer  some  of  his  occasional 
works,  but  would  not  set  a  time  when  they  might  be 
called  for.  A  few  days  after,  he  was  seen  walking  from 
one  side  of  the  city  to  the  other,  to  the  writer's  lodgings, 
with  the  pamphlets  under  his  arm.  The  Germans 
generally  pour  out  their  curses  liberally  upon  Napoleon, 
3* 


30  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

as  the  enslaver  of  their  nation ;  but  Hermann,  in  the  true 
spirit  of  an  old  Greek,  said,  it  was  a  good  thing,  once  in  a 
while,  to  have  the  slumbering  spirit  of  a  whole  continent 
stirred  up  by  such  a  man  as  Napoleon.  In  regard  to  the 
proverbially  intricate  statutes  of  the  Leipsic  university,  he 
once  observed,  that,  for  his  part,  he  followed  his  own 
sense  of  propriety,  in  the  affairs  of  the  university;  for  no 
man  could  safely  calculate  on  a  life  long  enough  to  trace 
the  laws  through  all  their  alterations  and  amendments,  so 
as  to  be  able  to  follow  them. 

Hermann  has  been  a  spirited  controversialist,  and 
always  victorious,  till  Bockh  and  Miiller  entered  the  lists. 
Neither  of  these  men  could  be  completely  vanquished  by 
any  opponent.  Probably  no  German  scholar  understands 
the  Greek  language,  its  grammar,  lexicography,  and 
general  usage,  and  Greek  metre,  better  than  Hermann, 
or  has  read  the  Greek  authors  more  than  he.  Certainly, 
no  one  excels  Bockh  in  his  way.  I  know  not  how  to 
characterize  the  lamented  Miiller's  greatness.  Perhaps 
it  may  be  represented  as  consisting  in  comprehensive  and 
magnificent  views  of  antiquity  as  a  whole,  a  true  survey 
of  it  in  all  its  aspects,  a  harmonious  construction  of  the 
materials  of  Winckelmann,  Hermann,  and  Bockh,  into 
one  grand  and  beautiful  system. 

Hermann  and  Bockh  are  to  be  regarded  as  the  heads  of 
the  two  great  schools  of  philology  that  divide  Germany : 
the  former,  making  language  the  end,  and  all  historical 
and  antiquarian  research  subservient  to  that  end;  the 
latter,  making  a  complete  knowledge  of  antiquity  the  end, 
and  language  only  the  means :  the  one  aiming  chiefly  at 
intellectual  discipline,  the  other  at  useful  knowledge. 
Among  the  more  distinguished  disciples  of  Hermann, 
may  be  mentioned  the  names  of  Lobeck,  Thiersch, 
Passow,  Rost,  Poppo,  Eichstadt,  Hand,  Fritzsche,  and 
Klotz. 


SCHOOLS   OF   GERMAN    PHILOLOGY.  31 

The  Society  of  Philologists,  formed  in  Germany  a  few 
years  ago,  has,  thus  far,  been  characterized  by  so  much 
humanity,  that  it  deserves  to  be  noticed,  before  we  close 
this  sketch.  It  originated  thus.  In  1837,  the  university 
of  Gottingen  held  its  centennial  celebration.  The  festival 
of  a  university,  which  could  look  back  upon  so  proud  a 
century  as  that  which  marked  the  history  of  this  celebrated 
seat  of  learning,  naturally  attracted  an  unusual  assemblage 
of  scholars.  Distinguished  philologists,  of  all  parties,  met 
together,  forgetting  their  animosities,  and  embracing  each 
other  as  fellow-laborers  in  the  same  great  enterprise, 
though  contemplating  it  from  different  points  of  view. 

So  touching  was  the  scene,  and  so  delightful  the 
magnanimous  feelings  with  which  those  who  participated 
in  it,  greeted  each  other,  that  Thiersch,  the  pillar  of  Greek 
learning  in  Bavaria,  a  man  of  the  noblest  enthusiasm,  as 
well  as  of  great  eloquence,  gave  utterance  to  his  struggling 
emotions,  and  ventured,  in  his  remarks,  to  propose  the 
formation  of  a  society  which  should  secure  the  annual 
recurrence  of  such  occasions.  A  special  meeting  was 
called  to  consider  the  subject,  at  which  Humboldt 
presided.  The  proposal  was  received  with  acclamation, 
and  the  first  meeting  was  appointed  to  be  held  in 
Nuremberg,  in  1838,  at  which  Thiersch  was  to  preside. 
In  1839,  the  society  met  at  Manheim. 

Frederick  Jacobs,  whose  age  and  partial  deafness 
prevented  him  from  attending  the  first  meeting,  where 
his  name  had  been  mentioned  with  particular  marks  of 
respect,  had  also  decided  not  to  attend  the  second.  But 
Rost,  of  Gotha,  resorted  to  a  stratagem,  which  was 
successful  in  procuring  the  attendance  of  Jacobs.  At  the 
age  of  seventy-five,  he  undertook  his  four  days'  journey, 
travelling  forty  miles  a  day,  and  calling,  as  he  went,  on  his 
literary  friends  at  Frankfort,  Darmstadt,  and  Heidelberg. 
When   this   amiable   old  man   and  popular  writer — the 


32  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

favorite  of  all  parties — arrived,  he  could  not  decline 
addressing  the  assembled  classical  teachers  of  his  country, 
mostly  of  the  younger  generation.  He  spoke  in  an 
affecting  strain  of  eloquence,  which  was  received  with 
unusual  applause.  After  the  meeting,  the  principal 
members  of  the  society  appointed  Hermann,  of  Marburg, 
to  draw  up  a  special  communication  in  Latin,  addressed 
to  Jacobs,  testifying,  in  the  warmest  terms,  their  respect 
for  him,  as  one  of  the  most  accomplished  of  classical 
scholars,  and  their  personal  regards  for  him,  as  a  man  and 
as  a  friend.  This  circumstance  called  him  out,  in  another 
public  speech,  on  a  subsequent  day,  so  that  the  occasion 
was  a  kind  of  jubilee  to  that  noble  representative  of  the 
past  generation. 


II. 


STUDY  OF  GREEK  LITERATURE. 


BY 


BISHOP  ESAIAS  TEGNER 


STUDY  OF  GREEK  LITERATURE. 


In  closing  my  lectures  on  Thucydides,  I  complete,  at 
the  same  time,  the  course  of  public  instruction  which  I 
have  pursued,  for  twelve  years,  in  the  university.  The 
moment  when  one  quits  an  old  calling,  to  which  his 
feelings  are  more  or  less  attached,  is  naturally  crowded 
with  interest.  He  thus  stands  on  the  threshold  of  a  new 
period  in  his  existence ;  it  is  an  epoch,  a  kind  of  new  year, 
which  must  awaken  many  emotions  in  every  heart  that  is 
not  utterly  dead.  Back  of  us  lies  the  past,  with  all  its 
reminiscences.  If  some  of  these  occasion  regret,  still  the 
shadows  cover  them;  while  those  of  a  delightful  kind 
pass  before  us  in  unwonted  brightness.  High  on  the 
shore  they  stand,  like  our  kindred,  and  wave  an  adieu  to 
those  sailing  away.  It  is  as  when  we  leave  our  native 
country,  not  feeling  how  dear  it  is  till  we  are  separated 
from  it;  or  like  bidding  farewell  to  friends  and  companions, 
with  whose  faults  we  have  become  familiar,  and  whose 
worth  we  never  value  so  much  as  when  we  part  from 
them.  And  there  is  the  future,  and  the  new  relations 
which  it  brings  -with  it.  How  dark  and  doubtful  are 
they !  Forests  lie  in  the  distance ;  who  knows  what 
dwells  among  their  boughs  ?  Indeed,  familiarity  with  an 
object  works  strongly  on  the  human  heart;    and  every 


36  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

kind  of  employment,  be  it  what  it  may,  binds  insensibly, 
with  a  thousand  cords,  from  which  no  one  can  easily  free 
himself.  Is  he  now  convinced,  that  it  is  intrinsically 
valuable,  and  that  it  is  not,  or  at  least  should  not  be, 
without  its  effect  on  human  improvement  ?  then  must  the 
moment,  when  he  is  to  quit  it  for  ever,  be  alike  solemn 
and  touching. 

It  were  easy  to  close  my  lectures  with  that  with  which 
many  begin  theirs, — a  eulogy  on  the  subject  itself.  I 
might  say,  that  not  only  no  academic  scholarship,  but,  in 
general,  no  higher  culture  is  possible,  without  a  knowledge 
of  Greek.  In  favor  of  such  a  position,  I  might  adduce  the 
testimonies  of  eminent  men,  and  add  the  weight  of  the 
convictions  of  centuries.  Thus  I  could  exalt  the  stud)'  at 
the  expense  of  all,  or  at  least,  of  most  others.  But  this 
would  be  clearly  a  partial  decision.  I  readily  admit,  on 
the  contrary,  that,  in  the  present  state  of  the  world,  much 
culture,  a  large  amount  of  true  learning,  can  be  secured 
without  a  knowledge  of  the  classical  languages.  Why, 
then,  is  that  epithet  applied  to  them?  Not  merely 
because  of  their  inward  development,  but,  specially,  on 
account  of  their  literature.  Such  a  literature,  however, 
several  of  the  living  languages  possess.  The  stock  of 
ideas,  which  made  up  the  culture  of  the  ancients,  has 
gradually  passed  over  into  the  general  modes  of  thinking. 
We  live  on  the  capital  that  the  early  ages  amassed.  So 
must  it  be,  for  nothing  in  man's  existence  remains  alone. 
Human  improvement  is  a  continuous  chain.  The  present 
link  ever  joins  to  the  one  before  it,  and  that  again  to  the 
preceding,  up  to  the  creation.  One  generation  bequeaths 
its  estate  to  the  next.  The  history  of  education  is  a 
progressive  illustration  of  the  great  law  of  man's 
inheritance. 

Such  a  heritage,  however,  is  strictly  nothing  more  than 
the  materials,  the  rough  mass,  which  one  age  takes  from 


STUDY    OF    GREEK   LITERATURE.  37 

another,  and,  in  its  own  way,  works  up  and  appropriates. 
The  form,  the  outward  manifestation,  is  inseparably 
connected  with  the  present  time,  and  its  accidental 
relations.  In  this  way,  our  age,  long  ago,  employed  in 
legislation,  in  the  sciences,  and  in  elegant  literature,  all 
the  essential  ideas  of  the  ancients.  They  are  no  longer 
new;  they  are  readily  accessible  to  every  one,  and  may  be 
found  in  all  languages.  We  understand,  not  simply  what 
the  ancients  knew,  but,  in  many  respects,  infinitely  more. 
The  materials  which  they  left,  are  not  only  collected,  but 
in  manifold  ways  enlarged.  The  knowledge,  which  was 
with  them  a  child,  has  gradually  grown  into  a  mature  and 
perfect  form. 

We  should  certainly  be  right  in  maintaining,  that 
classical  literature  is  now  superfluous,  were  we  to  regard 
it  simply  as  materials.  But  no  where  have  the  materials, 
the  stores  of  knowledge,  been  so  closely  united  with  their 
form,  no  where  have  they  grown  so  much  together,  as 
with  the  Greeks.  The  idea  was  always  one  element 
only  in  culture.  The  other  element,  which  was  just  as 
essential,  was  the  expression,  the  visible  representation  of 
it  in  accordance  with  the  general  laws  of  the  beautiful. 
Their  oldest  philosophical  speculations  on  nature,  their 
earliest  historical  reminiscences,  shaped  themselves  to 
poetic  forms,  from  the  very  beginning.  Their  first 
legislation  was  metrical.  Even  their  gods  gave  responses 
only  in  poetical  oracles.  The  rough,  but  significant, 
mythical  images,  which  they  received  from  the  East, 
were  transformed  by  them  into  bright  ideals  of  beauty. 
Olympus  became  a  museum,  just  as  the  national 
traditions  became  an  epos.  In  a  word,  the  external 
form,  for  them,  was  never  a  matter  of  indifference.  The 
Greeks  were  born  with  love  to  beautiful  forms.  That 
which  distinguished  them,  was  a  natural  sense  for  the 
apt  and  the  fitting ;  an  innate  dislike  of  extravagance  in 
4 


38  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

any  shape  ;  an  affection,  as  just  as  it  was  delicate,  for  true 
proportion — for  that  which  is  both  the  rule  and  the 
substance  of  real  beauty.  In  aesthetics,  we  speak  of  the 
line  of  beauty.  If  it  could  be  found,  we  might  affirm,  that 
old  Hellas  lay  within  it.  This  separated  the  Greek  from 
the  barbarian.  Hence,  the  Greek  taste  has  been  regarded, 
by  all  cultivated  nations,  as  the  standard  in  various 
respects.  Whatever  falls  short  of  it,  or  goes  beyond  it,  is 
weak,  extravagant,  or  confused.  It  is  connected  with  the 
plastic  arts  in  the  highest  and  most  general  sense.  After 
the  lapse  of  ages,  the  forms  of  the  Olympic  gods  yet  stand 
there  in  high  and  unsurpassed  beautjr.  Man's  genius 
for  art  feels  its  want  of  progress  only  the  more,  as  it 
approaches  that  eternal  pattern. 

In  respect,  also,  to  polite  literature,  poetry,  eloquence, 
and  historical  art,  the  Greek  models  have  been  regarded 
as  pre-eminent.  This  conclusion  is  just,  provided  those 
limitations  are  made,  which  exist  in  the  nature  of  the 
subject;  for  the  fine  arts,  and  poetry,  in  particular,  are 
so  universal,  so  all-comprehending,  that  they  must,  of 
necessity,  express  themselves  in  ways  infinitely  various. 
Every  age,  the  rudest  even,  has  its  own  poetry,  as  every 
plant  has  its  own  flower.  I  place  a  high  estimate  upon  the 
poetic  art  of  the  Greeks,  but  I  am  far  from  regarding  it  as 
the  only  true  poetic  art,  or  as,  in  every  respect,  the  highest. 
There  are  poetic  excellences,  of  which  the  Greeks  neither 
had,  nor  could  have,  any  conception.  If  you  love  the 
images,  not  merely  of  a  rich,  but  of  a  luxuriant  fancy;  if 
you  are  pleased,  with  the  most  daring  flights ;  if  you  would 
see  a  poetic  creation  full  of  wonders,  then  turn  to  the 
poetry  of  the  Orient,  where  all  forms  appear  in  purple; 
where  each  flower  glows  like  the  morning  ray  resting 
on  the  earth,  and  the  eagle-thought  flies  to  the  sun  on 
gilded  wing.  But  if,  on  the  contrary,  you  prefer  depth  of 
thought,  and  earnestness  of  reflection ;   if  you  delight  in 


STUDY   OF    GREEK   LITERATURE.  39 

the  colossal,  yet  pale  forms,  which  float  about  in  the  mist, 
and  whisper  of  the  mysteries  of  the  spirit-world,  and  of  the 
vanity  of  all  things,  except  honor,  then  I  must  point  you  to 
the  hoary  North,  rich  in  sagas,  where  Wala  struck  the 
key-note  in  the  song  of  creation,  while  the  moon  rose  on 
Fjellen,  where  the  brook  struck  up  its  one-toned  song,  and 
the  thrush,  on  the  top  of  the  golden  birch,  sat  and  sung  a 
lament  on  the  brief  summer,  and  on  dying  nature.  Or, 
are  your  sympathies  with  that  deep  feeling,  that  longing  of 
soul,  which  does  not  linger  on  the  earth,  but  evermore  looks 
up  to  the  azure  tent  of  the  stars,  where  happiness  dwells, 
where  the  unquiet  of  the  beating  heart  is  still?  then  you 
must  resort  to  the  romantic  poetry  of  the  West,  especially 
during  the  middle  ages,  when  the  Troubadour  sang  of  an 
unearthly  love,  and  the  knight  fought  with  equal  zeal  for 
the  honor  of  the  holy  virgin,  and  of  his  own  fair  one. 
But,  are  you  attracted,  on  the  other  hand,  by  wealth  of 
ideas,  and  the  truths  of  reflection ;  would  you  look  down 
into  the  depths  of  the  human  bosom ;  would  you  see  all 
the  fibres  of  the  heart  uncovered,  as  by  the  stroke  of  the 
magician's  wand?  then  you  must  go  to  the  masters  of 
modern  poetry,  to  the  few  who  went  on  their  independent 
course,  and  relied  rather  on  their  own  age  and  genius, 
than  upon  the  inspiration  of  others. 

These  things  make,  unquestionably,  fine  poetic 
elements.  No  classic  partialities  should  prevent  us 
from  acknowledging  their  worth.  But  in  what  heavy, 
indistinct  and  barbaric  forms,  must  we  often  seek  for 
them,  as  one  searches  for  diamonds  in  the  barren  rocks ! 
With  the  Greeks,  on  the  contrary,  we  find  these  elements, 
not  often  perhaps,  but,  whenever  seen,  beautifully  fitted 
and  polished.  What  Corinna  said  to  Pindar,  who,  in  his 
youth,  showed  some  tendencies  to  oriental  extravagance, 
"  That  one  must  sow  with  the  hand,  not  with  a  full  sack," 
illustrates  the  national  taste  of  the  Greeks,  and  shows  what 


40  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

was  a  standing  principle  in  their  entire  elegant  literature. 
It  is  a  poetry  which  is  self-controlled,  even  in  the  strongest 
outbursts  of  feeling,  decorous  both  in  joy  and  grief,  and 
like  Polyxena  in  Euripides,  who  was  solicitous,  even  in 
death,  to  fall  with  dignity.  There  was  an  imagination, 
which  the  Greeks  symbolized  under  the  image  of  Pegasus, 
who  had  reins,  as  well  as  wings.  When  with  these 
Perseus  flew  too  near  Olympus,  he  was  precipitated  by 
the  angry  gods,  though  himself  a  son  of  the  gods.  Again, 
there  was  a  poetic  judgment,  which  never  forgets  itself, 
never  sacrifices  the  whole  for  a  part,  never  lacks  calmness, 
perspicuity  and  order,  even  in  the  stormiest  moments 
of  inspiration.  In  respect  to  form  and  representation, 
there  was  an  innate  aversion  to  the  extravagant,  to  the 
overladen ;  there  was  a  love  for  simple  beauty ;  in  style 
every  thing  was  chaste  and  in  keeping,  never  violently 
sweeping  along — attracting  and  soothing,  but  not  terrifying. 
Every  thing  is  as  easy  and  unaffected,  as  if  it  had  grown 
up  without  art  and  attention;  as  simple  and  natural,  as 
though  it  could  not  be  otherwise  than  what  it  is.  We 
may  compare  the  romantic  poetry,  in  all  its  species,  to  the 
oak,  which,  in  strong  but  irregular  forms,  bends  out  of  a 
mountain  cleft  over  the  dark  valley.  Greek  poetry  is 
slender,  smooth,  erect,  like  the  palm-tree,  with  its  rich 
yet  symmetrical  crown ;  and  a  nightingale  sits  among  the 
leaves  and  sings.  Greek  poetry  may  be  likened  to  the 
tongue  in  the  mechanical  scales ;  it  shows  the  true 
equipoise,  which  is  merely  another  term  for  perfect  beauty, 
while  the  oriental  poetry,  or  the  romantic  poetry  of  the 
West,  throws  its  heavy  weight  into  one  of  the  scales.  In 
short,  if  the  question  has  reference  to  a  mere  natural  gift 
for  poetry,  to  copiousness  of  invention,  boldness  of  thought, 
or  glow  of  feeling,  then,  possibly,  the  Greeks  are  inferior 
to  several  other  nations,  or,  at  least,  do  not  excel  them. 
But  if  the  question  concerns  the  art,  the  clearness,  the 


STUDY    OF    GREEK   LITERATURE.  41 

truth  of  the  composition,  the  simple  beauty  of  form,  in  that 
case  the  Greeks  are,  and  will  remain,  the  unchangeable 
models.  And  here  I  must  direct  your  attention,  not 
simply  to  Homer  and  Sophocles,  but  to  Plato,  Herodotus, 
and  Xenophon ;  for  in  the  qualities  just  alluded  to,  the 
Greek  has  something  loftier  and  more  perfect  than  has 
elsewhere  appeared. 

It  is,  unquestionably,  in  this  quality,  this  beauty 
of  form,  where  the  highest  excellence  of  Greek  poetry 
appears,  and  which  makes  the  knowledge  of  the  language 
indispensable  for  all  who  would  perceive  that  beauty. 
The  thoughts  and  opinions  of  a  Greek  author,  the 
substance  of  his  writings,  may  be  expressed  in  a 
translation.  But  the  peculiar  character  and  spirit  of  the 
style,  all  those  qualities  in  the  mode  of  exhibition  which 
are  special,  and  that  often  pertain  to  the  words,  are,  to 
such  an  extent,  of  the  same  cast  with  the  language  itself, 
that  it  is  impossible  to  detach  them  from  it,  and  present 
them  alone.  Any  translation,  therefore,  be  it  what  it  may, 
even  the  most  exact,  can  furnish  of  all  this  nothing  but 
a  remote  and  imperfect  idea.  Particularly  is  this  true 
of  the  poets,  in  whom,  oftentimes,  a  whole  series  of 
associations  is  linked  to  a  single  word  that  has  no  perfect 
equivalent  in  any  other  language.  The  ancient,  dead 
languages  possess,  not  merely  a  grammatical  structure 
essentially  unlike  that  of  living  languages,  but  a  peculiar 
system  of  poetic  symbols,  which,  often,  with  one  expression, 
open  an  entire  gallery  of  pictures,  that  must  be,  almost 
invariably,  lost  in  a  translation.  The  resemblance  between 
such  a  translation  and  the  original  is,  for  the  most  part, 
like  that  between  a  topographical  chart  and  a  landscape 
painting.  The  last  reveals,  in  striking  forms,  the  rivers, 
woods  and  mountains ;  the  former  substitutes  an  indistinct, 
lifeless  line.  We  obtain  an  obscure  hint,  instead  of  a 
living  intuition.  Accordingly,  if  we  would  understand  the 
4# 


42  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

ancients,  we  must  first  understand  their  language.  It  is, 
indeed  an  inconvenience,  that  the  road  to  classic  beauty- 
passes,  at  its  beginning,  through  the  grammar  and  lexicon ; 
but  no  other  path  can  be  found,  and  he,  who  would  reach 
the  end  of  his  course,  must  himself  master  the  difficulties 
of  the  journey. 

We  are  now  prepared  to  remove  the  common  objections 
against  Greek  literature,  not  with  positive  assertions,  or 
by  an  appeal  to  ancient  usage,  but  on  substantial  grounds. 
Its  characteristic  traits,  as  we  have  seen,  cannot  be  fully- 
discovered  without  an  acquaintance  with  the  language. 
The  value  of  such  an  insight  no  one  can  call  in  question. 
It  is  important,  when  viewed  historically;  for  the  Greeks 
hold  so  high  a  place  in  the  history  of  human  improvement, 
their  influence  on  the  present  culture  of  Europe  is  so 
obvious,  all  purer  taste  is  so  manifestly  of  Greek  origin, 
that  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  authors  of  our 
civilization  can  be  a  matter  of  absolute  indifference  to  no 
one  who  would  mark  the  progress  of  man,  or  who  has 
any  sense  for  the  unfolding  of  his  noblest  powers. 

This  knowledge  is,  also,  valuable  to  the  student  of 
polite  literature.  After  the  lapse  of  centuries,  he  may 
yet  study  the  old  masters,  who  need  not  fear  any  rivalry 
in  that  which  constitutes  their  peculiar  greatness.  To 
him,  likewise,  who  does  not  aspire  to  become  a  poet,  an 
orator,  or  an  historian,  but  who  is  pleased  with  whatever 
is  beautiful  and  elevated,  either  in  sentiment  or  the 
classical  expression  of  it,  this  knowledge  will  not  be 
unimportant.  It  has  an  especial  bearing,  however,  on 
the  "Academies,"  that  should  not  wear  their  Greek 
names  in  vain.  If  they  do  not,  as  universities,  embrace 
the  whole  circle  of  knowledge,  still  they  should  include 
the  essential  parts  of  it.  Just  so  far  as  classical  literature 
has  been  made  unnecessary  in  our  popular  and  imperfect 
education,  being  thus  withdrawn  from  the  sphere  of  its 


STUDY    OF    GREEK   LITERATURE.  43 

general  cultivation,  must  it  find  a  resting-place  in  the 
seats  of  learning.  It  is  like  the  Nile,  which,  having 
made  the  adjacent  fields  fruitful,  flows  back  to  its  original 
channel.  But  there  it  should  run  untroubled,  a  royal 
stream,  whose  veins  are  never  dry,  and  whose  fountains 
are  on  the  highest  eminences. 


III. 


THE 


STUDY  OF  CLASSICAL  ANTIQUITY, 

AN  INAUGURAL  DISCOURSE. 


EY 


FREDERIC  JACOBS 


STUDY  OF   CLASSICAL  ANTIQUITY. 


I  now  appear  before  you,  to  commence  the  honorable 
course  to  which  I  have  been  invited  by  our  gracious 
sovereign,  and  his  enlightened  government.  I  am  to  be 
connected  with  an  institution,  which,  under  the  charge  of 
estimable  teachers,  in  the  centre  of  the  kingdom,  and  at 
the  foot  of  the  throne,  has  drawn  together  a  company  of 
youth,  the  hope  of  the  country,  eager  for  knowledge,  and 
susceptible  to  every  good  influence.  I  am  thus  cheered 
by  the  happiest  anticipations,  and  encircled  with  hopes 
which  might  encourage  the  most  dejected  heart.  If  the 
sight  of  inanimate  nature,  in  its  blossoming  freshness,  can 
enliven  and  soothe  the  mind  that  is  but  little  cultivated, 
how  much  more  must  the  spectacle  of  man's  activity 
gladden  us,  where  the  deepest  impulses  of  nature  are 
awakened,  where  the  fairest  flowers  of  the  soul  are 
unfolding,  and  where  generous  and  buoyant  spirits  are 
cultivating  the  field  of  human  improvement.  And  how 
can  the  heart  be  exalted  with  fresher  hopes,  than  when 
encircled  by  a  company  of  youth,  who,  from  their  own 
honorable  feelings,  devote  themselves  to  learning,  seek 
their  appropriate  culture  in  knowledge,  and  collect 
treasures  which  are  fitted  to  promote  the  prosperity  of 
their  native  land.     Here,  at  the  altar  of  science  and  of 


48  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

literature,  they  become  inspired  with  the  sentiment  of  a 
generous  patriotism ;  with  the  power  to  defend  truth  and 
right ;  with  the  inclination  to  widen  the  realm  of  beauty 
among  their  fellow-men,  and,  in  particular,  among  their 
countrymen,  by  noble  sentiment,  by  worthy  actions,  and 
intellectual  labors.  They  are  thus  preparing  to  benefit 
their  native  land,  as  teachers  of  religion,  defenders  of  law, 
guides  and  examples  to  the  young;  or,  by  the  general 
influence  which  they  may  exert,  honoring  the  sciences, 
and  thereby,  themselves,  and  advancing,  as  far  as  possible, 
the  glory  of  an  ancient  and  respected  nation. 

In  the  happy  anticipation  of  being  connected  with 
youth,  who  are  animated  by  such  sentiments,  I  approach 
you  with  the  same  confidence  and  friendly  feelings,  that  I 
desire  to  awaken  in  you.  It  is  in  the  mutual  devotion 
of  our  powers  to  the  noblest  objects,  that  those  virtuous 
and  sacred  friendships  bloom,  which  beautify  the  young 
more  than  any  other  gift  of  Providence,  and  which 
often  illumine  even  a  troubled  life,  like  the  unfading 
morning  light.  It  is  this,  which  fills  the  pure  heart 
with  inextinguishable  enthusiasm,  and  which  is  alone 
adequate,  oftentimes,  to  scatter  the  darkness  that  rests  on 
the  intricate  path  of  life.  Where  can  a  happier  position 
be  pointed  out,  not  merely  for  youth  in  its  bloom,  but  for 
the  man  who  wishes  to  enjoy  life,  than  in  the  midst  of 
those  who  confide  in  their  teacher  with  open  hearts,  and, 
free  from  the  cares  of  a  weary  life,  rise  most  easily  to  the 
heights  of  ideal  excellence  ?  Far,  then,  from  accusing 
fortune,  that  she  has  confined  him  to  a  harsh  and  joyless 
career,  he  will  envy  the  servants  of  the  State  none  of  their 
privileges.  He  would  not  exchange  his  own  fresh  and 
happy  circle  for  those  who  surround  kings  and  nobles. 
Is  not  a  pure  and  ingenuous  heart  a  fairer  sight  than  any 
splendor  of  wealth  ?  Is  there  not  a  fulness  of  joyful 
hopes   in  every  healthful   germ  which  has    swollen   up 


STUDY    OF    CLASSICAL    ANTIQUITY.  49 

under  his  care  ?  Can  mere  earthly  power  boast  a  richer 
harvest  of  joys  than  the  paternal  teacher,  when  he  sees 
the  success  of  his  efforts  ?  Every  generous  spirit  is  akin 
to  him.  His  pupils  are  his  friends.  That,  which  life,  in 
its  perplexities,  rarely  exhibits,  is  seen  in  a  company  of 
open-hearted  youth  at  school;  emulation,  without  envy; 
freedom,  with  obedience  to  law;  love,  unalloyed  by 
jealousy;  in  short,  knowledge  and  wisdom,  entwined  by 
the  charms  of  affection,  buoyant  hope,  and  beauty. 

Every  school,  that  does  not  degenerate  into  a  workhouse, 
where,  through  fear  of  punishment,  rather  than  by  hope  of 
reward,  a  sad  day's  task  is  forced  from  the  sighing  slaves, 
must  strive  to  reach  such  an  ideal,  though  it  cannot, 
through  earthly  imperfection,  fully  attain  it.  In  order  to 
accomplish  what  is  possible,  every  one  thus  engaged,  be 
he  teacher  or  scholar,  must  place  before  him  the  ultimate 
end  of  his  exertions. 

It  seems  to  me,  therefore,  pertinent  to  the  present- 
occasion,  to  submit  a  statement  of  the  opinions  which  I 
entertain,  in  respect  to  the  object  of  a  learned  school ; 
partly,  that  I  may  direct  the  attention  of  my  future  pupils 
to  what  I  regard,  with  my  deepest  convictions,  as  the 
truth;  partly,  that  I  may  vindicate  the  course  which 
I  propose  to  pursue.  The  subject  has  an  universal 
importance ;  it  is  recognized  by  all  men  of  learning. 
With  you  it  is  connected  by  the  closest  relations. 

Every  high  school  should  be  an  institute  for  the 
education  of  its  pupils,  and,  by  the  comprehensive  nature 
of  its  object,  should  be  distinct  from  other  scientific  and; 
practical  seminaries.  Were  it  designed  merely  to  prepare 
youth  for  active  employments,  or  to  enable  them  to  amass 
the  requisite  knowledge,  and  could  the  business  of  men 
be  brought  back  to  the  processes  of  a  machine,  then, 
unquestionably,  all  schools,  from  the  era  of  the  revival  of 
learning,  down,  have  been  conducted  in  a  most  unwise 
5 


50  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

manner.  If  man  is  destined,  like  the  beast,  to  consume 
the  fruits  of  the  field,  and  to  exhaust  his  strength  by  a 
certain  prescribed  course  of  duty,  with  no  ability  to  go 
beyond  it,  then, — as  JEschylus  says  of  the  human  frame, 
"before  it  received  the  spark  of  the  divine  fire,  it  had  eyes 
without  seeing,  ears  without  hearing," — must  man  wander 
along  the  close  and  dreary  road  of  life,  only  to  mingle 
again  with  his  original  dust.  If  such  be  the  destiny  of 
the  lord  of  the  creation,  then  every  thing  which  his  eye 
can  discover  in  the  distance,  or  that  awakens  in  him  a 
longing  to  leap  over  the  narrow  bounds  of  his  poor 
existence ;  every  beam  of  light,  every  spark  of  irrepressible 
aspiration  in  his  heart,  is  not  a  blessing,  but  a  curse,  and 
the  benefactors  of  mankind  are  its  despotic  tyrants.  They 
allot  to  every  class  of  men,  yea,  to  each  individual,  the 
talents  and  capacities  which  are  needful  to  keep  the 
machine  of  State  in  motion,  and  satisfy  their  own  desires. 
In  such  a  case,  nothing  could  be  more  judicious,  than 
for  the  mother  to  tear  away  the  child  from  her  bosom, 
before  he  can,  himself,  choose — assign  him  his  destiny 
arbitrarily,  and,  with  the  fixedness  of  a  caste,  root  out 
every  aspiring  feeling  in  him,  and  direct  every  step  on 
the  narrow  path  to  the  immovable  goal.  A  State, 
which  should  undertake  thus  to  educate  its  citizens,  would 
show,  in  no  long  period,  a  people  possessing  a  slavish 
spirit,  in  its  most  perfect  form,  by  which  even  the  capacity 
for  freedom  would  be  lost.  Such  a  course  would  be 
consistent.  Upon  those,  who,  in  this  spirit,  demand  that 
a  premature  regard  should  be  had,  in  the  education  of  the 
young,  to  the  business  of  active  life,  would  rest  the 
reproach  of  bringing  back,  as  far  as  they  could,  a  state  of 
society,  at  which  mankind  trembles,  and  the  bare  idea  of 
which  every  German  heart  rejects  with  abhorrence. 

While,  then,  the  education  of  the  young  must  be  freed 
from  these  narrow  and  unworthy  barriers,  it  must  have 


STUDY    OF    CLASSICAL    ANTIQUITY.  51 

a  higher  and  more  befitting  aim,  which  can  be  nothing 
less  than  humanity  itself,  in  its  beauty  and  worth. 
Such  should  be  the  great  object,  in  the  education  of  the 
young. 

Wonderfully  is  man  placed  on  the  confines  of  two 
worlds.  By  his  animal  nature,  he  belongs  to  the  outward. 
He  wanders  with  the  beasts,  weaker  than  most  of  them, 
helpless,  and  without  a  guiding  instinct.  On  the  other 
hand,  that  in  him  which  thinks,  which  commands  him, 
when  it  pleases,  to  scorn  every  earthly  good,  even  to 
esteem  life  itself  as  worthless,  conducts  him  away  from 
the  bounds  of  the  world  of  sense,  and  shows  him  a  place 
in  the  world  of  spirits  as  his  peculiar  home.  These  two 
natures, — one  full  of  unrestrained  appetites,  every  moment 
strongly  exciting  it,  the  other  armed  with  its  unbending 
dignity, — seem  to  be  separated  in  an  irreconcilable 
manner.  From  the  period  of  their  union,  there  appears 
to  have  been  a  sentence  of  dissension  pronounced  upon 
them,  as  wretched  as  it  is  implacable.  Such  is  the  natural 
condition  of  those  who  are  destitute  of  a  true  culture. 
This  unceasing  internal  conflict  occasions  complaints  of 
the  arrangements  of  the  Deity,  who  has  placed  over  the 
strong  passions,  which  he  implanted  within  them,  a  stern 
mistress,  that  forbids  their  gratification.  Despairing  of 
being  able  to  put  an  end  to  this  internal  warfare,  they 
either  resign  themselves  to  the  domination  of  their 
desires,  or  surrender  their  rights  to  a  despotic  reason 
which  tramples  down  and  extirpates  every  impulse  of 
the  animal  nature. 

The  feeling  of  despair,  to  which  I  have  alluded,  is  still 
observed,  too  often  in  the  same  individual,  in  spite  of 
a  stern  opposition,  and  it  is  well  known,  that  efforts 
have  been  made  even  to  demonstrate  the  wisdom  of  it. 
The  Cyrenaic  morals,  on  the  one  hand,  and  Stoicism  on 
the   other,  are  nothing  else  than   a  proud   and  partial 


52  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

development,  elevated  into  the  rank  of  a  system.  But 
such  a  course  can  never  be  justified  by  the  decisions  of 
true  wisdom.  It  perpetuates,  instead  of  terminating,  this 
inward  strife.  That  Providence,  which  caused  a  world 
to  spring  out  of  chaos,  and  that  ever  unites  the  most 
various  elements,  has,  in  man,  also,  designed  such  a  union. 
The  two  opposite  natures  in  him,  it  has  not  forcibly 
chained  together,  but  has  joined  them  in  a  marriage 
covenant.  When  they  approach  each  other,  through  the 
medium  of  the  human  will,  there  originates  that  perfect 
and  ravishing  harmony,  of  which  every  other  union  of 
matter  and  mind  appears  to  be  only  a  repetition  and  an 
image.  The  impulses  of  the  earthly  nature  are  illumined 
and  made  pure  by  the  rays  of  the  spiritual.  Without 
impairing  its  dignity,  the  spiritual  nature  clothes  itself 
with  the  raiment  of  the  outward  form,  and  like  one 
of  the  graces,  does  not  haughtily  terrify,  but  gladdens 
with  its  mild  earnestness.  In  such  a  union,  human 
nature  is  exalted.  The  highest  triumph  of  man  is  the 
coincidence  of  the  inclinations  and  impulses  with  the 
lawful  demands  of  reason.  The  limit  of  his  exertions  is 
that  education  of  himself  by  which  the  war  of  conflicting 
elements  shall  cease. 

The  open,  light  and  attractive  form  in  which  man's 
nature,  in  its  highly  cultivated  state,  appears,  induces,  too 
often,  the  erroneous  opinion,  that  it  can  be  very  readily 
attained,  just  as  a  finished  work  of  art  seems,  to  the 
unskilled,  to  have  been  wrought  without  care  by  the 
magical  stroke  of  its  author's  will,  because  all  traces  of 
the  labor  bestowed  upon  it  are  obliterated.  But  since 
there  is  no  work  of  art,  slight  as  its  claims  may  be,  in 
which  there  has  not  been  the  necessity  of  overcoming  the 
intractableness  of  the  resisting  materials,  so  the  generous 
culture  of  man's  faculties,  like  a  work  of  art,  involves  a 
struggle  the  harder  and  the  more  strenuous  in  proportion 


STUDY   OF    CLASSICAL   ANTIQUITY.  53 

to  the  unyielding  force  with  which  the  material  resists 
the  efforts  of  the  moulding  spirit,  and  the  violence  with 
which  it  strives  to  take  the  law  into  its  own  hands. 
Long  and  persevering,  then,  must  be  the  struggle.  Not 
on  a  "  primrose  path  of  dalliance  "  can  the  lofty  goal  be 
reached.  But  the  crown  which  it  seeks,  the  reconciliation 
of  man  with  himself,  the  calm  yet  high  elevation  above 
the  shallows  of  earth,  is  the  reward  which  awaits  the 
unwearied  combatant. 

"It  is  a  grand  idea, 
Worth  the  struggle  of  the  noblest." 

In  the  gymnasia  of  the  ancients,  the  bodies  of  the  free- 
born  youth  were  exercised,  not  only  that  they  might  be 
taught  to  yield,  in  all  things,  to  the  control  of  the  will,  but 
that  they  might  be  free  and  graceful  in  form  and  motion. 
In  like  manner,  would  our  schools  accomplish  their  great 
object,  they  must  so  train  the  youthful  mind,  as  to  raise 
it  to  that  freedom,  without  which  there  is  no  dignity  or 
happiness.  While  they  hold  up  before  it,  unceasingly, 
without  regard  to  the  question  of  practical  utility,  the 
highest  ideal,  which  has  been  formed  by  the  greatest  men 
of  all  ages,  such  a  love  for  it  will  be  awakened,  that  it  will 
scorn  every  thing  mean  and  degrading,  and  will  endeavor 
to  unfold  in  itself  all  the  graces  of  humanity.  By  these 
wisely  directed  efforts,  every  power  of  the  soul  is 
awakened  and  invigorated. 

The  system  of  school  instruction,  then,  which  was 
adopted  at  the  restoration  of  learning,  was  perfectly  just. 
The  authors  of  it  felt  assured,  that  it  is  to  the  Greeks  first, 
and  then  to  the  emulous  Eomans,  we  owe,  not  only  the 
masterly  works  which  were  produced  in  the  various 
departments  of  science,  but,  also,  the  lives  and  actions 
which  honorably  distinguished  the  best  periods  of  ancient 
history.  And  have  not  all  subsequent  ages,  rapidly  as 
5* 


54  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

they  have  advanced  toward  perfection,  evermore  confirmed 
this  judgment  anew?  Has  not  literature,  in  its  most 
flourishing  periods,  kindled  its  torch  at  the  altars  of 
antiquity?  Does  not  every  nation,  when  it  fancies,  in  the 
intoxication  of  self-love,  that  it  can  dispense  with  its  great 
leaders,  sink  down  into  mediocrity,  or  into  an  inflated 
redundancy  of  words  ? 

To  unfold  the  inward  causes  of  this  phenomenon,  is  not 
pertinent  to  this  place.  It  is  enough  to  refer  to  the  fact ; 
to  the  undisputed  excellence  of  the  ancient  classical 
world ;  to  the  ripe  and  all-pervading  culture  of  their  great 
men  in  every  art;  to  the  multitude  of  their  works  in  every 
department,  in  which  the  exact  correspondence  of  the 
material  to  the  form  delights  us :  it  is  enough  to  refer  to 
the  inexhaustible  affluence  of  these  treasures,  to  justify 
the  course  of  our  ancestors,  in  considering  the  writers 
of  classical  antiquity  as  the  best  sources  from  which 
intellectual  culture  for  the  young  could  be  drawn.  They 
found  in  their  times,  possibly,  as  we  do  in  ours,  more  than 
one  author,  who  was  admired  by  his  contemporaries,  and 
who  quickened  the  mind,  both  by  the  copiousness  of  his 
materials,!  and  by  the  skilful  arrangement  of  them.  But 
they  would  not  entrust  the  care  of  the  young  to  those, 
whose  uncertain  and  perishable  fame  resembles  the 
countless  leaves  of  spring,  that  shoot  up  and  then  wither 
away.  Rather  would  they  commit  them  to  the  immortals, 
who,  like  Hercules,  on  the  heights  of  (Eta,  have  stood 
the  fiery  test  of  time.  They  would  set  before  them  the 
eternal  models  of  beauty,  the  godlike  forms  of  knowledge 
and  freedom,  that  touch  alike  the  earth  and  the  heavens, 
and  that,  amid  the  throng  of  imitators,  always  seem  to 
rise  higher.  With  these  heroic  forms  they  held  friendly 
communion  in  youth ;  in  their  society  they  strengthened 
manhood;  and  sought  for  advancing  age  its  elevation 
and   solace.       A    great   part    of    their    life    was    spent 


STUDY    OF    CLASSICAL    ANTIQUITY.  55 

in  rendering  themselves  worthy  of  such  confidential 
intimacy.  For.,  not  to  the  indolent  and  the  feeble,  do  these 
mighty  spirits  condescend.  To  be  received  into  the 
number  of  the  gods,  and  to  be  made  worthy  of  their 
companionship,  the  child  of  Jove  passed  through  many 
struggles,  which  he  voluntarily  assumed,  in  addition  to 
the  multitude  imposed  upon  him.  Not  less  should  he  be 
able,  who  enters  the  august  circle  of  those  old  worthies, 
to  relish  their  songs,  and  understand  their  wise  discourse. 
The  reward  is  worth  any  exertion.  Indeed,  the  very 
effort  brings  its  own  blessing,  while  it  overcomes  indolence, 
represses  self-love,  destroys  the  germs  of  every  thing  low 
and  debased,  and  strengthens  for  all  intellectual  toil.  It 
is  not  strange,  that  there  sprung  up  a  manly  and  vigorous 
race,  at  a  period,  when  the  study  of  antiquity  occupied  the 
schools ;  when  the  eager  youth  examined,  unceasingly, 
the  phenomena  of  a  world,  which,  through  the  distance, 
assumed  a  fairer  form;  and  when,  with  the  scantiest  helps, 
yet  with  the  more  resolute  determination,  they  conquered 
every  difficulty.  Let  us  trace  the  footsteps  which  these 
sterling  men  have  left  us.  Instead  of  finding  fault  with 
the  degeneracy  of  the  times,  let  us  emulate  that  early 
period,  and,  with  unrelaxing  energy,  strive  to  reach  the 
high  mark  of  a  truly  liberal  culture.  Impress  upon 
yourselves,  that  it  is  not  merely  knowledge  which  you 
here  seek.  Profound  learning  may  be  joined  with 
repulsive  rudeness,  or  extreme  perverseness.  The  culture 
and  improvement  of  the  heart  is  the  ultimate  end  of  all 
acquisition.  Science,  indeed,  cannot  be  regarded  as  of 
little  worth,  however  unimportant  its  objects  may  appear. 
Still,  it  is  certain,  that  the  largest  amount  of  it  is 
insignificant,  compared  with  the  abundance  of  which  we 
are  ignorant.  It  is  obvious,  also,  that  the  conditions  of 
knowledge  are  often  accidental.  Much,  which  appears 
demonstrated  to-day,  will  be  uncertain  to-morrow,  and  will 


56  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

be  abandoned  ere-long.  The  capital  of  our  acquisitions 
may,  therefore,  be  diminishing,  as  we  toil  for  its 
enlargement.  But  the  effort  to  acquire  knowledge, — 
conscientious,  earnest,  and  intelligent  study, — has  a  value 
independent  of  accidents.  Moral  culture,  likewise,  has  an 
intrinsic  worth,  distinct  from  the  uses  to  which  it  may  be 
applied. 

If  we  look  at  the  ancient  world  in  its  best  aspects,  as 
enclosing  elegant  and  beautiful  objects,  wrought  out,  in 
youthful  vigor  and  manly  strength,  by  the  human  mind, 
under  the  most  favorable  circumstances ;  if  we  regard  it 
as  a  world  of  nature  and  art,  where  all,  that  can  ennoble 
and  enlarge  the  soul  of  man,  is  presented  in  the  most 
diversified  and  perfect  forms,  then  nothing  will  appear 
uninteresting  to  us,  which  can  complete  the  sacred  circle, 
and  unlock  the  wonderful  laboratory  from  which  those 
forms  proceed.  Besides,  the  entire  internal  connection  of 
the  ancient  world ;  the  place  which  each  of  its  great  men 
occupies ;  the  various  relations  in  which  it  appears ;  its 
existing  and  its  lost  works ;  together  with  their  state  and 
their  fortunes,  merit  the  most  careful  attention. 

The  ancient  languages,  so  full  of  art,  have  a  value 
in  their  very  texture,  and  have  an  interest  beyond 
being  merely  the  instrument  of  communication.  When 
we  commend  the  zeal  of  the  inquirer  into  nature, 
as  he  traces,  with  microscopic  accuracy,  its  minutest 
productions,  or  when  we  applaud  the  anatomist,  as  he 
unravels  the  web  of  the  human  body,  how  can  we 
undervalue  the  philologist,  who,  with  untiring  love, 
examines  language  in  its  elementary  forms, — the  best 
work  of  the  reason,  the  most  hallowed  gift,  and  the  fairest 
bond  that  connects  human  society  ? 

But,  commendable  as  this  labor  is  in  itself,  it  has  a 
special  reward,  when  directed  to  that  language,  which, 
from  whatever  seeds  it  may  have  first  sprung,  after  it 


STUDY    OF    CLASSICAL   ANTIQUITY.  57 

took  root  in  Grecian  soil,  attained  a  wonderful  growth, 
by  its  own  native  and  original  vigor.  Through  a  course 
of  ages,  under  a  manifold  variety  of  circumstances,  itself 
always  free  from  foreign  admixtures,  it  has  aided  the 
efforts  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  most  beautiful  works  of 
art  and  science.  In  affluence,  fulness,  comprehensive 
development,  exactness,  flexibility,  and  grace,  the  Greek 
language  leaves  far  behind  all  other  languages  of 
antiquity,  and  the  most  cultivated  of  modern  times.  As 
we  watch  the  growth  of  the  tender  plant  with  wonder 
and  love,  and  at  every  fresh  change,  experience  new  joy, 
so  the  philologist,  with  a  love  no  less  just,  will  watch  the 
tender  plant  of  the  Hellenic  language,  as  it  first  unfolds 
under  the  mild  skies  of  Ionia ;  then  transplanted  to  the 
isles  of  the  iEgean,  to  Sicily,  and  the  southern  shores 
of  Italy,  bearing  the  fragrant  flowers  of  lyric  poetry; 
afterwards  striking  its  roots  deep  in  Attica,  and  rising  to 
its  most  perfect  form,  delicate  and  vigorous,  adapting  itself 
to  all  the  uses  of  art  and  science ;  till  at  last,  touched  by 
the  hand  of  despotism,  it  reminds  us,  even  in  death,  of  the 
beautiful  days  of  its  youth. 

But  the  languages  of  Greek  and  Roman  antiquity, — for 
even  the  daughter  demands  a  twig  from  the  garland  of 
her  mother, — of  themselves  claim  our  attention  as  a 
wonderful  and  almost  divine  work  of  nature  and  of  art, 
and  as  a  mirror  of  the  cultivation  of  highly  civilized 
nations.  So,  also,  the  style  of  every  species  of  their 
productions,  yes,  of  every  one  of  the  old  classics,  requires 
appropriate  and  earnest  study.  The  care  with  which  the 
ancients  selected  their  expressions,  the  vigor  with  which 
they  pursued  the  subject  of  eloquence, — embraced  in  the 
modern  terms,  '  humanities  '  and  '  aesthetics,' — the  high 
estimate  which  they  placed  upon  propriety  and  grace  in 
delivery,  are  known  to  every  one  who  is  not  a  stranger 
to  the  entire   ancient  world.      In  like   manner,  as   the 


58  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

p0ets, — though  the  fact  is  less  acknowledged, — chose, 
with  unfailing  tact,  the  measure  and  movement  for  every 
subject,  and  examined  the  laws  of  quantity  with  a  severity 
of  which  the  poetry  of  no  modern  nation  can  boast ;  so, 
also,  the  orators,  historians  and  philosophers,  practised, 
with  equal  versatility,  the  freer  music  of  prosaic  numbers 
in  the  most  diversified  forms  of  style,  endowing  every 
kind  of  utterance  with  the  befitting  measure  of  beauty, 
revealing  a  remarkable  harmony  between  the  materials 
and  the  expression,  and  proving  that  the  airy  grace 
and  freedom,  which  delight  us  in  their  works,  were  not 
merely  a  happy  hit  of  chance,  nor  the  operation  of  genius, 
but  the  product  of  the  most  toilsome  industry.  On  this 
point,  the  ancients  themselves  have  taught  us  so  perfectly, 
that  every  one,  even  should  he  silence  his  own  feelings, 
can  still  be  instructed  by  the  most  express  and  adequate 
examples.  Perfection, — the  fruit  of  long  and  patient 
exercise, — was  in  such  estimation,  that  they  gladly  offered 
up  to  it  the  perishable  laurels  of  universal  knowledge, 
after  which  modern  writers  so  zealously  strive.  The 
tragic  poet  scorned  to  lay  hold  on  Homer's  harp  with 
an  uncertain  grasp,  or,  putting  off  the  buskin,  to  walk 
carelessly  over  Thalia's  stage.  The  epic  bard  did  not 
seize  the  ivy,  which  shaded  the  brow  of  the  lyric  poet. 
The  historian  was  not  solicitous  to  gain  the  reputation  of 
a  public  orator ;  nor  did  the  latter  emulate  the  sages,  who 
explained  the  problems  of  the  universe,  on  the  banks  of 
the  Ilissus.  Thus  confining  themselves  with  a  wise 
moderation,  and  only  anxious  to  stand  firm  in  their 
position,  they  concentrated  all  the  rays  of  their  talent  on 
one  point,  and  scorned  not  any  thing,  even  the  least,  if 
it  could  contribute  to  the  perfection  of  a  work  of  art. 
Therefore,  after  the  lapse  of  ages,  these  works  shine  like 
never  setting  stars,  and  gladden  the  world,  and  point  the 


STUDY    OF    CLASSICAL    ANTIQUITY.  59 

way,  through  the  Syrtes  of  a  corrupt  taste,  to  the  ideal 
of  art. 

But,  with  the  same  earnestness,  with  which  the 
ancients  toiled  on  their  work,  must  their  interpreter  toil 
on  his.  That  which  they  cherished  with  affection  so 
extraordinary,  he  must  trace  out  with  equal  love,  setting 
a  like  value  upon  what  they  esteemed,  and  never,  from  a 
rude  zeal  in  behalf  of  the  materials,  and  the  substance, 
destroying,  with  unholy  hand,  the  casket  in  which  they 
are  contained.  The  first  demand,  then,  which  is  made 
on  the  interpreter  of  the  ancients,  is  an  exact  and 
comprehensive  knowledge  of  the  classical  languages  in 
their  varied  applications ;  an  aptness  to  distinguish  the 
sense  pure  and  clear  from  the  words  by  which  it  is 
expressed ;  and,  finally,  an  unfailing  sense  for  the  beauty 
and  exactness  of  form  in  which  the  thought  is  exhibited. 
These  are  the  primary  conditions,  on  which  that 
consecration  depends,  which  unlocks  the  holy  of  holies 
in  the  ancient  world.  Such  are  the  steps  which  lead  to 
certain  knowledge,  and  which  guard  against  the  wiles  of 
airy  phantoms,  playing  around  the  path  of  an  indolence, 
that  would  reap  where  it  has  not  sowed,  that  would 
amuse  with  illusive  expectations,  which  lead,  like  the 
ignis  fatuus,  into  the  bogs  of  error. 

But  the  works  of  classical  antiquity  have  come  down 
to  us  through  a  long  course  of  ages,  in  different  ways, 
and  through  a  great  variety  of  fortunes.  Much  has 
been  impaired  by  time  and  accident,  by  carelessness  and 
ignorance.  Often  is  the  sense  disfigured  so  as  to  be 
unintelligible ;  or  it  only  glimmers  out  from  confused 
traces.  Frequently  has  a  fraud  or  a  mistake  corrupted 
that  which  is  true  and  genuine.  Here  is  a  new  labor 
for  the  interpreter.  With  the  same  conscientiousness, 
that  is  shown  by  the  guardian  of  the  old  works  of 
sculpture,  and  of  the  arts  of  design,  in  preserving  even 


60  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

what  is  defaced,  will  he,  also,  guard  from  further  injury 
the  remains  of  eloquence  entrusted  to  him,  as  if  they 
were  the  common  property  of  the  human  race.  So  far  as 
he  is  able,  he  will  free  them  from  the  dust  with  which 
time  has  covered  them.  Hence  is  criticism, — an  art 
which  has  sometimes,  by  perversion,  been  exposed  to  the 
ridicule  of  ignorance,  but  which  has  still  a  fixed  value, — 
one  of  the  most  important  offices  of  the  philologist,  alike 
indispensable  in  every  province  of  his  labor,  the  smaller 
as  well  as  the  larger.  By  means  of  it,  he  places  himself 
in  the  very  centre  of  all  ancient  knowledge.  That  he 
may  discriminate  the  genuine  from  the  spurious,  the 
original  from  the  modern  fabrication,  that  he  may  select, 
on  sure  grounds,  not  only  what  is  in  general  best,  but 
that  which  is  most  fitting,  which  most  strictly  corresponds 
to  the  relations  of  time  and  place,  he  needs  something 
besides  the  knowledge  of  languages.  He  can  attain  his 
object  only  by  means  of  history.  In  the  record  of  events, 
in  acquaintance  with  political  constitutions,  and  with 
morals,  and  in  the  relation  -  between  literature  and  art 
among  the  ancients,  he  will  find  what  he  needs.  "Without 
this  knowledge,  grammar  itself  is  dead.  Without  it, 
though  one  is  possessed  of  all  the  gifts  of  mind,  and 
powers  of  comprehension,  he  cannot  penetrate  into  the 
spirit  of  antiquity,  or  judge  of  any  of  its  works  from  the 
right  point  of  view,  or  correctly  estimate  its  internal 
excellence,  or  assign  each  to  its  true  author  and 
appropriate  place. 

Thus  we  return  to  the  point  from  which  we  took  our 
departure.  The  mention  of  grammatical  study,  as  the 
primary  condition  in  the  knowledge  of  antiquity,  has 
brought  us  to  something  greater  and  higher,  to  a 
comprehensive  view  of  the  classical  world,  and,  especially, 
of  its  standard  productions.  Here  the  single  elements 
arrange    themselves   into   an   intellectual   whole,  which, 


STUDY    OF   CLASSICAL    ANTIQUITY.  61 

worthy  in  itself  of  the  profoundest  study,  points,  in  its 
connection,  to  a  perfection  of  humanity,  such  as  has  not  been 
seen  before  or  since.  No  work,  therefore,  stands  alone, 
as  is  mostly  the  case  in  the  deficient  history  of  modern 
literature,  but  one  depends  upon  another,  one  presupposes, 
and  is  the  cause  of  another ;  and  thus  appears,  through 
all  classical  antiquity  down,  a  large  and  beautiful  wreath 
of  the  noblest  works,  hung  on  the  temples  of  the  gods,  on 
the  constitution  of  the  State,  and  on  political  history. 
The  consideration  of  this  inward  connection  of  events,  of 
morals,  of  the  inner  and  of  the  outward  life,  of  art  and 
science,  of  legislation  and  philosophy,  which  is  altogether 
peculiar  to  Hellenic  antiquity,  is  so  grateful,  so  exhilarating 
to  the  heart  and  mind, — a  blooming  oasis  in  the  desert  of 
the  world's  history, — that  it  fills  us  with  consolation  and 
hope,  notwithstanding  the  painful  disorders  of  the  present 
period.  Compressed  into  narrow  limits  of  time  and 
country,  heroic  spirits  come  forward,  around  whose 
radiant  head  is  entwined  the  crown  of  patriotism,  firm 
and  lofty  faith,  contempt  of  danger  and  death ;  yea,  most 
of  all,  the  crown  of  gentle  feelings  and  of  the  most  liberal 
culture.  By  the  side  of  these  heroes,  stand  those  eminent 
in  knowledge ;  on  friendly  terms,  both  mingle  together, 
without  fear,  envy,  or  pride.  The  poet  exults  in  the 
warrior,  and  his  inspiring  deeds;  the  warrior,  in  the 
poet,  and  his  immortal  songs.  Often  it  is  the  same 
hand,  which,  in  peace,  takes  the  palm  of  art,  and,  on  the 
battle-field,  the  laurel  of  bravery.  In  friendly  union 
with  both,  the  sage  wanders  through  the  groves  of  the 
gymnasia,  and  the  halls  of  the  temple.  One  learns  from 
the  other;  one  inflames  the  other;  one  educates  the 
other,  in  the  freest  and  noblest  manner,  by  the  enlivening 
intercourse.  Thus  the  warrior  not  only  performs  great 
actions,  but  has  thoughts  and  words  of  wisdom,  and  his 
6 


62  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

companion,  on  the  other  hand,  not  merely  teaches  that 
which  is  good,  but  also  performs  heroic  deeds. 

Those,  who  view  antiquity  from  this  position,  will  not 
hesitate  to  answer  the  inquiry,  "  Why  should  we  lead  the 
young  over  a  toilsome  and  thorny  road,  into  the  dark  land 
of  a  departed  people,  and  weary  them,  through  long  years, 
with  the  learning  of  a  dead  language?"  There  was  a 
period,  and  it  is  not  long  since  passed,  when  this  question 
was  confidently  propounded,  and  many  intelligent  and 
well-meaning  men  entered  the  lists  against  the  ancient 
usages  of  the  schools.  Looking  at  the  subject,  as  they  did, 
and  in  accordance  with  the  existing  condition  of  things, 
they  were  in  the  right.  Were  they  to  be  blamed  for  the 
compassion  which  they  felt  for  the  young,  who  squandered 
their  best  years  in  the  handling  of  a  dead  instrument? 
Or  was  their  conclusion  erroneous,  that  the  learning  of  a 
foreign  language,  so  far  as  it  is  concerned  with  the  words 
and  phrases,  which  one  exchanges,  alternately,  with  those 
of  his  native  speech,  exercised  the  memory  only,  while  the 
intellect  it  did  not  enliven,  but  kill?  Who  can  deny,  that 
in  many  gymnasia,  the  labor  of  teachers  and  pupils  was 
exhausted  in  mere  idle,  empty  verbiage,  by  which  the 
works  of  classical  antiquity  were  transformed,  through  a 
pernicious  perversion,  from  means  into  the  principal 
end.  Hence,  the  attacks,  which  were  made  by  these 
well-meaning  teachers,  did  not  relate  so  much  to  the  study 
of  antiquity,  as  to  the  perversion  of  it.  But,  while  they 
impugned  an  undeniable  error,  they  veered  round  into  an 
opposite  mistake.  They  attacked  the  schools  themselves 
in  their  essential  characteristics.  They  overturned  the 
temples  and  altars  of  antiquity,  and  made  the  instruction, 
not  the  education,  of  the  young,  the  end  of  their  labors. 
By  this  utilitarian  spirit, — which  confined  the  attention 
of  the  pupil  to  present  and  material  objects;  which 
accustomed  him  to  value  only  such  toil  as  would  promise 


STUDY    OF    CLASSICAL   ANTIQUITY.  63 

the  most  immediate  fruits, — by  this  calculating  spirit,  the 
feelings  were  unavoidably  degraded,  the  power  of  the 
imagination  was  smothered,  and  the  idol  of  mere  gain 
was  lifted  up  on  the  altar  of  virtue.  The  effect  of  this 
error  could  not  long  remain  unobserved.  Its  exposure 
led  back  to  the  right  path.  With  fresh  love,  recourse 
was  had  to  the  ancients.  The  sacred  fire  was  not  yet 
extinguished  under  the  prostrate  altars.  The  columns  of 
the  temple  stood  unshaken.  Into  the  edifice,  streamed, 
from  all  sides,  priests  and  devotees.  With  more 
fervor  than  ever,  was  homage  paid  to  the  majesty  of 
antiquity.  All  its  remains  were  brought  out  to  light.  Its 
depths  were  searched  and  illuminated.  Here,  as  well  as 
over  the  whole  territory  of  the  sciences,  the  most  gratifying 
activity  prevailed.  Under  the  pressure  of  hostile  political 
influences,  the  vigor  of  the  German  people,  in  their  lofty 
struggle,  revealed  itself  gloriously.  The  great  events  of 
modern  times  have  brought  the  ancient  world  nearer  to 
us.  Its  authors  are  more  diligently  studied,  and  better 
understood.  There  is  hardly  any  district  in  the  wide 
classical  realm,  which  has  not  been  enlightened  by  new 
and  rich  investigations.  Hence,  more  than  ever,  have  the 
greatness  and  worth  of  the  classical  writers  interested  the 
heart.  The  childlike  ingenuousness  of  their  wonderful 
productions  has  been  more  adequately  perceived,  as  well 
as  the  noble  simplicity  which  pervaded  their  entire  life. 
Already,  in  recent  events,  we  see  the  working  of  this 
glorious  inspiration.  The  low  and  vulgar  yields  to  the 
generous  and  good.  All,  which  the  susceptible  heart  can 
awaken,  is  cherished  with  unwonted  love,  and  with  the 
happiest  results.  Side  by  side,  boldly  move  on  the  spirit 
of  culture  and  the  muse  of  science.  Every  day  their 
bounds  widen. 

Let  nothing,  therefore,  hinder  us  from  going  whither 
we  are  called  by  the  voices  of  time,  the  demands  of  our 


64  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

better  nature,  and  the  honor  of  our  native  land.  With 
mutual  zeal,  let  us  tread  the  path  that  is  pointed  out,  and 
fix  our  eye  on  the  high  mark  which  beckons  us  with  its 
crowns.  And  in  this  festival-hour,  while  I  am  reminded, 
in  the  retrospect,  of  the  happy  past,  of  a  beloved  home,  and 
of  that  nourishing  institution,  which  I  had  the  honor  to 
serve  through  a  series  of  years,  and  while,  in  the  future,  a 
career  is  opened  before  me  in  this  kingdom,  and  in  the 
most  celebrated  of  its  schools,  receive  from  me,  at  a 
moment  when  every  thing  conspires  to  awaken  my 
deepest  feelings,  the  assurance,  that  I  will  devote  my 
entire  energy  to  the  honorable  vocation  entrusted  to  me 
by  our  venerated  king.  I  know  that  you  are  animated  by 
the  love  of  knowledge,  and  of  its  generous  fruits ;  and,  for 
myself,  I  desire  to  be  so  happy,  as  to  accompany  you  on  a 
path  where  you  will  find  your  best  wishes  gratified. 


IV. 


THE  WEALTH   OF  THE   GREEKS 

IN 

WORKS    OF    PLASTIC    ART. 

A  DISCOURSE 

BY 

FREDERIC   JACOBS. 


PLASTIC  ART  OF  THE  GREEKS. 


When  Pausanias  travelled  through  Greece,  in  the  age 
of  the  Antonines,  he  found,  together  with  many  remains 
of  former  prosperity,  far  more  numerous  memorials  of 
past  calamities.  As,  according  to  the  belief  of  antiquity, 
the  gods  deserted  the  walls  which  the  arm  of  their  citizens 
could  no  longer  defend,  so,  by  the  sceptre  of  Macedonian 
rulers,  and  the  severer  fasces  of  Roman  proconsuls,  the 
ancient  and  godlike  greatness  had  been  frightened  from 
the  unprotected  land.  The  vigor  of  the  people,  once 
noble,  had  been  broken ;  their  blooming  plains  lay  wasted; 
and  mourning  brooded  over  the  fields  of  their  glory. 
Megalopolis,  the  latest  of  all  the  Grecian  States,  was 
robbed  of  nearly  all  her  ornaments ;  and  where  once 
temples  and  gymnasia  had  stood,  herds  of  horses  and 
mules  now  grazed  in  fertile  meadows.  The  ancient 
golden  Mycenae  had  Vanished  from  the  earth,  down  to 
the  traces  of  her  cyclopean  walls ;  haughty  Thebes,  the 
conqueror  at  Leuctra  and  Mantinea,  had  crumbled  into 
ruins ;  Delos,  once  the  centre  of  Grecian  religion,  was 
like  the  dreariest  rock  in  the  Archipelago,  save  in  the 
beautiful  reminiscences  of  ancient  times.  Even  the 
surviving  cities  resembled  only  the  shadow  of  their  former 


68  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

selves,  and  in  their  once  animated  streets  nothing  was 
astir  but  a  dull  and  beggarly  life.  True,  indeed,  the 
sight  of  this  state  of  things  formed  a  sorrowful  contrast 
with  the  recollection  of  ancient  glory ;  but  the  enlightened 
traveller  meets  the  sad  feeling  with  serious  reflection. 
"  The  deity,"  says  he,  "  has  changed  to  nothing  these 
renowned  cities;  but  I  am  not  surprised  thereby,  for  I 
know,  that  destiny  is  ever  striving  to  produce  something 
new,  and  changes  the  weak  as  well  as  the  strong,  by  the 
power  of  necessity." 

This  reflection,  simple  as  it  seems,  is  nevertheless 
forgotten  by  many  on  similar  occasions.  But  to  require 
an  unvarying  continuance  at  the  height  of  youth  and 
intellectual  vigor,  or  of  beauty  and  prosperity,  is  like 
wishing  to  stop  the  wheel  of  time.  It  is  unkind  and 
unwise,  to  exact  every  thing  of  every  period;  and  if 
art  does  sometimes  force  an  untimely  production  from 
vegetable  nature,  still  a  like  attempt  in  the  province  of 
human  freedom  will  never  be  any  thing  better  than  a 
foolish  war  of  the  giants.  Like  the  brilliant  orb  of  day, 
the  sun  of  fortune  and  prosperity  passes  on  from  sign  to 
sign,  and  fancy  and  desire  only  can  bring  together  what 
reality  will  ever  leave  asunder.  Yet  it  were  greatly  to 
be  desired,  to  wed  the  glory  of  departed  antiquity  with 
the  conquests  of  modern  times  ;  but  vainly  should  we  await 
the  fulfilment  of  this  desire,  and  foolish  should  we  be  to 
mourn  over  its  disappointment.  The  past  ought  to  be  to 
us,  not  a  source  of  fruitless  mourning, but  of  encouragement 
and  joy;  not  to  assail  the  reality,  but  to  raise  ourselves 
to  the  idea  of  the  eternally  and  unchangeably  great, 
should  we  look  into  the  mirror  of  ancient  times,  and 
especially  into  the  history  of  those  nations,  who  as 
special  favorites  of  Heaven,  were  called  to  bless  the 
world  with  noble  deeds,  and  instruct  it  by  works  of 
profound  significance.      But   there  is   no   nation  whose 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  69 

history  in  this  respect  more  deserves  a  repeated 
contemplation,  than  the  Greeks. 

I  may,  therefore,  be  permitted,  this  day,  which 
assembles  our  scientific  society,  to-  do  honor  to  our 
royal  patron,  on  this  joyous  occasion,  to  place  before  you, 
gentlemen,  a  fragment  of  the  great  whole,  with  which 
my  studies  are  most  closely  connected,  and  to  delineate 
Greece,  as  the  fruitful  mother  of  plastic  art,  with  a  few 
though  but  hasty  strokes.  I  shall  esteem  myself  fortunate, 
if  I  succeed  in  awakening,  by  my  representation,  in  the 
minds  of  the  intelligent  judges  before  whose  presence  I 
have  the  honor  to  speak,  pleasing  recollections  of  a  joyous 
and  festal  life,  in  a  manner  suitable  to  the  day,  which 
should  be  devoted,  not  to  profound  scientific  inquiries, 
but  to  such  entertainment  as  becomes  liberally  educated 
men. 

Let  us,  therefore,  first  go,  pilgrim-like,  to  the  shores  of 
aged  and  plundered  Hellas,  with  Pausanias  and  Strabo 
for  our  guides.  Innumerable  remains  of  ancient  glory 
and  art  still  meet  the  traveller's  eye  there,  although  but 
the  remnants  of  exuberant  wealth,  which  had  escaped 
the  destroying  hand  of  time,  the  desolating  domestic 
wars,  the  inroads  of  barbarian  hordes,  and  the  hostilities 
of  Macedonian  and  Roman  conquerors.  And  yet  these 
remains  seem  to  us  a  bewildering  affluence.  But,  as 
Cicero  says,  that  at  Syracuse,  after  the  temples  had  been 
plundered  by  the  hand  of  Verres,  those  who  guided 
travellers  showed  them  not  what  still  existed  there, 
but  enumerated  what  had  been  taken  away,  so  the 
contemplation  of  what  had  been  preserved  from  those 
times,  and  what  has  since  been  brought  up  again,  from 
the  opened  bosom  of  the  earth,  leads  us  also  inevitably  to 
the  recollection  of  the  infinitely  greater  affluence,  which, 
in  the  age  of  bloom  and  vigor,  had  embellished  the  cities 
and  plains  of  Greece. 


70  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

But  that  I  may  not  be  overwhelmed  by  the  mass  of 
materials  that  press  upon  me,  I  will  confine  myself  to  one 
species  of  works  of  art,  in  which  the  modern  world  is 
most  deficient,  and  the  production  of  which,  if  we  except 
the  works  of  architecture,  is  subjected  to  the  greatest 
difficulties, — I  mean  the  works  of  plastic  art.  We  will  not 
linger  upon  the  works  of  painting,  which  were  accumulated 
in  rich  collections  in  so  many  temples,  halls,  and  places  for 
social  meetings ;  upon  the  multitude  of  metal  vases  adorned 
with  carvings  by  the  hands  of  ingenious  workmen ;  and  of 
those  others,  not  less  important  for  art,  which,  buried  in 
tombs,  have  preserved  a  wonderful  treasure  of  skill  and 
learning  in  art ;  upon  the  sarcophagi,  altars  and  candelabra, 
sparkling  with  rich  sculpture ;  upon  the  immeasurable 
collections  of  engraved  stones ;  and,  finally,  upon  those 
coins,  whose  form  so  far  surpasses  their  material; — all 
these  objects,  so  attractive  in  themselves,  so  powerful  in 
their  influence  upon  modern  taste,  so  important  for  the 
knowledge  of  antiquity  generally,  must  not  at  present  fix 
our  attention.  Here  we  must  only  speak  of  statues,  of 
the  works  of  bronze  and  gold,  of  marble  and  ivory,  "  a 
subject,"  as  Pliny  says,  "  for  many  volumes,  if  one  would 
only  recount  something ;  since  no  man  can  speak  of  the 
whole."  Farther  on,  the  same  writer,  as  if  amazed  at 
the  abundance  of  the  materials,  says,  "  In  the  sedileship  of 
M.  Scaurus,  there  were,  in  the  theatre  built  only  for  a 
temporary  purpose,  three  thousand  statues,  works  of 
Grecian  art,  placed  upon  the  stage.  Mummius  filled  the 
city,  after  the  conquest  of  Achaea,  with  treasures  of  art ; 
the  Luculli  also  made  great  additions.  Yet  the  consul 
Mucianus  has  affirmed,  that  there  are  still  three  thousand 
statues  in  Rhodes ;  and  there  cannot  be  fewer  remaining 
at  Athens,  Olympia,  and  Delphi.  What  mortal  could 
enumerate  all  these  ?  or  what  good  would  it  do  to  know 
them  all  ?    Still,"  continues  he,  "  it  will  be  very  agreeable, 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  71 

to  touch  upon  the  more  distinguished,  and  to  mention  those 
which,  for  any  cause,  are  remarkable."  Even  the  little 
which  Pliny  has,  in  this  way,  distinguished,  we  fancy  to 
be  immeasurable,  and  yet  it  was  only  the  smallest  part  of 
what  actually  existed.  Not  insignificant,  indeed,  are  the 
ruins,  which  time  has  cast  upon  our  shores,  from  the 
wreck  of  antiquity ;  much  among  them  seems  to  us  to 
touch  the  very  summit  of  art,  and  yet  the  ancients 
mention  scarcely  one  or  two  of  the  innumerable  works 
which  embellish  our  museums  and  galleries.  Like  Pliny, 
other  tourists  of  antiquity  have  mentioned  only  the  most 
important ;  no  one  ever  attempted,  probably,  to  enumerate 
the  whole ;  or  if  it  were  done,  their  catalogues  have  all 
perished. 

It  will  be  quite  sufficient  for  our  purpose,  also,  following 
the  ancient  example,  to  reason  from  a  part  to  the  whole. 
The  affluence  of  art,  in  a  few  places  only,  has  become 
known  to  us,  and  mostly  by  accident;  but  we  may  venture 
to  affirm,  that,  as  every  Grecian  town  had  public  places  of 
assembly,  temples  and  colonnades,  gymnasia  and  baths, 
the  ornament  of  statues  also  could  not  have  been  wanting. 
For  the  wealth  of  art  surprises  us,  by  single,  and,  as  it 
were,  lost  specimens,  not  only  in  the  centres  of  culture  and 
science,  but  even  where  the  uneducated  intellect  of  the 
people  leads  us  to  expect  but  little.  As  the  savage  hosts 
of  the  iEtolians  had  destroyed  Dodona,  the  oldest 
sanctuary  of  Greece,  the  Macedonian  warriors,  burning 
with  vengeance,  raged  with  like  fury  in  iEtolia;  and 
more  than  two  thousand  statues  were  overthrown  and 
broken  in  pieces  by  them,  at  Thermon,  where  the  iEtolian 
confederacy  held  their  congress.  Now,  the  arts  were 
never  particularly  cherished  in  iEtolia,  more  than  they 
were  in  Pamphylia,  where,  however,  according  to  Cicero's 
testimony,  a  vast  treasure  of  the  most  excellent  works  of 
art  was  to  be  found  at  Aspendus.      Who  would  have 


72  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

suspected  the  existence  of  many  works  of  art  in  Epirus  ? 
and  yet  Livy  informs  us,  that  Ambracia  was  filled  with 
the  rarest  works,  with  statues  of  marble  and  bronze,  and 
with  numerous  pictures,  which  dazzled  the  eyes  of  the 
Romans,  at  the  triumph  of  Fulvius  Nobilior.  So,  also,  in 
many  towns  of  small  importance,  as  every  body  knows, 
works  of  the  greatest  masters  are  mentioned  by  name ; 
and  here  it  may  also  be  said,  that  no  Grecian  town  was 
without  its  gods. 

But,  that  this  affluence  may  be  placed  more  clearly 
before  our  eyes,  we  will  pass  in  review  some  of  the 
fortunate  places  which  made  the  fairest  show  of  the 
wonders  of  art.  First,  the  country  of  Pythagoras  invites 
us,  by  its  primeval  splendor, — the  fertile  Samos,  where 
rose  that  ancient  temple  of  Juno,  a  work  of  Rhcecus,  and, 
in  the  times  of  Herodotus,  one  of  the  oldest  in  Greece. 
What  the  city  contained,  no  writer  says ;  but  the  temple 
was  filled  with  statues,  among  which,  three,  of  colossal 
size,  from  Myron's  hand,  inflamed  the  avarice  of  Antony, 
the  triumvir.  Opposite  Samos,  lay  the  wealthy  Ephesus, 
and,  in  its  neighborhood,  Diana's  wondrous  fane,  whose 
statues,  according  to  an  expression  of  Pliny,  would  afford 
materials  for  many  volumes.  At  a  short  distance,  lay 
outspread,  like  an  embroidered  tissue,  iEolian  Smyrna, 
where  temple  ranged  on  temple,  and  theatres,  gymnasia, 
and  baths,  not  one  of  which  was  without  its  statues, 
alternately  followed.  But,  among  the  dwelling-places  of 
ancient  art  in  that  region,  no  country  shone  with  greater 
splendor  than  the  island  of  Rhodes,  that  ancient  seat  of 
commerce  and  wealth,  upon  which,  according  to  Homeric 
fable,  "  the  son  of  Saturn  had  poured  down  the  fulness  of 
abundance."  More  than  one  harbor  of  magnificent 
architecture  here  opened  its  arms  to  the  ships  of  the 
Phoenicians  and  Egyptians,  and,  even  from  afar, 
numerous  turrets  announced  a  seat  of  power.     Enriched 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  73 

by  commercial  activity,  and  the  wise  use  of  favoring 
circumstances,  the  city,  which  first  raised  its  head  in 
Lysander's  time,  had  grown  up  to  wondrous  beauty. 
Although  the  assertion  of  a  rhetorical  Greek,  that  Rhodes 
contained  as  many  statues  as  all  the  rest  of  Greece,  may 
seem  an  exaggeration,  yet  the  testimony  of  Pliny  is 
unsuspected,  who,  in  a  passage  cited  before,  speaks  of 
three  thousand  statues.  But  among  these,  according  to 
the  same  authority,  besides  the  most  celebrated  of  all 
colossal  statues,  which  was  an  image  of  the  Sun,  were 
found  a  hundred  others,  each  important  enough,  to  make 
the  place  in  which  it  should  but  stand,  renowned.  And, 
even  when  an  earthquake,  in  the  second  century  of  the 
Christian  era,  had  destroyed  the  city,  there  yet  remained, 
after  infinite  losses,  as  Aristides  asserts,  so  man)?-  works  of 
art,  that  a  portion  of  this  remnant  would  have  sufficed  for 
the  glory  of  other  cities. 

I  pass  over  several  remarkable  seats  of  ancient  art; 
that  enormous  temple  of  the  Branchidae,  near  Miletus ; 
the  temple  of  iEsculapius,  in  Cos ;  Cyzicus,  so  filled  with 
temples  and  statues  of  the  gods,  as  if  the  powers  of  heaven 
had  been  rivals  for  the  honor  of  protecting  the  city ; 
the  sacred  grove  of  Apollo,  at  Antioch,  a  monument  of 
luxurious  kings,  who  loved  the  arts ;  Alexandria,  finally, 
the  rich  burial-place  of  the  great  and  accomplished 
conqueror,  whose  name  it  bore,  with  its  regal  display,  and 
its  festal  processions,  which  were  the  triumph  of  splendor 
and  the  prodigality  of  art ;  I  pass  over  all  these,  in  order 
to  continue  my  way  over  the  islands,  those  forecourts  of 
Attica,  to  Hellas  proper,  where  the  harbors  of  Piraeus 
and  Munychia,  and  the  beloved  city  of  Athena,  protecting 
goddess  of  art,  await  us. 

Here,  however,  the  quantity  of  matter  presses  so 
overpoweringly  upon  us,  that  a  complete  delineation  of 
what  is  most  important  only  would  far  transcend  the  limits 
7 


74  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

of  this  discourse.  The  historian  Hegesias,  after  having 
begun  to  enumerate  the  wonders  of  Athens,  broke  off,  with 
the  enthusiastic  exclamation,  "  All  cannot  be  mentioned,  for 
Athens  is  built  by  the  gods  and  by  ancestral  heroes."  But 
the  orator  Aristides  says,  "  The  greatness  of  the  city,  and 
its  splendor,  correspond  to  its  fortune  in  other  respects, 
and  to  the  great  name  of  its  inhabitants.  Art  here  vies 
with  nature  ;  a  pure  and  mild  sky  encompasses  the  land  ; 
large  and  secure  harbors  open  here  ;  but  of  art,  it  is  hard 
to  say  what  should  be  called  the  first  and  greatest ;  for 
here  are  the  greatest  and  fairest  temples  that  can  any 
where  be  found,  and  statues  of  the  foremost  rank,  old  and 
new.  Suppose,  therefore,"  continues  he,  "  we  strip  this 
city  of  its  ancient  and  fabulous  renown,  its  trophies  by 
land  and  by  sea,  its  orators  and  heroes,  and  all  wherewith 
it  has  filled  up  the  long  time  of  its  existence,  yet  will  it 
take  precedence  of  every  other  city  by  what  we  see  before 
our  eyes."  Thus  Aristides  extols  ancient  Athens  under 
the  reign  of  the  second  Antonine ;  and  what  was  then 
true  on  comparison  with  other  Grecian  cities,  will  even 
now  be  found  true,  if  we  compare  the  remains  of  her 
flourishing  age  with  the  remains  of  art  in  other  places  of 
Greece.  But,  though  these  monuments  and  the  testimonies 
of  antiquity  were  silent,  still  we  might  reasonably  suppose, 
that,  in  a  country  to  whose  bosom  nature  had  committed 
the  seeds  of  art,  where  more  than  elsewhere  the  fear  of 
the  gods,  the  love  of  the  beautiful,  and  the  reverence  for 
sacred  custom  dwelt,  art,  which  is  the  child  of  religion  and 
the  pupil  of  modesty,  would  love  to  linger,  and  would  leave 
most  traces  of  its  existence.  As  the  Apollo  at  Delos  was 
represented  in  a  significant  form  of  ancient  times,  with 
the  terrible  bow  in  his  right  hand,  and  on  his  left  the 
intertwining  Graces,  each  holding  a  musical  instrument, 
so  Athens  appears  to  us,  at  the  time  of  her  bloom, 
equally  armed  for  war   and  ready  for  the  dance.     It   is 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  75 

enough,  here,  to  allude  to  the  efforts  of  Cimon,  who 
ornamented  the  public  squares  of  the  city  from  his  private 
fortune,  and  the  name  of  Pericles,  which  comprehends  a 
long  and  famous  history  of  brilliant  achievements  for  art. 
As,  in  the  earliest  times,  all  the  streets  were  filled  with 
Hermae,  so  after  the  Persian  victories,  markets  and  halls, 
temples  and  gymnasia  were  adorned  with  innumerable 
statues  from  the  hands  of  the  greatest  masters.  But 
especially  had  the  works  of  art  become  so  crowded  upon 
the  Acropolis,  that  this  height  seemed  to  the  astonished 
traveller  like  one  holy  offering,  one  great  work  of  art. 
To  this  citadel,  an  earthly  Olympus,  as  it  were,  a  gigantic 
flight  of  steps  conducted  him  through  the  Propykea,  which 
opened  in  five-fold  gates,  to  a  world  of  forms  of  gods  and 
men,  in  the  temples  and  halls.  Here  Phidias  had  erected 
the  brazen  statue  of  Minerva,  for  the  temple  of  Polias, 
whose  helmet's  plume  flashed  to  meet  the  sailor 
approaching  from  the  Sunian  promontory ;  and  that  other 
brazen  Pallas,  which  bore  the  name  of  "  the  beautiful," 
or  the  Lemnian,  and  a  third,  the  "  immortal  maid,"  the 
protecting  goddess  of  the  Parthenon,  that  enormous 
Colossus  of  ivory  and  gold,  forty  feet  in  height.  On  her 
right  hand  perched  the  goddess  of  victory,  itself  an  image 
of  superhuman  size,  presenting  to  the  goddess^f  war  the 
symbolical  fillet.  After  these  works,  it  is  useless  to  speak 
of  others.  It  may  be  sufficient  to  state,  that,  after  the  city 
had  been  so  often  plundered,  Pausanias  mentions  by  name 
towards  three  hundred  remarkable  statues  still  within  the 
circuit  of  Athens ;  the  rest,  however,  without  fixing  their 
number,  he  indicates  only  in  the  mass. 

We  leave  the  centre  of  Hellenic  culture,  Athens,  the 
lover  of  art,  whose  virtues  have  gained  for  her  the  reward 
of  an  enduring  glory,  and  inspired  respect  even  in  the 
time  of  her  abasement;  Athens,  whose  name  to  every 
cultivated  mind  is  synonymous  with  all  that  is  greatest 


76  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

and  best  in  the  genius  of  man.  The  numerous  works  of 
art,  which  covered  all  Attica,  must  not  detain  our  steps ; 
nor  yet  the  remains  of  the  ancient  glory  of  Thebes,  nor 
Thespiae,  the  sacred  city  of  Eros ;  nor  Helicon,  with  its 
primeval  groves,  its  inspiring  fountains,  and  its  quires  of 
muses,  whose  images  here,  beside  the  statues  of  other 
gods,  stood  surrounded  by  numerous  statues  of  ancient 
poets ;  but  along  the  margin  of  the  Cephissus,  where 
rises  the  ancient  seat  of  the  Graces  of  Eteocles,  wend  we 
towards  Delphi,  "  to  Apollo's  threshold,  in  rocky  Pytho," 
where  the  gratitude  of  wealthy  foreign  princes,  vieing 
with  the  piety  of  Hellenic  cities,  had  adorned  the 
treasuries  and  the  enclosure  of  the  temple  with  offerings 
and  images.  From  afar  was  seen  an  innumerable 
multitude  of  statues  of  victors,  some  raised  on  four-horse 
chariots  of  shining  bronze,  that  seemed  to  the  rapacious 
hosts  of  Brennus  massive  gold.  More  than  once  had 
avarice  been  inflamed  by  the  treasures  of  this  temple ; 
more  than  once  it  had  been  a  prey  to  the  flames ;  and  yet 
Nero  found  in  its  precincts  still  five  hundred  brazen  statues 
which  he  was  tempted  to  carry  off,  while  he  left  behind, 
with  many  of  less  importance,  some  hundreds  which 
Pausanias  held  not  unworthy  to  be  expressly  mentioned. 

At  the  gates  of  the  Peloponnesus,  an  equal  display  was 
made  by  Corinth,  which,  on  two  seas  enthroned,  opened 
her  ports  to  the  treasures  of  eastern  and  western  commerce. 
Cherished  by  affluence,  domestic  art  had  here  grown  up. 
How  immense  was  the  profusion  of  works  of  art  in  this 
flourishing  city  was  not  known  until  its  destruction. 
During  several  days  had  the  flames  raged  in  Corinth, 
destructive  even  to  the  conqueror,  and  still  the  multitude 
of  statues,  pictures  and  other  treasures,  which  fell  into 
the  victor's  hands,  almost  surpassed  belief.  Many  were 
destroyed  by  the  Roman  warriors ;  many  were  dispersed  by 
the  Roman  generals  themselves  among  the  cities  of  Greece ; 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  77 

others  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  king  of  Pergamus ;  others 
were  devoted  as  first  offerings  to  the  Olympian  Jupiter 
and  the  Delphian  Apollo ;  but  with  the  remainder  not 
only -Rome  but  all  Italy  was  filled.  Afterwards  Corinth 
rose  again  from  its  ashes ;  and  immediately  the  love  of 
art,  like  a  native  plant  of  the  soil,  put  forth  its  shoots  with 
new  splendor.  And  so  Pausanias  found  it,  after  the  lapse 
of  a  century,  to  his  astonishment,  adorned  by  a  multitude 
of  works  of  the  great  masters. 

Many  parts  of  the  Peloponnesus,  although,  on  the 
whole,  less  the  seat  of  culture  than  northern  Greece,  were 
rich  in  works  of  art ;  but  we  pass  over  Argos,  with  its 
temple,  world-renowned  for  a  statue  of  Juno,  from  the 
hand  of  Polycletus ;  Epidaurus,  too,  with  its  ancient 
sanctuary  of  iEsculapius, — and  Megalopolis,  and  Tegea, 
and  Phigaleia,  a  short  time  since  revealed  again  through 
the  unwearied  diligence  of  travellers,  lovers  of  art,  in  order 
to  visit,  on  the  banks  of  the  Alpheus,  in  the  grove  of 
Olympian  Jupiter,  a  more  crowded  treasury  of  works  of  art. 

This  whole  region  seemed  a  garden  of  the  gods,  and 
was  rightly  called  a  grove  of  Jupiter.  Thick  forests,  the 
dwellings  of  Artemis,  and  the  nymphs  and  Aphrodite, 
overshadowed  clear  streams,  with  flowery  banks,  every 
where  sanctified  by  temples,  and  encompassed  by  Hermae 
and  statues.  But  Olympia  itself  seemed  to  be  the  centre 
of  all  that  was  holy,  as  the  temple  of  Jupiter,  a  wondrous 
massive  structure  of  the  grandest  style,  was  the  central 
point  of  Olympia.  Hovering  on  its  front  pediment,  the 
goddess  of  victory  declared  the  presence  of  the  sovereign 
arbiter  in  the  most  sacred  games.  Numerous  offerings, 
thrones  and  statues,  brazen  cars  and  tripods,  filled  the 
forecourt ;  but  in  the  interior  of  the  temple,  the  colossal 
statue  of  Jupiter,  from  the  hand  of  Phidias,  outshone 
every  other  work.  This  colossus,  in  which  the  dignified 
representation  of  the  highest  majesty  went  far  beyond  the 
7# 


78  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

admiration  which  its  size  produced  at  the  first  view,  might 
again  pass  for  a  combination  of  the  most  varied  sculpture. 
Perched  on  the  right  hand  of  the  god,  the  goddess  of  victory- 
held  out  the  olive  crown  to  the  son  of  Saturn;  by  his  side, 
were  dancing,  on  the  arm  of  the  throne,  the  Hours  and  the 
Graces,  as  well  as  the  goddesses  of  victory  at  its  foot. 
The  golden  robe,  which  floated  around  his  limbs  and  feet, 
was  broidered  with  flowers,  and  figures  of  animals,  and  all 
the  spaces  of  the  throne  with  work  in  relief.  For  the 
love  of  art  among  the  ancients  was  expressed,  also,  in  the 
quantity  of  ornamental  sculpture,  with  which  great  works 
were  covered,  down  to  the  smallest  parts,  the  shields,  the 
sandals,  the  thrones  and  temple  gates,  the  friezes  and  the 
pediments.  But  besides  the  colossus  of  Jupiter,  Pausanias 
saw  there  about  eighteen  statues,  the  poor  remains  of  a 
great  treasure  diminished  by  Nero.  Next  arose  a  temple 
of  Juno,  where  Pausanias  found  still  twenty  statues  of 
gods,  chiefly  of  ivory  and  gold,  and  by  great  masters. 
But  in  the  Altis,  at  the  foot  of  the  Cronian  hill,  there 
stood,  to  omit  much  besides,  an  almost  incredible  multitude 
of  statues  of  Jupiter,  and  among  them,  five  of  colossal  size, 
the  largest  of  which  measured  seven  and  twenty  feet,  and 
the  smallest  six  ells ;  a  group,  of  Jupiter,  Thetis,  and  Day ; 
and  next  another,  of  ten  champions,  a  work  of  Myron ; 
finally,  a  third,  in  which,  again,  Jupiter  appeared,  with 
Nemea,  and  five  other  heroines.  In  the  same  enclosure 
of  the  Altis,  was  seen  a  group  of  five-and-thirty  boys ; 
another,  of  nine  heroes,  who  were  casting  lots  for  the 
honor  of  the  duel,  and  Nestor,  who  was  collecting  the 
lots ;  a  colossus  of  Hercules,  ten  ells  in  height ;  several  of 
the  labors  of  this  hero ;  statues  of  Amphitrite,  of  Poseidon, 
of  Hestia,  of  Persephone,  of  Aphrodite,  of  Ganymede,  of 
Artemis,  of  iEsculapius  and  Hygeia,  of  Homer  and 
Hesiod,  of  Bacchus  and  Orpheus,  and  of  many  others, 
by   the   first   masters.       But   of    combatants,   Pausanias 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  79 

enumerates,  in  the  same  enclosure,  two  hundred  and 
some  thirty  statues,  expressly  reminding  us,  that  he  makes 
mention  only  of  the  most  remarkable.  It  is  easy  to 
believe,  that  there  may  have  been  no  small  number  of 
those  of  less  importance. 

The  many  states  of  Magna  Grecia,  some  of  which 
were  powerful,  were  no  less  depositaries  of  art.  Thus, 
to  mention  some,  Tarentum  was  found  by  the  Roman 
conquerors  filled  with  statues.  Syracuse  equally,  and 
most  of  the  cities  of  Sicily.  Even  the  ruins  of  their 
temples,  theatres,  and  palaces,  still  bear  emphatic  testimony 
to  an  age  of  high  art.  The  temple  of  a  Juno  Lacinia,  all 
Capua  and  Cumae,  Syracuse  and  Enna,  the  temples  of 
Selinus  and  Agrigentum,  even  now  the  wonder  of 
travellers,  contained  numerous  statues,  and  many  other 
offerings,  which  here,  as  every  where,  wealth  or  gratitude 
had  consecrated. 

When  these  depositaries  of  art  in  the  East  and  West 
fell  into  the  power  of  the  Romans,  is  it  strange,  that  Rome, 
and  the  Latin  cities,  and  the  villas  of  the  great  and  rich, 
were  converted  into  great  halls  of  art  ?  Earlier,  martial 
Rome,  which,  according  to  the  expression  of  Plutarch, 
knew  no  ornaments  but  arms  and  spoils,  furnished  to 
the  unwarlike  and  luxurious  spectators  no  pleasing  or 
unalarming  spectacle.  "  To  melt  brass,  and  breathe  into 
it  the  soul  of  art,  or  to  create  living  forms  in  marble,"  the 
Roman  had  not  learned.  "  His  art  was  government  and 
war."  Tuscan  artists  had  furnished  him  with  what 
religion  required,  of  wood  or  clay,  earthen  gods,  just 
deities,  who  were  looked  back  upon,  with  regret,  in 
the  evil  days  of  tyranny,  by  ingenious  panegyrists  of  the 
olden  time,  with  pardonable  over-estimation.  But  after 
Marcellus,  the  famous  conqueror  of  Syracuse,  had  carried 
thence  a  multitude  of  statues,  as  the  rightful  spoils  of 
war,  and  had  turned  the  rude  minds  of  his  fellow-citizens 


80  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

to  the  admiration  of  these  works,  then  were  all  military 
commanders  anxious  to  lend  their  triumphs  a  splendor 
before  unknown,  by  works  of  art.  So,  T.  Quinctius 
Flamininus,  the  conqueror  of  Macedonia,  and  the  liberator 
of  Hellas ;  so,  M.  Fulvius,  who,  after  the  conquest  of  the 
iEtolians,  had  two  hundred  and  eighty-five  brazen,  and  two 
hundred  and  thirty  marble  statues  borne  in  his  triumphal 
procession.  A  few  years  after,  iEmilius  Paulus  celebrated 
a  still  more  splendid  triumph,  when  the  captured  images 
and  colossal  statues  were  carried  on  two  hundred  and 
fifty  chariots.  After  a  short  period  of  time,  Rome  saw, 
in  one  year,  the  spoils  of  Carthage  and  Corinth,  and, 
somewhat  later,  in  the  triumph  of  Sylla,  the  ornaments 
of  wealthy  Asia  borne  to  the  Capitol.  Thus,  in  almost 
uninterrupted  triumphs,  in  the  course  of  a  century,  the 
finest  works  of  Grecian  art  travelled  to  Rome,  at  first  a 
decoration  of  the  city,  its  temples,  and  markets ;  but  anon, 
when  virtue  gave  way  to  private  interest,  an  ambiguous 
ornament  of  the  houses  and  villas,  where,  formerly,  only 
captured  arms,  and  the  images  of  ancestors  had  proclaimed 
the  fame  of  Roman  virtue.  Now,  also,  the  common  soldier 
learned  to  despise  the  temples  of  the  gods ;  to  confound 
what  was  sacred  and  what  was  profane ;  to  aspire  to 
statues  and  richly  wrought  furniture ;  and  to  nourish 
desires,  which  became  a  new  pretext  for  violence  in  war, 
and  oppression  in  peace.  As  already,  in  the  times  of  the 
republic,  Lucullus  and  others  regarded  the  statues  of  the 
Grecian  masters  as  the  fairest  embellishment  of  their  regal 
country  palaces,  of  which  they  never  had  enough,  so,  later, 
did  the  Ccesars,  also. 

Even  without  the  pretext  of  war  and  triumphs,  the  gods 
of  Greece  were  torn  from  their  temples,  and  borne  away 
over  the  sea,  and  served  to  heighten  the  splendor  of  the 
haughty  mistress  of  the  world,  and  her  princes.  Soon 
there  dwelt  in  Rome  as  many  statues  as  men ;  and  the 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  81 

rich  mines  of  art,  which  modem  times  have  disclosed  in 
the  soil  of  Tibur  and  Tusculum,  on  the  Alban  Mount,  and 
at  Antiurn,  and  other  places  in  the  neighborhood  of  Rome, 
have  sufficiently  taught  us,  that  the  region  round  about 
was  not  much  less  rich  than  the  capital  city  itself.  It  is 
remarkable  here,  that  amidst  all  these  riches  of  ancient 
and  lofty  art,  a  profound  sense  of  art  was  never  created 
in  Rome,  and  no  Roman  artist,  of  whom  we  know, 
produced  any  great  work.  Even  had  the  creative 
power  not  been  denied  them,  still,  perhaps,  it  could  not 
be  unfolded,  in  the  crowd  of  such  numerous  and  varied 
enjoyments  as  the  capital  of  the  world  supplied.  For 
contemplation,  they  had  but  very  little  time ;  quiet  was 
wanting  for  study,  both  from  without,  and,  in  most  cases, 
from  within. 

If  we  now  turn  our  eyes  from  this  infinitely  rich  plastic 
world  to  our  own,  what  the  latter  has  produced,  seems 
almost  trifling,  considered  with  reference  to  the  extent 
of  all  the  European  countries,  and  those  settled  by 
Europeans.  While  painting,  without  special  models, 
reached  the  highest  summit  of  conceivable  excellence, 
in  the  course  of  a  single  century,  after  its  revival, 
and  filled  all  the  countries  of  Europe,  even  to  the 
boundaries  of  Asia,  with  its  marvels,  sculpture  has  but 
seldom  passed  beyond  the  barriers  of  imitation,  though 
instructed  by  the  greatest  models.  It  is  laboriously 
propagated,  only  in  an  artificial  warmth,  just  as  if  its 
productive  power  had  been  exhausted  in  Hellas.  Its  few 
and  scattered  works  seldom  proceed  from  the  inner  life  ; 
still  more  rarely  do  they  enlarge  the  province  of  forms  by 
new  and  genial  creations.  Some  that  have  attempted  to 
open  new  paths  have  gone  astray  therein;  most,  lingering 
on  the  beaten  track,  have  contented  themselves  to  give  back 
the  old  in  manifold  combinations.  But,  finally,  all  that  has 
been  produced  in  one  way  or  the  other,  even  as  to  number, 


82  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

is  but  little,  when  compared  with  the  ancient,  and  when 
we  consider  the  extent  of  the  geographical  boundaries 
over  which  the  efforts  of  art  have  extended.  This  twofold 
phenomenon  is  worthy  of  consideration,  as  is  every  thing 
that  can  lead  to  a  clear  and  distinct  knowledge  of  the 
modern  and  ancient  world,  and  of  their  difference,  and 
that  consequently  may  disclose  to  us  the  essential  character 
of  both,  with  their  contrasts. 

Now,  if  we  trace  this  difference  to  its  origin,  we  must 
go  back  to  the  deepest  principle  in  the  nature  of  man, — 
to  religion.  Polytheism  was  the  religion  given  to  the 
youth  of  man,  but  Christianity  was  revealed  to  him  in  the 
fulness  of  time,  in  the  maturity  of  his  age.  The  former 
appears  in  Hellas  in  its  highest  power;  and  whatever 
could  be  accomplished  by  heathenism  was  accomplished  in 
Greece.  To  recognize  the  Deity  in  the  living  power  of 
nature  was  no  exclusive  prerogative  of  the  Greeks  ;  other 
nations  of  lively  sensibility  have  also  reverenced  as  deities 
the  single  rays  of  the  Divine  Being  separated  from  their 
common  centre;  and  we  can  hardly  yield  to  the  Greeks  in 
this  respect  any  other  precedence  than  that  they,  by  their 
livelier  fancy  and  deeper  feeling,  traced  more  devoutly  than 
others  a  divine  life  in  every  fair  or  mighty  appearance. 
But  it  was  peculiar  to  them,  that,  among  all  the 
phenomena  of  nature,  they  distinguished  man  as  the  first 
and  noblest,  and  recognized  in  his  form  the  highest  sensible 
manifestation  of  the  Divine  Being.  While,  therefore, 
in  other  climates,  Polytheism  desecrated  its  altars  and 
temples  by  significant  images,  before  whose  deformity  the 
divine  nature  seems  to  flee,  the  Greek  created  God  in 
his  own  image,  as  the  purest  symbol  of  the  divine  nature, 
and  associated  to  every  phenomenon  in  which  he  felt  God's 
life-giving  breath,  a  being,  who  appeared  to  his  imagination 
under  human  guise  as  an  object  of  human  devotion.  Thus, 
religion,  which,  according  to  its  general  nature  is  absorbed 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  83 

into  the  immeasurableness  of  the  formless  infinite,  fixed 
the  eye  of  the  Greeks  upon  the  limitation  of  the  human 
form,  and  the  plastic  sense,  which  usually  disappears  with 
the  childhood  of  nations,  was  made  permanent  among  the 
Greeks  by  religion.  But  this  origin  is  also  to  be  looked 
upon  as  the  source  of  that  inspiration,  which  transfigures 
whatever  of  beauty  reality  supplies  into  the  most  beautiful ; 
and  if,  as  one  of  the  ancients  says,  the  higher  nature  of  the 
gods  had  passed  into  art,  because  art  had  been  borrowed 
from  the  gods,  it  may  be  particularly  affirmed  of  plastic 
art,  that  it  became  godlike,  through  the  representation 
of  the  gods.  For,  as  its  task  was  to  show  the  divine 
excellence  under  the  limitation  of  the  human  body,  it 
could  not,  like  Egyptian  art,  confine  itself  to  a  laborious 
modelling  of  what  the  present  supplied  them,  but  was 
early  forced  to  strike  out  lofty  forms,  in  whose  intelligible 
proportions  a  higher  nature  might  be  traced. 

Therefore  Pausanias  says,  of  the  works  of  Daedalus, 
that,  with  all  their  clumsiness  of  execution,  they  gave 
intimations  of  a  high  and  divine  character.  Thus  was 
done,  in  the  beginning  of  art,  what  Plato  prescribes,  as  a 
law  to  the  artists  of  his  republic,  "  that  they  should  create 
nothing  illiberal  or  deformed,  as  well  as  nothing  immoral 
and  loose,  but  should  every  where  strive  to  attain  to  the 
nature  of  the  beautiful  and  the  becoming."  Moreover,  as 
a  cheerful  serenity  stamped  the  character  of  this  religion 
of  the  senses,  and  the  felicity  of  the  celestial  beings 
consisted  in  passing  their  time  free  from  care,  it  would, 
for  this  reason,  the  less  occur  to  the  thoughts  of  the  creator 
of  a  divine  form,  to  remind  us,  in  the  figure  of  a  god,  of 
the  toilsome  development  of  a  common  human  nature,  in 
proportion  as  he  found  more  prototypes  of  what  was 
noblest  and  most  beautiful,  in  the  figures  of  finely 
organized  and  happily  developed  men.  Much  rather 
must  the  forms  of  his  gods  have  appeared   to  him  as 


84  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

having  sprung  into  being  free  from  toilsome  effort,  like  the 
Aphrodite  of  the  ancient  fable,  who,  born,  without  a  pang,  in 
the  watery  element,  landed  on  the  flowery  shore  of  Paphos, 
in  the  perfection  of  her  spontaneously  unfolded  beauty. 

But,  as  religion  produced  the  ideality  of  art,  so,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  ideality  of  art  gave  birth  to  religion. 
Such  forms,  as  ancient  sculpture  placed  upon  the  altars, 
seemed  taken  from  a  higher  world;  their  beauty  and 
dignity  had  the  effect  of  creating  a  belief  in  their  actual 
existence,  and  commanded  reverence.  And,  certainly,  an 
art  which  so  blended  the  earthly  with  the  heavenly,  and 
visibly  presented,  what  Plato  calls  the  most  beautiful 
spectacle,  the  harmony  of  beautiful  manners  with  a 
beautiful  configuration,  had  a  well-founded  right  to  hold 
up  its  works  to  veneration. 

Thus  that  tendency  of  religion  operated  directly  upon 
the  creative  art,  and,  indirectly,  towards  the  production  of 
the  often-noticed  plastic  character  of  the  Greeks.  This 
character,  which  all  their  poetry,  nay,  the  language  itself, 
and  the  rhythmical  movement  of  the  language,  declare,  is 
visible,  even  to  the  purblind  eye,  in  Homer,  and  other 
ancient  poets,  whose  works,  on  the  other  hand,  as  the 
universal  fountain  of  all  culture,  nourished  the  plastic 
sense  among  the  people.  From  the  Homeric  poetry,  and, 
later,  from  the  works  of  the  tragic  writers,  came  forth  a 
world  of  sculpture.  And  was  not  all  ancient  fable  a 
gallery  of  mighty  forms  of  gods  and  heroes,  which  were, 
for  the  most  part,  embodied  in  the  world  of  art,  also  ? 
And  must  not  our  art  make  daily  pilgrimages  to  those 
fountains,  silently  confessing,  that  the  modern  world,  and 
its  poetry,  especially,  is  wanting  in  the  life  of  form  ? 

Thus,  therefore,  plastic  art  sprang  from  religion;  not, 
indeed,  from  that  external  want  of  paganism,  which  even 
the  formless  symbol  satisfies,  as  the  object  of  worship,  but 
from  the  deepest  sources  of  Hellenic  anthropomorphism. 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  85 

But  when  the  temples  of  the  gods  had  once  been 
decorated  with  the  images  of  their  protectors,  the  circle 
of  art  was  soon  enlarged,  and  embraced  every  thing  that 
but  touched  upon  the  wide  boundaries  of  the  world  of 
gods.  Even  heroes  entered  therein,  and  mortals,  who,  by- 
mighty  deeds,  lofty  virtues,  or  distinguished  fortune,  had 
attested  a  divine  nature,  and  the  favor  of  Heaven.  Here, 
every  age  and  sex  found  its  place.  Nay,  this  circle  was 
enlarged,  even  to  the  boundaries  of  the  animal  kingdom, 
by  the  images  of  fawns  and  satyrs,  and  other  natures  of  a 
mingled  kind;  and  the  material  of  art  became  at  once 
attractive,  by  its  higher  relations  and  its  endless  affluence. 
It  is  enough,  here,  besides  the  variety  of  forms  on  Olympus 
itself,  to  call  to  mind  the  attendants  of  the  gods,  the 
motley  throng  of  a  Dionysiac  procession,  the  picturesque 
arrangement  and  display  of  the  festivals,  and  the  wide 
world  of  public  games. 

But  after  plastic  art  had,  in  the  mode  described,  been 
taken  up  and  nurtured  in  the  bosom  of  religion,  it  was 
adopted  by  the  State,  and  cherished  in  every  way.  Both 
were  closely  united ;  not,  however,  in  so  material  a  way  as 
those  teach  us,  who  consider  priestly  fraud  and  state  craft 
to  be  the  levers  of  ancient  republican  virtue,  but  by  closer 
bonds  of  a  spiritual  union.  Burning  love  of  country, 
that  rich  germ  of  Grecian  virtues,  was  most  closely  and 
intimately  united  with  faith  in  the  marvels  of  the  ancient 
gods  and  heroes,  as  those  who  had  roamed  over  the  same 
soil,  and  had  lived  and  loved,  in  human  form,  among  their 
ancestors.  It  was  a  necessity  to  believing  posterity,  to 
encounter  their  images  on  every  sacred  spot  where  their 
deeds  were  done,  where  they  were  born,  where  they  were 
released  from  the  bonds  of  mortality.  The  whole  history 
of  Hellenic  antiquity  was  interwoven  with  gods,  and  the 
whole  soil  of  Greece  was  consecrated  by  ancient  legends 
of  their  marvels.  Thus  their  forms  opened  and  cherished 
8 


86  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

the  patriotic  heart.  In  many  places  where  they  were 
honored,  they  still  wrought  through  oracles  and  wonders ; 
so  that  the  place  of  worship  and  its  object  seemed 
inseparable.  Hence,  too,  the  religious  effect  of  those 
statues, — as  of  the  Jupiter,  at  Olympia,  where  he,  himself, 
as  arbiter  supreme,  assigned  the  highest  of  the  prizes ;  or 
of  Pallas,  who  surveyed  her  beloved  city  from  the 
Acropolis, — must  have  been  quite  other  than  in  a  collection 
of  art,  where  the  religious  sense,  without  which  no  such 
work  can  be  sufficiently  understood,  is  checked  and 
restrained  in  various  ways. 

Upon  the  influence  of  climate  on  art  and  taste, 
much  has  been  written;  more,  perhaps,  than  is  wanted; 
but  less  notice  has  been  taken  of  the  bond  which  unites 
the  temperature  with  the  form  of  government,  and  the 
form  of  government  with  art.  That  serene  heaven  which 
Greece  enjoys,  was  the  best  loved  roof  of  its  inhabitants ; 
the  cooling  breeze,  the  resounding  sea,  and  the  brilliant 
sun,  were  the  delight  of  the  people,  and  the  joy  of  their 
life.  They  passed  their  time,  the  greater  part  of  the  year, 
exempt  from  toil,  in  the  midst  of  nature,  in  the  cheerful 
enjoyment  of  their  existence,  and  in  the  excitements  of 
social  intercourse.  Even  in  the  flourishing  period  of 
Athens,  the  city  seemed  to  those,  who  lived  after  the 
ancient  fashion,  only  a  resort  for  the  intercourse  of  the 
busy,  and  the  country  was  looked  upon  as  the  happy 
home ;  and  many  an  old  Greek  regarded  the  city  as  a 
huge  prison.  But  these  prisons  must  needs  at  least  be 
cheerful.  Hence,  no  Grecian  city  was  without  its  public 
squares,  airy  colonnades,  spacious  halls,  and  shady  groves; 
here  the  people  lived,  here  they  transacted  their  business, 
and  enjoyed  their  leisure.  With  the  climate  corresponded 
the  form  of  government,  and  as  this  increased  the  tendency 
to  an  out-of-door  life,  it  is  nothing  strange,  that  the  people 
sought  to  adorn,  in  every  way,  the  public  places  which 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  87 

were  their  ordinary  abodes,  and  where  they  assembled  for 
common' consultations  on  the  most  important  affairs.  The 
peculiar  spirit  common  to  the  civil  constitutions,  was 
nurtured  by  the  publicity  of  life.  The  residences  of 
private  men  were  small,  the  interior  embellishments 
insignificant ;  so  that  even  what  in  later  times  is  censured 
as  extravagant  luxury,  is  only  a  proof  of  the  simplicity  of 
domestic  life.  But  to  devote  to  the  State  what  was 
abstracted  from  selfish  enjoyment;  to  beautify  the  city  by 
religious  festivals,  brilliant  spectacles,  and  immortal  works 
of  art,  this  was  the  glory  of  a  patriotic  Greek.  Inasmuch, 
therefore,  as  a  thousand  slender  streamlets  poured  into 
the  sea  of  the  common  weal,  it  became  possible,  by 
the  smallest  means,  to  bring  about  the  greatest  ends. 
Frequently,  patriotic  artists  wrought  without  reward,  for 
the  decoration  of  the  city,  content  with  the  appropriate 
enjoyment,  the  pleasure  of  their  contemporaries,  and  the 
hope  of  future  fame.  And  as  every  work  of  art  was 
designed  for  the  public  enjoyment,  so  was  the  artist 
himself,  also,  according  to  an  expression  of  Pliny,  more 
than  any  where  else,  a  common  property  of  the  world. 

But,  besides  this,  the  publicity  of  life  had  for  art  the 
double  advantage,  first,  that  it  led  undesignedly  to  the 
contemplation  of  nature  in  her  most  genuine  manifestations, 
which  for  the  artist,  at  least,  was  as  important  as  the  often 
contested  excellences  of  Grecian  beauty;  but,  secondly, 
that  it  maintained  art  upon  a  dignified  elevation.  Directed 
to  the  public,  she  nourished  herself  with  an  energetic  life, 
and  unfolded  her  wings  in  her  native  air,  where  she  was 
maimed  and  limited  by  no  individual  caprices.  So  long, 
therefore,  as  public  life  existed  in  its  dignity,  so  long  did 
art  maintain  herself  upon  her  serene  elevation ;  and  she 
sank,  when  that  was  degraded.  The  Macedonian  princes, 
who  honored  in  degenerate  Greece  the  dwelling-place  of 
virtue,  left  to  most  of  the   cities  their  self-government; 


88  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

and  yet  the  defeat  at  Cheronea  was  the  turning-point 
of  Hellenic  excellence.  The  gladness  of  popular  life 
vanished ;  the  free  spirit  was  broken ;  the  ennobling  pride 
of  the  citizen  was  humbled ;  only  dull  sparks  of  hope  yet 
slumbered  under  the  ashes  of  ancient  recollections.  As 
the  base  and  evil  will  gains  no  power  over  the  individual, 
so  long  as  his  spirit  soars  on  the  wings  of  inspiring 
ideas,  and  only  comes  to  power  when  they  are  eclipsed ; 
so,  also,  in  Greece,  the  deadly  tare  began  then  first  to 
grow  rank  when  the  genii  of  joy  and  conscious  dignity 
had  vanished  from  her  happy  plains.  The  change  was 
rapid.  Noble  pride  was  expelled  by  ignominious  flattery ; 
the  guiding  stars  of  poetry  and  art  were  clouded  over, 
and  morals,  which  had  come  to  a  splendid  maturity, 
robbed  of  animating  light,  lost  strength  and  hue. 

Thus,  also,  the  prosperity  of  art  was  bound,  by  the 
closest  ties,  to  the  flourishing  state  of  the  Grecian  civic 
governments,  not  only  on  account  of  the  outward  means, 
though  these,  too,  were  not  to  be  despised,  but  especially 
on  account  of  the  interior  life,  which  was  thereby 
nourished  and  made  productive.  But  the  outward  ability, 
also,  of  producing  so  numerous  and  costly  works  for  the 
decoration  of  the  cities,  was  closely  dependent  on  the 
popular  feeling  which  the  civic  constitution  cherished. 
Wants  were  little,  life  was  easy,  and,  what  was  more 
important  than  all,  the  idea  of  country  held  self-interest 
in  check.  The  commonwealth  was  rich  through  the 
moderation  of  its  members.  Individuals  provided  for  the 
gladness  and  adornment  of.  life,  as  for  their  other  wants, 
and  it  was  the  glcry  of  an  honest  citizen,  to  do  in  this 
matter  not  the  least,  "but  the  most,  he  could.  A  noble 
rivalry  kindled  the  community,  and  nothing  finer  can  be 
said  in  praise  of  Grecian  culture,  than  that  the  promotion 
of  the  arts  was  the  means  by  which  the  favor  of  the 
citizens  was  won.      How  many  nations  are  there,  who 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  89 

could  have  been  controlled  by  such  means  of  popular 
influence  as  those  that  Pericles  employed  ? 

Wealth,  therefore,  was  not,  properly  speaking,  the 
patron  of  art,  but  civic  virtue,  the  consort  of  a  decent  and 
philosophic  poverty.  Wealth  has  never,  by  itself,  created 
any  thing  great;  and  even  as  an  aid,  it  is  without  value, 
unless  it  move  in  the  train  of  virtue.  Thessaly,  too,  was 
rich.  But  when  did  the  Thessalians  ever  do  any  thing 
great?  Where  did  they  ever,  by  the  cultivation  of  the 
arts,  betray  a  higher  civilization  ? 

As  art  was  the  daughter  of  civic  virtue,  so  was  she  also 
the  reward.  The  doers  of  famous  deeds,  the  promoters 
of  the  country's  glory  in  war  and  peace,  the  sages  and 
the  poets,  were  celebrated  by  works  of  art,  and  their  forms 
handed  down  to  after  ages.  Even  acts  of  piety  and  filial 
love,  or  useful  inventions,  were  eternized  by  statues,  and 
hallowed  in  temples.  "  To  be  set  up  in  bronze,"  says  a 
later  Grecian  orator,  "  seems  to  noble  men  exceedingly 
excellent ;  and  it  is  a  worthy  reward  of  virtue,  to  stand, 
not  like  contemporaries,  but  to  retain  one's  name  after 
death,  and  to  leave  behind  a  visible  sign  of  eminence. 
Countless  numbers  were  held  worthy  of  such  an  honor." 

Now  it  is  far  from  wonderful,  that  a  more  than  ordinary, 
a  religious  love  for  plastic  art,  encounters  us  every  where 
in  those  States,  as  a  sort  of  distinguishing  mark  of  the 
Hellenic  nature.  He  deserves  to  be  called  the  most 
excellent,  says  Pindar,  who  knows  much  of  nature. 
Grecian  art  was  eminently  excellent,  because  it  sprung 
from  the  Grecian's  inmost  nature,  and  for  that  reason,  the 
Greeks  welcomed  her  to  their  heart  of  hearts.  But  how 
living  and  deeply-rooted  this  love  for  art  was  in  Greece, 
may  be  pre-supposed  as  known ;  the  source,  also,  of  this 
love  is  clear  from  the  preceding  remarks.  From  this 
sprang  that  religious  opinion  of  the  sacredness  and 
inviolability  of  every  work  of  art;  an  opinion,  which, 
8* 


90  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

where  it  does  not  spring  from  feeling,  cannot  be  forced  by- 
prescription.  Those  works  were  regarded  as  precious 
common  possessions  of  every  citizen;  and,  according  to 
Cicero's  assertion,  no  example  was  known  of  a  Grecian 
city's  having  alienated  such  treasures.  When,  therefore, 
Nicomedes,  of  Bithynia,  wished  to  buy  of  the  Cnidians 
the  Aphrodite  of  Praxiteles,  with  the  promise  of  relieving 
the  city  of  its  pressing  burden  of  debt,  they  replied,  that 
they  would  rather  submit  to  any  hardship  than  bear  this 
loss.  In  fact,  many  a  city  was  rendered  famous  by  a 
single  work  of  art.  Strabo  relates,  that  after  the  Eros  of 
Praxiteles  was  erected  at  Thespiae,  in  Boeotia,  travellers 
came  from  every  quarter  thither,  though,  before  that  time, 
Thespise  was  never  visited.  When  Demetrius,  the  son  of 
Antigonus,  beleagured  Rhodes,  the  beleagured  citizens 
desired,  above  all  things,  the  preservation  of  the  Ialysus, 
by  Protogenes,  a  picture  situated  in  an  exposed  quarter  of 
the  city;  and  when  they  applied  in  this  behalf,  to  the 
enemy,  by  ambassadors,  he  answered  them,  that  he  would 
rather  burn  the  images  of  his  fathers,  than  a  work  of  such 
high  art.  This  refined  solicitude  for  the  preservation  of 
the  beautiful  was  not  only  of  a  totally  different  nature  from 
that  mania-like  dilettanteism,  which,  after  the  subjugation 
of  Greece,  took  possession  of  the  Romans,  but  it  had 
grown  up  in  a  wholly  peculiar  manner,  with  the  growth 
of  Grecian  culture,  so  that  it  is  nothing  strange,  if  we  find 
the  same  sense  again,  even  beyond  the  world  of  art,  in  all 
the  phenomena  of  the  higher  Hellenic  life.  Even  the 
constant  sight  of  such  great  and  noble  works  of  art  must 
have  affected  life,  and  given  it  a  nobler  bearing ;  and  the 
higher  sentiments,  out  of  which  they  had  sprung,  were,  in 
turn,  cherished  by  them.  Hence  we  find,  not  only  in  their 
poetry,  but,  also,  in  the  manners  of  the  better  age,  that 
harmonious  proportion,  that  quiet  greatness,  that  pleasing 
grace,  and  that  balance  between  the  overflowing  joy  of  life 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  91 

and  severe  regularity,  which  showed  itself  in  ancient 
sculpture,  as  it  were,  at  its  highest  point ;  and  they  not 
only  honored  beauty  in  nature  and  art,  as  it  was  honored 
no  where  else,  but  also  strove  to  represent  the  harmony  of 
character  and  of  the  form,  on  which  all  beauty  rests,  in 
bearing  and  address,  and  to  introduce  it  into  the  common 
intercourse  of  life.  Graceful  demeanor  thus  became  a 
distinguishing  mark  of  Hellenism ;  for  the  reverence  of  a 
well-attempered  character  had  its  due  effect  upon  outward 
appearance ;  hence,  in  Pericles,  his  serious  aspect,  his 
composed  gait,  the  becoming  arrangement  of  his  robe,  the 
quiet  modulation  of  his  voice,  are  commemorated,  just  as 
if  the  silent  dignity  of  an  animated  work  of  art  were  the 
object  of  praise.  So  long  as  this  respect  for  the  becoming 
was  prevalent,  art  also  flourished;  and  when  moderation 
in  externals  was  forgotten,  and  an  appearance  of  vigor  was 
sought  by  violent  motions  and  neglected  array,  then  the 
period  of  the  grand  style  in  art,  as  well  as  in  manners, 
was  over. 

It  is  unnecessary  expressly  to  remark,  that  this  love  for 
art,  penetrating  through  life  itself,  not  only  favored,  but, 
to  a  certain  degree,  demanded,  the  multiplication  of  its 
works.  But  when  the  deeper  fountains  were  dried 
up,  their  influence,  nevertheless,  as  is  usually  the  case, 
still  continued,  as  the  light  of  a  lost  star  would  shine 
upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth,  centuries  after  its 
extinction.  After  the  age  of  Alexander  the  Great,  whose 
love  of  art,  perhaps,  was  only  a  Hellenized  self-interest, 
creative  art  made  no  further  progress;  but  the  impulse 
given  in  better  times  worked  on  mechanically ;  the 
tradition  of  excellence  remained ;  external  respect  for  art 
was  still  propagated ;  adroitness  in  art  was  even  increased, 
and,  as  the  living  fountain  of  new  creations  was  exhausted, 
the  works  of  earlier  times  were  imitated.  The  successors 
of  the  Macedonian  conqueror  gave  employment   to  the 


92  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

artists,  not  without  zeal,  though  not  with  a  genuine  sense 
of  art ;  and  what  numerous  and  gigantic  works  their  will 
commanded,  is  told  on  every  page  of  their  history. 
Thus  the  works  of  plastic  art  were  multiplied;  the  old 
was  repeated;  and  the  limits  earlier  drawn,  were  ever 
filling  more  and  more.  Hence  we  perceive,  in  so  many 
later  works,  the  peculiar  beauty  of  antiquity ;  as,  also,  in 
the  productions  of  their  eloquence  and  poetry,  in  the  age  of 
exhausted  vigor,  often  with  meagre  materials,  and  deficient 
fulness  of  life,  we  still  can  trace  a  breath  of  the  sense  of  art. 

Now  since  the  interior  causes  have  been  assigned,  by 
which  the  exceeding  affluence  of  works  of  plastic  art  in 
the  Grecian  States  is  comprehensible, — religion,  public 
feeling  and  the  love  for  art, — it  only  remains  for  me  to  cast 
a  hasty  glance  upon  the  modern  world,  in  order  to  place 
the  feeling  and  the  spirit  of  antiquity  in  a  clearer  light  by 
the  contrast. 

Here,  then,  it  appears,  as  if  the  tendency  to  this  kind 
of  art  were  rather  acquired  than  natural,  although  many 
distinguished  artists  have  practised  sculpture  with  brilliant 
success.  Having  every  outward  appliance  to  inspire  her 
with  life,  enjoying  the  profoundest  instruction  in  theory 
and  execution,  she  still  lives  almost  entirely  by  the  use  of 
external  means,  being  quite  too  feeble  to  sustain  herself 
and  prolong  her  own  existence.  More  the  daughter  of 
ambition  than  of  love,  she  almost  ever  moves  in  the 
train  of  power  and  rank  alone ;  and  as  she  makes  her 
appearance  but  seldom,  the  interest  felt  in  her  existence 
is  but  small.  So  her  life,  too,  cannot  be  energetic.  Among 
the  Greeks,  this  art,  like  every  other,  grew  up  from  the 
deepest  roots  of  life;  and  whoever  among  them  exercised  it, 
practised  it  as  one  should  practise  virtue,  as  the  calling  of 
his  very  soul.  To  obey  this  inward  calling  was  religion. 
Thus  art  arose  and  flourished.  From  the  country's  soil  she 
drew  her  vigor,  as  Antaeus  gained  new  strength  from  the 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  93 

bosom  of  mother  earth;  but  her  radiance  she  borrowed  from 
Olympus,  and  the  faith  in  the  world  of  gods  and  heroes. 
Forced  to  seek  the  means  of  culture  within  their  own 
boundaries, — for  what  could  foreign  nations  have  supplied 
them,  but  the  simplest  elements  ? — the  Greeks  gave  every 
science  a  thoroughly  national  form,  and  yet,  by  reason 
of  the  happy  unfolding  of  their  pure  nature,  a  universal 
one.  Modern  plastic  art,  on  the  contrary,  especially  the 
German,  for  the  most  part  allured  abroad  by  admiration 
of  what  is  already  completed,  has  been  unable  to  acquire 
any  peculiar  form.  Thus  the  noblest  nurture  on  the 
country's  maternal  bosom  has  been  denied  it,  and  it  has 
been  compelled  to  content  itself,  mostly  by  imitation, 
to  counterfeit  a  superficial  appearance  of  life.  Now, 
though  the  German  soul  has  laid  up  many  a  jewel  in  the 
borrowed  forms,  as  in  a  precious  casket,  still  no  work  of 
art  can  be  called  perfect,  in  which  the  form  has  not  been 
born  and  shaped  from  the  material,  the  image  from  the 
animating  idea.  That  art  only  thrives  and  kindles  the 
hearts  of  men,  which  proceeds  from  love  and  necessity, 
offspring  of  Jove ;  which  is  conceived  in  the  love  for  the 
ideas,  and  in  a  profound  impulse  of  nature,  regulated  by 
the  severity  of  law  and  lovingly  nurtured  by  outward  life. 
Bat  that  the  outward  life,  which,  as  has  been  shown 
before,  excited  the  art  of  the  ancients  in  such  various 
ways,  was  unfolded  in  modern  times,  after  a  fashion  less 
favorable  to  art,  is  partly  to  be  ascribed  to  other  causes, 
but  chiefly  to  the  change  of  religion.  Here  we  can  only 
touch  upon  the  most  essential  points.  The  plastic  sense  of 
the  Greeks  was  converted  by  Christianity  into  a  mystical 
one.  While  the  Greek  heathen  deified  the  inner  life  of 
nature,  and  made  this  life,  reverenced  as  divine,  visible  to 
the  senses  as  well  as  to  the  soul,  by  a  new  creation, — in 
the  Christian  world,  the  contemplation  of  the  Divine  Being 
retired  to  the  soul,  and  all  earthly  appearance  paled  in 


94  .      CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

the  glory  with  which  the  new  religion  encompassed  the 
only  God  of  heaven  and  earth.  By  this  new  and  more 
profound  revelation,  earth  and  life  seemed  to  change  their 
shape ;  the  former  was  converted  into  a  vale  of  trial  and 
sorrow;  the  enjoyment  of  the  present  was  lost  in  the 
effort  to  become  worthy  of  future  and  real  life,  or  in  the 
longing  for  death ;  and,  absorbed  in  the  contemplation  of 
the  unfathomable,  the  spirit  shunned,  as  far  as  possible, 
all  that  could  enchain  it  to  the  life  of  form.  It  was  no 
more  the  destiny  of  man  to  enjoy  his  existence  on  earth, 
but,  mindful  of  the  better,  though  forfeited  country,  to 
mourn  over  the  earthly  fetters  that  detained  him  in  the 
prison-house  of  the  flesh.  Now,  therefore,  form,  even  in 
its  perfected  beauty,  seemed  only  as  a  wall  of  separation 
from  the  recognition  of  the  infinitely  perfect,  to  a  re-union 
with  which,  as  to  the  object  of  unceasing  longing,  the 
overthrow  of  these  earthly  barriers  led.  The  infinite  beauty 
of  a  world,  which  transcended  all  conception,  could  only 
come  forth  from  the  annihilation  of  the  finite  form.  The 
flowers  of  Paradise  could  only  blossom  from  the  ashes  of 
the  grave ;  the  liberated  champion  could  only  travel  to  his 
proper  country  through  the  triumphal  arch  of  the  tomb. 
Under  the  influences  of  a  religion  so  spiritual, — and 
how  mightily  this  influence  worked  in  early  times,  is 
known, — plastic  art,  limited  to  austere  forms,  could  thrive 
no  more.  Music,  as  the  most  spiritual  interpreter  of  the 
ineffable,  and,  as  it  seemed,  the  least  enchained  by 
earthly  fetters,  soared  away  beyond  all  the  arts;  but 
poetry  moulded  itself  anew,  and,  swallowed  up  in  the 
infinity  of  mysticism,  strove  to  utter,  in  new  tones,  the 
boundless  longing  after  perfect  holiness,  the  never-satiated 
astonishment  at  the  incomprehensible,  the  profound  scorn 
of  the  earthly,  the  ecstasy  of  devotion,  and  the  compunction 
of  remorse.  Here  was  no  place  left  for  creative  art,  had 
the  weakness  of  human  nature  been  able  to  follow  the 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  95 

steep  and  narrow  path  to  the  eternal,  which  the  piety  of 
the  inspired  fathers  of  the  primitive  church  traced  out 
before  him.  Meantime,  human  sentiment  even  here 
asserted  its  claims,  and  the  love  for  the  Divine  Author  of 
the  religion  came  somewhat  in  aid  of  the  natural  wish  of 
men,  to  cheat  desire  by  the  image  of  the  desired  object. 
But,  in  order  to  build  itself  up  in  this  new-formed  world,  it 
must  needs  submit  itself  to  new  laws.  To  aim  exclusively 
at  beauty,  like  the  Grecian  sculptor,  would  have  been 
profane.  The  first  object  Christian  art  had  to  aspire  after, 
was  instruction  and  significance ;  and,  as  painting  can 
attain  this  end  more  easily  and  perfectly  than  plastic  art, 
and  as,  besides,  it  works  with  more  spiritual  means,  it 
soon  became  the  favorite  companion  of  Christianity,  when 
Christianity  gradually  embodied  itself  in  outward  forms. 

Moreover,  the  political  institutions  of  Christian  nations, 
in  modern  times,  have  changed  in  a  way  not  altogether 
favorable  to  plastic  art.  The  visible  community  of  the 
civic  States  has  been  more  and  more  resolved  into  a 
spiritual  and  invisible  one ;  care  for  the  preservation  of 
the  whole  has  been  committed  to  the  hands  of  a  few ;  the 
citizen  trustfully  yields  the  government  of  the  State  to 
the  sovereign  appointed  him  by  God,  and,  exempt  from 
public  cares,  pursues  his  inclination  or  his  business. 
Therefore,  as  once  the  interest  of  public  life  was 
predominant,  so  now  will  be  the  interest  of  the  domestic 
circle.  Besides  this,  the  greater  extent  of  our  States,  the 
broader  course  of  affairs,  the  altered  state  of  education, 
produces  a  separation  of  the  several  powers,  as  well  as  of 
different  ranks ;  and  that  the  whole  may  be  more  closely 
united  under  a  single  head,  the  parts  must  be  more 
carefully  distinguished.  In  Greece,  the  poet,  the  artist, 
the  philosopher,  were  not  divided  from  the  general  and 
the  statesman ;  the  power  of  every  one  belonged,  in  every 
possible  application,  to  the  public  life,  and  to  the  great 


96  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

family  of  which  he  was  a  member ;  and  all  lay  united  in 
so  narrow  a  circle,  that  the  duties  of  the  outward  calling 
either  promoted  the  efforts  of  the  inner,  or  but  little 
disturbed  them.  Inasmuch,  therefore,  as  the  individual 
rays  were  concentrated  and  directed  upon  the  whole 
there,  as  well  as  for  similar  reasons,  in  the  free  States  of 
the  middle  ages,  the  greatest  results  could  be  effected  in 
the  State  often  by  apparently  trifling  means.  On  the 
contrary,  in  the  modern  world,  domestic  and  private  life, 
to  which  religion,  and  in  the  north  of  Europe  especially, 
the  climate  invites,  has  been  by  the  constitution,  also, 
carried  to  the  highest  perfection.  As  the  Grecian  adorns 
his  native  city,  every  man  in  the  modern  world  adorns, 
as  much  as  he  can,  his  own  home,  and  no  disapprobation 
of  his  townsmen  disturbs  the  harmless  pleasure  he 
takes  in  the  bosom  of  his  family,  or  the  narrow  circle 
of  his  friends,  in  a  cheerful  and  handsomely  ornamented 
residence.  Hence  art  has  also,  in  monarchic  States, 
assumed,  for  the  most  part,  a  domestic  character,  and 
painting,  therefore,  in  its  various  branches,  has  become 
the  most  favorite  art  of  the  modern  world. 

This  art,  which  thrives  the  more  easily  because  it 
needs  fewer  appliances,  and  by  the  infinite  variety  of  its 
objects  is  better  adapted  than  any  other  to  satisfy  the 
most  varied  dispositions,  seems  to  have  been  assigned  to 
the  modern  world,  instead  of  the  costly  embellishment  of 
plastic  art.  This  peculiar  property  it  has  therefore  unfolded 
with  zeal  and  success  in  all  directions ;  here,  doubtless,  will 
it,  for  the  future,  blend  together  the  scattered  rays  of  the 
love  of  art,  which  is  stirring  ever  with  more  and  more 
life  in  our  country.  And  yet,  perchance,  in  this  so  deeply 
excited  age,  the  yet  slumbering  enthusiasm  is  only  waiting 
the  favorable  moment  for  a  new  upward  movement  of  plastic 
and  every  other  species  of  art.  If  every  one,  who  feels  in 
his  bosom  the  sparks  of  the  Promethean  fire,  but  seeks  to 


PLASTIC    ART    OF    THE    GREEKS.  97 

find  the  proper  calling  of  his  nature,  in  order  to  obey  the 
summons  when  the  right  time  appears,  then  may  we 
hope,  that  in  our  country,  if  no  where  else,  every  art  will 
find  its  favorers,  every  effort  of  art,  its  supporters.  But,  in 
order  to  produce  what  shall  satisfy  future  times  by  the 
indwelling  spirit  and  external  perfection,  it  is  not  enough 
to  imitate  what  is  already  completed ;  the  age  also  asserts 
its  right,  and  the  character  of  the  people.  Every  nation 
should  undoubtedly  be  what  it  can  most  completely  be, 
taking  into  view  all  the  traits  of  its  character.  Modern 
times  cannot  run  into  antiquity;  Germans  cannot  turn 
themselves  into  Greeks ;  but  for  every  age  and  every 
nation  can  that,  which  once  existed  in  perfection,  serve 
as  a  mirror,  in  which  it  may  the  better  know  itself.  Thus, 
also,  should  all  who  are  concerned  with  high  culture, 
look  into  antiquity,  in  order  there  to  seize  the  manly 
spirit,  without  which  nothing  great  can  thrive,  and  to 
know  themselves  by  the  comparison.  They  should 
educate  themselves  by  antiquity,  but  not  borrow  from 
it;  they  should  rival  antiquity,  in  earnest  effort,  but 
not  idly  appropriate  its  treasures  to  themselves. 

If  these  wishes  have  any  meaning,  where  could  they 
better  hope  for  fulfilment,  than  in  this  capital,  where  an 
inherited  love  of  art  is  duly  nurtured  on  the  finest 
works,  confirmed  by  noble  institutions,  and  cherished 
and  animated  by  the  patronage  of  the  most  magnanimous 
of  kings ;  this  generous  and  wise  monarch,  to  whom 
every  one  applies,  with  joyous  conviction,  what  a  Eoman 
says  of  Caesar  Augustus,  that  he  promoted  with  loving 
heart,  not  only  the  happiness  of  individuals,  and  the 
welfare  of  the  State,  but  also  the  flowers  of  art,  that  the 
State  may  not  only  be  enlarged  by  him  with  provinces, 
but  the  majesty  of  the  kingdom  may  be  enhanced 
by  the  sciences  and  the  arts.  May  he,  in  whose 
honor  we  have  here  assembled  to-day,  long  enjoy  the 
9 


CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

harvest  which  his  beneficence  has  sown ;  may  the  olive- 
branch  of  peace  long  give  coolness  and  shade  to  his 
exalted  head,  and  his  prospering  people;  and  may  the 
glad  light  of  an  inspiring  joy,  which  the  happiness  of  his 
illustrious  son,  the  heir  of  his  regal  and  domestic  virtues, 
kindles  on  this  delightful  day  in  his  paternal  heart, 
encompass  all  his  life  with  cheering  brightness,  down 
to  the  last  moment,  which  is  to  remove  him  from  this 
mortal  state ;  and  may  then  a  grateful  posterity  exclaim  to 
each  of  his  successors,  Be  as  wise  and  beneficent,  be  as 
beloved  and  happy,  as  Maximilian  Joseph. 


PHILOLOGICAL   CORRESPONDENCE 


PHILOLOGICAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


DAVID    RUHNKEN    TO    JOHN    DANIEL    RITTER. 

Leyden,  July  29, 1747. 

Whenever  I  think  of  you  and  your  favors  to  me, — and 
I  think  of  them  very  often, — I  am  vexed  with  myself,  that 
I  came  away  from  Saxony  without  taking  leave  of  you. 
But  since  this  and  other  foibles  of  my  youth  have,  as 
I  hope,  passed  away,  I  feel  assured  they  will  not  be 
treasured  up  against  me,  by  any  one,  and,  least  of  all,  by 
you,  whom  I  know  to  be  the  kindest  of  men.  You  will 
never  see  cause  to  regret  having  trained  me  as  a  disciple ; 
for  I  shall  always  cherish  towards  you  sentiments  of  filial 
regard,  and  take  pleasure  in  making  your  merits  known 
to  the  learned  of  other  nations.  I  have  long  been  in 
doubt,  whether  to  venerate  your  worth  in  silence,  as 
heretofore,  or  to  address  you  by  letter.  But  my  affection 
has  overcome  my  modesty. 

I  know  very  well  that  this  correspondence  will  be 
no  honor  to  you  in  Wittenberg;  but,  if  I  am  not 
mistaken,  it  will  afford  you  some  pleasure,  and  be  of  some 
advantage.  *  *  * 

I  will  now  give  you  a  brief  sketch  of  what  has  transpired 
with  me  since  I  left  you.     No  sooner  had  I  arrived  in 
Holland, — that  nursery   of  men   of   learning, — than   G. 
9* 


102  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

Meermann,  a  young  man  of  superior  talents,  and  an 
admirer  of  your  productions,  altogether  unexpectedly 
made  provision  for  me.  He  had  perceived  my  ardent 
love  for  study;  he  therefore  made  me  tutor  to  his  younger 
brother.  But  this  was  not  enough.  He  gave  his  parents 
such  accounts  of  me,  that  his  father  took  the  place  of 
father  to  me  till  his  death ;  and  his  mother  is  a  mother  to 
me  to  this  very  hour.  Consequently,  I  spent  nearly  three 
years  in  directing  the  studies  of  Meermann,  the  younger 
brother,  in  the  university  of  Leyden,  and  in  hearing  the 
lectures  of  distinguished  professors.  In  the  study  of 
civil  law,  Schelting  was  my  teacher;  in  history,  and 
Roman  antiquities,  Francis  Oudendorp;  in  Greek 
literature,  now  my  favorite  study,  John  Alberti,  and,  most 
of  all,  that  extraordinary  man,  Hemsterhuys.  To  have 
been  permitted  to  enjoy  the  instructions  and  intimate 
acquaintance  of  this  man,  I  regard  as  my  highest  felicity. 
With  a  mind  almost  superhuman,  and  an  exhaustless 
store  of  learning,  he,  of  himself,  restores  to  the  university 
of  Leyden  the  splendor  it  had  under  Scaliger  and 
Salmasius.  On  the  expiration  of  this  period  of  nearly 
three  years,  the  excellent  J.  P.  D'Orville  invited  me,  on 
the  most  advantageous  terms,  to  his  house,  where  I  still 
remain,  engaged  in  my  favorite  pursuits.  My  Maecenas 
allows  me  to  make  an  excursion  nearly  every  week  from 
Amsterdam  to  Leyden,  to  which  I  am  attracted  no 
less  by  the  public  library,  than  by  the  splendor  of  the 
university.  *  *  * 

Our  Dutch  critics  are  very  nice  judges  of  the  merits  of 
others.  Of  the  numerous  throng  of  German  philologists, 
only  nine  or  ten  are  held  in  any  reputation  by  them ;  and 
I  congratulate  you,  my  dear  Ritter,  that  you  belong  to 
that  small  number.  No  class  of  men  are  held  in  greater 
detestation  here,  than  those  shameless  compilers,  who, 
though  they  say  some  useful  things,  are  led,  for  the  sake 


ruhnken's  correspondence.  103 

of  making  a  book,  to  fill  out  their  pages  with  common- 
places which  the  veriest  blockhead  knows.  How  often 
are  these  German  luminaries,  as  they  are  called  in  their 
own  country,  the  subject  of  merriment  with  Wesseling, 
Alberti,  Wetstein,  myself,  and  others.  I  wish  you  could 
be  present  to  enjoy  the  fun. 

RUHNKEN    TO    RITTER. 

Leyden;  Dec.  8,  1760. 
You  have  probably  learned,  from  the  letters  of  Ernesti, 
that  I  have  left  no  stone  unturned  to  remove  you 
from  unhappy  Saxony  into  our  happy  Batavia.  After 
experiencing  successive  frowns  of  fortune  upon  my 
attempts,  I  have  now  the  inexpressible  happiness  of 
finding  an  opportunity  for  consummating  my  wishes. 
Andrew  Weiss,  a  distinguished  professor  of  law,  who,  for 
fifteen  years,  has  adorned  the  university  with  his  genius 
and  learning,  was  invited  the  last  year,  by  the  authorities 
at  the  Hague,  to  become  the  teacher  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  Though  other  candidates  Avere  recommended 
for  the  vacant  professorship,  yet,  aided  by  the  influence  of 
Hemsterhuys,  Gaub,  and  Alberti,  I  have  so  far  succeeded 
in  recommending  you,  as  to  render  it  no  longer  doubtful 
that  the  curators  would  appoint  you,  if  they  could  be 
assured  of  your  acceptance.  *  *  * 

RUHNKEN    TO    RITTER. 

Ley  den,  Jan.  12, 1761. 
I  wish  that  you  might  be  as  successful  in  accomplishing 
all  your  desires,  as  I  have  been  in  whatever  I  have 
undertaken  in  your  behalf.  All  your  competitors  have 
failed ;  one  of  whom,  supported  by  the  favor  of  a  great 
sovereign,  had  regarded  his  'success  as  already  ^certain. 
The  votes  in  your  favor  were  unanimous.  Still,  the 
official    notice    will    hardly   be    communicated    to    you 


104  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

before  the  first  of  February;  for  the  curators  are  not 
accustomed  to  have  any  thing  of  importance  pass,  except 
at  the  stated  meetings,  the  first  of  which  will  take  place  on 
the  day  above-mentioned.  I  am  very  happy  that  you  are 
satisfied  with  the  terms.  I  know  not  how  to  express  my 
joy,  that  you,  at  length,  have  become  ours.  As  you  seem 
to  entertain  some  doubt  in  regard  to  the  emoluments  and 
perquisites,  I  will  go  through  the  calculation.  The  salary 
is  2000  florins.  The  tuition  for  a  course  of  lectures, — 
none  of  which  are  public, — being  thirty  florins  for  each 
student,  will  amount  to  about  1300;  but  this  will  vary 
with  the  number  of  students.  The  other  items  are  much 
more  certain.  Promotions  to  the  degree  of  doctor,  which 
occur  almost  every  week,  will  bring  you  1400  florins. 
Exemption  from  taxes  is  worth  at  least  300.  All  these 
together,  make,  as  I  said,  5000  florins.  In  this  estimate,  I 
have  omitted  several  smaller  perquisites,  which,  however, 
deserve  consideration.  Professor  Weiss  testifies  to  the 
correctness  of  the  estimate.  I  now  proceed  to  reply  to 
your  particular  inquiries  separately. 

1.  All  public  lectures  are  held  in  Latin;  private 
instruction  is  sometimes  given  in  French.  I  recommend 
to  you  to  make  it  your  first  business  to  acquire  a  facility 
in  speaking  the  French.  You  may  converse  in  this 
language  with  the  English,  French,  and  most  of  the 
Swiss,  all  of  whom,  though  they  understand  the  Latin, 
are  unable  to  speak  a  word.  All  persons  of  rank,  too, 
male  and  female,  speak  French  in  preference  to  the 
Dutch.  Most  of  the  professors  are  acquainted  with  the 
German,  but  not  many  individuals  in  the  higher  circles. 
No  lectures  are  given  in  this  language. 

2.  The  public  law  of  Germany,  according  to  Mascovius, 
is  taught  only  when  there  are  several  German  noblemen 
here.  At  other  times,  Otto's  Notitia  is  explained,  as  being 
better  adapted  to  the  wants  of  the  Dutch. 


ruhnken's  correspondence.  105 

3.  You  are  not  called  to  pay  a  farthing  by  way  of 
taxes ;  for,  as  I  have  said  above,  the  university  enjoys  a 
complete  exemption.  So  you  can  drink  your  wine  cheap, 
while  it  comes  very  dear  to  other  citizens. 

4.  A  house  is  commonly  rented  by  the  professors,  for 
about  500  florins.  The  services  of  a  waiting-maid  are 
from  sixty  to  seventy ;  but  when  she  receives  something 
from  the  students,  as  yours  will,  the  cost  is  only  from 
forty  to  fifty. 

5.  Though  you  will  find  more  teachers  in  painting, 
singing,  and  dancing,  in  Leyden  than  in  Wittenberg, 
still,  the  charge  for  twenty  lessons,  is  not  less  than  eight 
or  nine  florins. 

6.  The  style  of  dress  among  the  professors  is  simple, 
and  is  commonly  in  black.  The  more  illustrious  one  is 
in  this  country,  and  the  greater  the  influence  which  he 
exerts,  the  more  simple  is  his  style  of  dress.  But  the 
servants  glitter  in  gold  and  silver ;  houses  are  splendid, 
and  entertainments  princely. 

7.  The  professors'  wives  are  generally  modest  and 
domestic.  If,  however,  any  one  desires  to  appear  in 
public,  and  visit  the  theatres,  she  can  gratify  her  tastes. 
The  dress  of  these  matrons  is  not  splendid,  but  is 
extremely  neat.  You  know,  perhaps,  that  all  Dutch 
women  run  mad  after  neatness. 

8.  A  governess  for  daughters  can  be  obtained  here  for 
200  florins ;  but  you  will  need  none,  as  there  are  French 
schools,  in  which  the  daughters  of  noblemen  are  educated 
in  all  the  branches  of  polite  learning. 

9.  I  would  advise  you  to  let  rather  than  sell  your 
house  at  present.  If  you  wait  till  peace,  you  can  then 
sell  it  on  better  terms,  through  an  agent.  Nor  will  it  be 
necessary  to  sell  your  library,  or  any  of  your  valuable 
articles  of  furniture.  These  may  all,  with  the  greatest 
convenience,  be  transported  to  Hamburg,  and  thence  to 


106  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

Amsterdam  and  Leyden  by  water.  There  is  no  occasion 
for  anxiety  about  the  expense  of  your  removal ;  for,  as  I 
wrote  you,  the  curators  will  more  than  make  it  good. 

10.  Houses  are  always  rented  in  Leyden  without 
furniture ;  but  it  will  be  easy  to  hire  the  latter  separately. 
Beds,  bedding,  looking-glasses,  etc.,  you  can  transport 
with  you.  Your  pewter  ware,  on  account  of  its  weight, 
it  would  be  better  to  dispose  of  at  Wittenberg,  especially 
as  it  can  be  replaced  here  at  a  very  cheap  rate.  Nearly 
all  the  articles  pertaining  to  the  table  here  are  pewter ; 
they  are  very  rarely  porcelain. 

Your  title  will  be  Professor  Juris  Publici  et  Privati ; 
not  that  you  will,  as  I  could  wish,  teach  the  latter,  but 
that  you  can  examine  candidates  in  that  branch  of  the 
law.  For  writing  books  you  will  have  more  leisure  than 
you  can  easily  imagine ;  for  the  term  of  study  amounts 
to  only  seven  months  and  a  half  in  all.  The  longer 
vacation  commences  near  the  end  of  June,  and  continues 
till  the  17th  of  September,  during  which  you  can  make 
an  excursion  into  France  or  England,  or  visit  your  Saxon 
friends. 

Leyden,  Dec.  18,  1761. 
0,  Ritter !  what  have  the  curators,  those  respectable 
and  honorable  men,  done,  that  you  should  so  deceive 
them,  or  trifle  with  them?  And  I,  of  whose  upright 
intentions  God  is  witness,  what  have  I  done  to  deserve  to 
be  so  treated  ?  *  *  Blinded  by  the  fascinations  of  your 
wife,  you  are  plunging  yourself  into  ruin.     *     *     * 

RUHNKEN    TO    D'ORVILLE. 

Leyden,  Aug.  21, 1747. 
I  have  quite  too  long  deferred  writing  to  you,  or  rather 
expressing  my  gratitude  to  you.     But  so  far  am  I  from 
forgetting   the   favors   you  have   conferred  upon   me,  I 


ruhnken's  correspondence.  107 

would  gladly  find  a  daily  occasion  to  show  you  how 
sensibly  I  feel  my  obligations.  While  considering  what 
token  of  regard  I  might  present  you,  Brissonius  occurred 
to  my  mind,  which  had  been  emended  in  part,  but  was 
committed  to  my  hands  to  be  finished.  Accept,  therefore, 
this  copy  as  a  present,  corresponding  not  to  your  favors, 
but  to  my  limited  means.  #  *  Having  nothing  else  to  do, 
I  employ  all  my  time  in  examining  the  old  manuscripts 
of  the  library,  an  employment  as  profitable  to  my  mind  as 
it  is  ruinous  to  my  purse.  Since  you  were  kind  enough 
to  promise  never  to  withhold  your  aid  from  me,  when  it 
should  be  needed,  I  take  the  liberty  to  request  you,  if  you 
judge  it  expedient,  to  give  me  something  else  to  collate 
or  copy  for  you.         *         #         # 

RUHNKEN   TO    D'ORVILLE. 

Leyden,  Oct.  29, 1747. 
Although  I  cherish  sentiments  of  the  warmest  gratitude 
towards  you  for  your  almost  royal  munificence  to  me, 
yet  as  often  as  I  am  loaded  anew  with  your  favors,  I  feel 
provoked,  to  think  that  I  have  no  better  way  of  showing 
my  gratitude  by  rendering  you  some  service.  There  is 
no  labor  which  I  would  not  cheerfully  undergo,  if  I  might 
thereby  be  of  any  use  to  you.  Were  you  not  at  this  time 
too  much  engaged  in  your  business,  I  would  submit  to  your 
practised  eye  a  specimen  of  emendations  to  Callimachus, 
a  poet  corrupted  by  false  readings  and  interpolations  far 
beyond  what  is  commonly  supposed.  At  some  future 
time,  when  you  are  more  at  leisure,  I  will,  if  you  have  no 
objections,  ask  your  opinion  in  regard  to  this  subject.  *   * 

RUHNKEN   TO   J.  A.  ERNESTI. 

Leyden,  Nov.  28,  1751. 
Whenever  I  think  of  you, — and  I  do  so  very  often, — 
I  am  ashamed  that  I  have  not  as  yet  been  able  to  publish 


108  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

the  expression  of  my  regard  for  you.  When  we  had 
nearly  finished  printing  Callimachus,  a  new  obstacle  was 
presented.  My  friends  were  of  opinion  that  the  book 
would  be  too  small, — its  form  would  not  be  good.  I 
was,  therefore,  persuaded  to  add  my  Apollonius,  the 
contemporary  of  Callimachus,  which  I  had  reserved  for 
a  third  small  volume.  Still,  if  I  do  not  get  the  book  out 
by  January,  you  may  never  believe  me  again.     * 

RUHNKEN    TO    ERNESTI. 

Leyden,  Jan,  28, 1752. 
Accept,  as  a  token  of  my  regard  for  you,  this  small 
volume  with  the  same  cordiality  with  which  it  was 
dedicated  to  you.  Several  other  copies  will  reach  you 
by  another  conveyance,  which  you  can,  if  you  choose, 
distribute  to  your  friends.  I  have  requested  Professor 
Bach  to  review  it  in  the  Acta  Eruditorum.  *  *  *  High 
expectations  are  raised  in  respect  to  your  Callimachus. 
If  Hemsterhuys  were  to  see  a  copy  of  it  as  finished  by 
yourself,  he  might  contribute  his  observations  on  such 
passages  as  you  may  have  passed  over.  No  one  has 
collected  more  fragments,  especially  from  the  inedited 
grammarians,  than  Valckenaer.  I  have  some  observations 
which  I  will  now  communicate.     *         *         * 

RUHNKEN    TO    ERNESTI. 

Paris,  Feb.  1,  1755. 
On  the  eve  of  my  departure  from  Holland,  I  received 
from  you  two  letters  of  nearly  the  same  date.  The 
catalogue  of  Bdmer's  library,  which  you  sent,  was 
particularly  welcome.  I  wish  you  would  purchase  for 
me,  at  such  prices  as  you  shall  think  proper,  the 
following.  *  *  *  I  have  now  been  several  months  in 
France,  examining  libraries  both  public  and  private.  Nor 
do  I  regret  the  expensive  journey;  for  I  can  assure  you, 


rithnken's  correspondence.  109 

my  dear  Ernesti,  that  if  God  spares  my  life,  this  journey 
will  be  of  great  service  to  Greek  literature,  and  to  ancient 
learning  in  general.  *  *  I  shall  return  to  Holland  early 
in  the  summer.  Do  not  publish  your  Callimachus  before 
that  time;  for  I  know  not  of  any  suitable  person  to 
superintend  the  printing.  *  *  When  shall  we  see  the 
new  edition  of  your  Clavis  to  Cicero?  The  French 
scholars  are  very  desirous  of  this  work.  I  am  surprised 
that  your  booksellers  have  so  little  intercourse  with 
France.  Not  a  single  copy  of  your  Suetonius  or  Tacitus 
has  found  its  way  here,  a  circumstance  which  the  learned 
gentlemen  of  the  Academy  very  much  lament.     *         # 

RUHNKEN    TO    ERNESTI. 

Leyden,  June  24,  1756. 
I  heartily  congratulate  you  on  the  honors  which  you 
have  received  in  your  own  country ;  and  only  fear  that 
an  increase  of  duties  will  prevent  you  from  finishing  your 
Callimachus  the  present  year.  Spanheim's  commentary 
will,  in  the  mean  time,  be  put  to  press.  Hemsterhuys 
agrees  with  me  in  opinion  about  adding  other  fragments 
to  Bentley's.  He  thinks  it  would  be  inexpedient  to  reprint 
the  uncritical  and  useless  notes  of  Voetius.  Frischlin's 
Annotations,  although  they  will  hardly  bear  the  scrutiny 
of  this  age,  may,  if  you  see  no  particular  objections,  as 
well  be  inserted,  on  account  of  the  frequent  reference  to 
them  by  Spanheim  and  others.  As  so  much  space 
will  be  left  for  you,  I  beg  you  give  scope  to  your 
fertile  genius,  and  do  something  handsome,  not  only  for 
Callimachus,  but  for  all  the  ancient  Greek  authors. 
Indulge  that  golden  eloquence  you  possess,  that,  hereafter, 
other  commentators  may  make  you  their  model.  Let 
those  write  short  notes  whose  materials  are  scanty. 
From  you,  whose  genius  and  learning  we  know  to  have 
embraced  all  antiquity,  we  expect  nothing  less  than  such, 
10 


110  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

discussions  as  you  appended  to  your  Suetonius.  *  *  * 
Alberti  has  recovered  his  health,  and  sends  his  regards. 
Hemsterhuys  also  wishes  a  remembrance.  Dissatisfied 
with  his  youthful  labors  on  Pollux,  he  has  returned  to 
this  grammarian,  and  written  a  large  commentary  on 
him,  to  be  published  separately,  in  which  he  has  poured 
out  all  the  treasures  of  his  learning,  Although  nothing 
is  wanting  to  its  perfection,  still  he  cannot  keep  his  hand 
from  retouching  it.  *  *  The  Dutch  think  of  drawing  me 
out  before  the  public.     But  of  this  more  hereafter.    *     * 

RUHNKEN    TO    ERNESTI. 

Leyden,  March  8;  1757. 

I  am  greatly  distressed  at  the  calamities  which  are 
befalling  Saxony;  and  feel  keenly  both  for  you  and  for 
Bitter.  I  should  not  think  it  strange,  if,  in  your  troubles, 
you  should  forget  not  only  Callimachus,  but  me,  too. 
You  can  easily  imagine,  from  my  love  to  you,  how 
anxious  I  am  to  hear  something  of  your  present  situation. 
If  you  can  write  but  three  words,  it  would  greatly  oblige 
me. 

A  peaceful  haven,  and  one  long  desired,  is  at  length 
ready  to  receive  me.  Last  month,  the  curators  of  the 
Leyden  university,  at  the  suggestion  of  Hemsterhuys, 
appointed  me  professor  of  Greek  literature,  with  an  ample 
support.  My  great  teacher  will  henceforth,  on  account 
of  advancing  age,  surrender  to  me  this  department  of 
instruction,  and  confine  himself  to  history.  *  *  *  To 
Heusinger,  whom  you  so  warmly  recommended  to  me,  I 
wrote  in  the  most  respectful  manner,  and  he  has  not 
deigned  to  reply.  I  should  like  to  know  why  he  does  not 
write.  From  Fischer,  who  is  his  friend,  you  can  easily 
learn  the  cause  of  his  silence.  I  will  write  more  after 
receiving  your  letter.  Meantime,  farewell,  my  dearest 
friend.     Please  make  my  respects  to  Professor  Bach. 


ruhnken's  correspondence.  Ill 


RUHNKEN    TO    ERNESTI. 

Leyden;  July  18,  1758. 
If  ever  any  thing  was  welcome  to  me,  your  observations 
on  Callimachus  were  so ;  in  reading  which,  again  and 
again,  I  have  passed  very  many  agreeable  days  with 
Hemsterhuys,  every  where  admiring  the  acuteness  of 
judgment,  the  exuberance  of  exquisite  learning,  and  the 
elegance  of  composition.  If  no  other  monument  of  your 
genius  were  to  exist,  this,  alone,  would  render  your  name 
immortal.  Hemsterhuys  is  no  less  pleased  with  it  than 
myself.  Indeed,  he  was  often  gratified  to  perceive  that 
you  had  fallen,  as  if  by  concert,  upon  the  same  train  of 
thought  with  himself.  The  more  excellent,  therefore, 
your  work  is,  the  greater  pains  we  have  thought  ought  to 
be  taken  with  it,  that  not  the  least  defect  should  be  left  to 
mar  its  beauty.  You  will  find  our  criticisms  in  the 
accompanying  papers,  which,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  will 
give  you  ample  means  for  emendation  and  discussion.  I 
shall  anxiously  await  your  "  second  thoughts,"  in  which 
you  may  enlarge  or  correct  your  previous  observations ; 
and,  having  received  them,  I  will  carefully  insert  them  in 
their  proper  places.  For  it  would  be  better  that  they 
should  be  interwoven  with  the  others,  than  appended  to 
them.  You  have,  in  your  notes,  shown  yourself  very 
courteous  towards  other  scholars,  and  too  much  so 
towards  me.  You  have  attributed  too  much  to  me  for 
the  few  passages  which  I  pointed  out.  As  I  am  not 
fond  of  making  much  ado  about  nothing,  I  have,  in 
many  places,  stricken  out  my  name.  In  such  matters,  I 
have  nothing  to  gain  or  to  lose.  But  for  you,  who  are 
the  editor,  no  fault  is  too  insignificant  to  be  noticed.  I 
could  wish,  if  your  circumstances  should  permit,  that 
you  would  add  one  dissertation  or  more,  respecting  the 
Pelagones,  for  example,  of  whom  much  is  yet  to  be  said. 


112  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

Whenever   you  undertake  to    treat  of   a  topic  at   large, 
you  seem  to  me  particularly  to  excel. 

C.    G.    HEYNE    TO    J.    A.    ERNESTI. 

Dresden,  Dec.  16,  1762. 

I  present  you  my  most  hearty  thanks  for  the  trouble 
you  have  taken  in  bringing  this  proposal  before  me,  and 
regard  it  as  not  the  least  affecting  of  the  singular  events, 
which  conspire  in  this  case,  that  it  comes  to  me  through 
you,  whom  I  most  honor  of  my  former  teachers,  and  to 
whom  I  am  most  indebted. 

As  to  the  matter  itself,  there  are  many  considerations 
for  it,  and  many  against  it.  The  more  I  reflect  upon  it, 
the  more  difficulties  I  perceive.  But  when  I  look  at  the 
prospects  here,  both  those  which  relate  to  the  public  in 
general,  and  those  which  relate  to  me  in  particular,  I 
feel  persuaded  that  I  cannot  disregard  this  indication  of 
Providence,  without  exposing  myself  to  future  self- 
reproach. 

The  place  of  librarian  to  the  King  and  to  the  Count, 
which  I  now  occupy,  compels  me  to  a  life  to  which  I  am 
totally  averse.  I  live  in  the  midst  of  intrigues  and  cabals, 
which  prevail  here  as  much  in  the  lowest  circles  as  in  the 
highest,  and  in  which  one  must  either  participate,  and  be 
the  oppressor,  or  submit  to  be  the  oppressed. 

Such  a  life  must  be  as  unfavorable  to  study,  as  it  is  to 
personal  happiness.  This  consideration,  together  with 
my  peculiar  tastes,  induces  me  to  follow  the  call  of 
Providence  in  the  present  instance,  notwithstanding  I 
hereby  surrender  the  fruit  of  my  ten  years'  expectation 
and  patient  suffering,  and  the  additional  fact,  that  I  have 
now  become  unaccustomed  to  academic  life.  To  your 
first  question,  then,  I  give  an  affirmative  answer.  I  am 
resolved  to  accept  the  call  with  which  the  minister  has 
honored  me. 


113 

In  regard  to  the  second  question,  I  am  far  from  being 
disposed  to  chaffer.  But  since  my  support  here,  if  I 
succeed  in  my  present  expectations,  will  be  700  rix 
dollars,  I  may  justly  consider  myself  as  entitled  to  a 
salary  of  800 ;  so  much  the  more,  as,  in  consequence  of 
my  loss  in  the  Dresden  fire,  I  am  obliged  to  furnish  my 
house  anew.  My  circumstances,  therefore,  require,  also, 
100  or  200  rix  dollars  for  the  expense  of  removal.  I 
believe  the  lamented  Gesner  had  the  charge  of  the 
university  library.  The  loss  of  my  books,  and  my  having 
been  long  accustomed  to  libraries,  render  it  important  to 
me  to  succeed  him  in  this  office. 

I  am  not  blind  to  the  importance  of  the  place  to  which 
I  have  been  designated,  nor  of  the  splendor  which  my 
predecessor  has  given  to  it.  I  honestly  confess  to  you, 
that  since  the  fire,  in  which  I  saw  all  the  avails  of  many 
years'  labor  perish,  I  have  directed  my  attention, — Plato 
alone  excepted, — wholly  to  moral  philosophy,  and  to 
English  literature.  But  I  may,  without  immodesty,  hope 
in  a  short  time  to  feel  at  home  again  in  ancient  literature, 
and  to  advance  with  redoubled  energy.         #         *         * 

RUHNKEN    TO    C.    G.    HEYNE. 

Leyden,  July  14, 1763. 

It  gave  me  the  greatest  pleasure  to  learn  that  my 
recommendation  had  so  much  influence  with  his 
excellency,  Miinchhausen,  as  to  procure  for  you  a  place, 
distinguished  of  itself,  but  the  more  so  from  the  lustre 
Gesner  for  many  years  gave  it.  And  yet  I  do  not  so 
much  congratulate  you,  as  I  do  the  cause  of  good 
learning,  that  it  has  found  in  you  an  unexpected  support. 
Would  that  the  German  youth  might  so  understand  their 
true  interests,  as  to  abandon  metaphysical  subtleties,  and 
drink  at  the  fountains  of  sound  learning  which  you  shall 
open  to  them.  I  beg  you  to  favor  me  with  your  inaugural 
10* 


114  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

address,  which  you  have  undoubtedly  delivered  before 
this  time,  and  any  thing  else  which  you  may  have 
published,  either  in  your  own  name,  or  in  that  of  the 
university.  If  I  publish  any  thing  of  the  kind,  I  will  send 
you  a  copy. 

RUHNKEN    TO    HEYNE. 

Leyden,  July  18, 1764. 

I  have  received  the  kind  and  affectionate  letter,  in  which 
you  say  you  are  turning  your  attention  from  Apollonius 
Rhodius  to  Virgil.  I  have  often  censured  the  German 
booksellers,  that  they  no  sooner  find  an  excellent  scholar 
of  their  own  country,  than  they  engage  him,  not  leaving 
him  to  his  own  judgment  about  publishing,  but,  by 
entreaty,  or  by  money,  bringing  him  into  subjection  to 
themselves.  Hence  it  sometimes  happens,  that  works  are 
published  which  are  unworthy  of  their  authors.  Gesner, 
for  example,  if  he  had  followed  his  own  judgment,  instead 
of  that  of  Fritsch,  would  have  given  us  a  beautiful  and 
perfect  edition  of  Horace.  But,  as  it  now  is,  the  book  is 
a  slender  production,  by  no  means  corresponding  to  the 
author's  fame.  Think  of  the  haste  with  which  it  was 
printed ;  so  great,  that  whole  lines  have  been  omitted.  I 
think  that  your  admirable  talent  is  equal  to  the  work  of 
correcting  the  text  of  Virgil,  and  that  you  cannot  apply 
your  powers  to  a  worthier  object.  *  *  I  have  just  been 
reading  the  Lives  of  Philologists,  by  Harles,  and,  after 
going  through  with  those  of  Burmann,  Klotz,  and  Saxius, 
I  congratulated  myself,  that  when  the  author  requested  me 
to  furnish  him  with  the  materials  for  my  biography,  I  had 
the  discretion  to  make  no  reply.  *  *  At  the  sale  of 
Gesner's  library,  if  it  is  not  too  much  trouble,  have  the 
goodness  to  bid  off  for  me,  and  my  colleague,  Schultens, 
the  books  marked  in  the  catalogue,  at  such  prices  as  you 
shall  judge  expedient.  But  those  marked  N.  B.,  I  wish 
you  to  obtain,  whatever  they  may  cost.         #         #         # 


ruhnken's  correspondence.  115 


RUHNKEN    TO    HEYNE. 

Leyden,  Feb.  21, 1765. 
The  box  of  books  reached  me  in  safety.  The  business 
could  not  have  been  done  better  than  it  has  been  done  by 
you.  I  regret  that  the  Dissertations  of  Berger  have  been 
taken  away  from  me ;  for  I  had  advised  our  booksellers, 
on  account  of  the  delay  of  those  in  Germany,  to  reprint 
them,  together  with  his  Formulas.  But  perhaps  this  loss 
can  be  made  up  from  the  sale  of  Heumann's  library,  the 
catalogue  of  which  I  earnestly  desire  you  to  send  me. 
The  money  due  for  the  books  I  have  not  transmitted  to 
the  Cliffords,  because  I  did  not  doubt  but  that  you  would 
wish  some  portions  of  the  library  of  Wesseling,  which  is 
to  be  sold  here  in  the  spring.  The  pay  can  be  adjusted 
then.  I  will  send  you  a  catalogue  as  early  as  possible. 
I  have  read  your  eulogy  of  Heumann  with  great  pleasure, 
both  on  account  of  the  elegance  of  the  composition,  and 
your  skill  in  the  treatment  of  the  subject.  I  have  long 
been  seeking,  but  without  success,  for  the  eulogy  upon 
Gesner  by  Michaelis.  Perhaps  you  may  have  a  copy 
which  you  can  send  me.  *  *  While  I  think  of  it,  I  will 
inquire  whether  there  is  any  hope  that  the  transactions  of 
the  Academy  of  Sciences  will  be  continued.  If  not,  then 
you  ought  to  publish  separately,  Gesner's  discourses 
delivered  before  the  Academy,  in  which  that  distinguished 
man  excelled  even  himself.  #  #  # 

RTJHNKEN    TO    HEYNE. 

Leyden,  Oct.  13, 1765. 

I  know  not  why  it  is,  that  you,  who  formerly  wrote  me 
so  often,  have  all  at  once  broken  off,  as  if  you  had 
forgotten  me.  May  the  reason  of  your  long  silence  be 
any  thing  rather  than  ill  health.  I  sent  "you  a  catalogue 
of  Wesseling's  library,  hoping,  by  this  means,  to  elicit  a 


116  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

letter  from  you.  But  I  have  received  from  you  no  list  of 
books  to  be  purchased,  though  it  was  agreed  that  I  should 
balance  my  account  with  you  in  this  manner.  *  *  In 
the  summer  vacation,  I  made  so  many  emendations  in 
Velleius  Paterculus,  that  I  hope  to  be  able  to  give  a  better 
edition  than  any  now  before  the  public.  But  I  must  first 
search  the  public  libraries,  and  ascertain  whether  there 
are  any  manuscripts  to  be  had.  I  have  been  diverted 
from  the  Greek  to  the  Latin  authors,  by  the  reproaches 
of  the  younger  Burmann  and  others,  who,  while  they 
admit  that  I  understand  Greek,  deny  that  I  have  a  similar 
knowledge  of  Latin.  But  they  shall  learn,  to  their 
cost,  that  I  have  always  combined  the  study  of  the  two 
languages.  * 


#  # 


RUHNKEN    TO    HEYNE. 

Leyden,  Dec.  25, 1766. 
Though,  on  account  of  my  numerous  engagements,  I 
write  to  you  less  frequently  than  I  could  wish,  no  day 
passes  without  my  thinking  of  you,  or  speaking  of  you 
with  my  literary  friends.  Nothing  appears  more  desirable 
to  all  of  them  than  that,  freed  from  the  embarrassments 
of  which  you  complain,  you  should  be  able  to  devote 
yourself  wholly  to  the  illustration  of  the  Latin  and  Greek 
classics,  for  which  you  are  happily  formed  by  nature  and 
by  excellent  discipline.  But  consider,  I  entreat  you,  my 
dear  Heyne,  whether  you  do  not  sometimes  undertake 
more  than  is  necessary.  All  the  essays  you  have  sent  me 
are  equally  excellent;  but,  if  I  mistake  not,  you  might  write 
fewer.  Why  prepare  elaborate  biographical  notices  of 
such  men  as  Heumann  and  Heilmann,  whom  it  interests 
neither  the  present  generation,  nor  posterity,  to  know 
very  particularly?  I  am  sorry,  too,  that  you  should  have 
mentioned  Bentley  in  the  place  in  which  you  speak  of 
Heumann's    boldness,   which   was    coupled   with    equal 


ruhnken's  correspondence.  117 

ignorance.  They  are  totally  different  men.  Heumann 
is  the  dullest  of  critics,  whereas  Bentley  is  the  most 
felicitous  and  elegant  of  any  that  I  have  ever  known. 
You  will  find  the  remark  of  Hemsterhuys, — himself  the 
most  like  Bentley, — to  be  true,  namely,  "  though  Bentley 
alters  many  passages  which  ought  not  to  be  altered,  in 
most  cases,  the  writers  would  have  done  better  if  they 
had  written  as  he  corrects  them."(?) 

RUHNKEN    TO    HEYNE. 

Leyden,  Dec.  27, 1769. 
Your  friendship  for  me  manifests  itself  every  way. 
You  are  not  only  one  of  my  warmest  friends  yourself, 
but  you  conciliate  for  me  the  good-will  of  others,  and 
among  the  rest  that  of  Wyttenbach,  a  young  man  of 
great  promise,  whose  critical  epistle  on  Julian  evinces 
such  talent,  that  we  may  safely  augur  well  of  his  future 
eminence.  He  has  not  reached  Leyden,  as  he  had 
designed,  but  is  detained  for  a  time  by  the  state  of  his 
domestic  affairs.  He  expects,  however,  to  be  here  early 
in  the  spring,  and  to  pursue  his  studies  under  Valckenaer 
and  myself.  I  have  induced  him  to  give  up  Julian,  to 
whose  writings  he  was  accidently  attached,  and  have 
recommended  him  to  bestow  the  study  of  his  whole  life 
upon  Plutarch,  a  far  better  writer,  which  he  has  resolved 
to  do. 

RUHNKEN    TO    KANT. 

Leyden,  March  10,  1771. 
It  is  now  thirty  years  since  we  were  under  the  rigid 
but  not  unprofitable  discipline  of  the  Pietists  in  the 
gymnasium  at  Konigsberg.  Even  then  it  was  believed 
that  you  might  rise  to  the  greatest  eminence,  if  you 
should  apply  yourself  to  uninterrupted  study.  I  need 
not  say  that  the  expectation  then  raised  has  been  met  by 


118  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

you,  who  have  so  far  exceeded  it  as  to  throw  all  other 
German  philosophers  into  the  shade.  So  much  the  more 
agreeable  was  it  to  me  to  learn  through  our  common 
friend  Wilkes,  that  you  had  not,  in  this  long  interval, 
entirely  forgotten  me.  I  also  have  often  thought  of  you, 
my  dear  Kant,  and  should  have  done  so  still  oftener,  if  I 
had  been  able,  as  I  have  a  hundred  times  desired,  to 
obtain  the  products  of  your  genius.  But  your  German 
writings  are  rarely  or  never  brought  to  Holland.  I  have 
learned  through  the  journals,  the  contents  of  your  books, 
and  have  rejoiced  in  the  commendations  bestowed  on 
you.  *  *  *  Certainly,  in  adopting  the  German  language, 
instead  of  the  common  language  of  the  learned,  you  have 
consulted  neither  your  fame,  nor  the  benefit  of  foreigners. 

#  #  #  After  leaving  Konigsberg,  I  went  to  Wittenberg, 
where  I  studied  philosophy  and  elegant  literature  two 
years.  I  then  came  to  Holland,  with  the  design  of 
remaining  three  years  in  the  Leyden  university,  and  then 
returning  to  my  country.  But  finding  here  such  scholars 
as  I  never  expected  to  meet  with  any  where,  I  could  not 
be  prevailed  on  to  leave  them,  either  by  the  entreaties  or 
by  the  threats  of  my  parents.  I  remained,  therefore,  eight 
years  in  Leyden,  except  one  year,  when  I  was  in  Paris. 

*  *  *  At  length  I  received  the  reward  of  my  toil; 
for  the  curators  of  the  university  made  me,  first,  professor 
extraordinarius  of  Greek,  and  then,  ordinary  professor  of 
eloquence  and  history,  to  which  the  office  of  librarian  has 
recently  been  added.  In  short,  Holland  has  so  loaded 
me  with  benefits,  that  I  have  not  only  almost  forgotten 
my  native  Pomerania,  but  I  even  declined  the  place  of 
Gesner,  which  the  curators  of  the  Gottingen  university 
offered  me.  Meanwhile,  I  have  edited  and  explained  not 
a  few  Greek  and  Latin  authors,  which  have  procured  me 
some  fame  in  Holland  and  England,  but  which  perhaps  are 
not  known  at  all  in  Prussia.    Yet  I  have  never  abandoned 


rtjhnken's  correspondence.  119 

entirely  the  study  of  philosophy  to  which  I  was  most 
ardently  attached  in  my  youth.  The  study  of  antiquity, 
however,  has  led  me  to  Plato,  in  whose  doctrines  I 
cordially  acquiesce. 

I  have  seen  the  Observations  on  the  New  Testament 
by  Kypke,  who  was  our  fellow-student.  There  was  great 
emulation  between  him  and  me.  He  was  a  precocious 
genius,  and  gave  promise  of  future  eminence.  These 
observations  are,  as  I  think,  first-rate.  I  have  never 
heard  from  Porsch,  another  fellow-student,  who  used  to 
write  Latin  poetry  with  such  wonderful  facility.  I  fear 
he  found  an  early  grave. 

RUHNKEN  TO  THOMAS  TYRWHITT. 

Leyden,  Jan.  8,  1783. 
I  should  not  have  delayed  so  long  to  express  to  you 
how  much  pleasure  your  book  gave  me,  but  for  the 
resolution  I  had  formed  to  pay  you  in  the  same  coin. 
I  send  you,  therefore,  a  new  edition  of  the  Homeric 
Hymn,  with  critical  epistles  twice  as  large  as  before. 
I  have  the  less  occasion  to  mention  the  merits  of 
your  treatise  De  Lapidibus,  as  I  shall  soon  speak  of 
that  publicly,  in  the  Bibliotheca  Critica,  with  some 
emendations  which  may  have  escaped  your  notice.  This 
journal  is  edited  at  Amsterdam  by  some  of  my  disciples, 
whose  articles  I  revise ;  but  I  rarely  write  myself,  except 
when  some  work,  like  yours,  invites  me  by  its  excellence. 
I  am  very  anxious  to  know  what  you  are  now  doing.  I 
wish  you  would  employ  your  admirable  talents  in  editing 
Stobseus. 

RUHNKEN    TO    JOHN   HENRY   VOSS. 

Leyden,  Aug.  28, 1780. 
I  was  surprised  on  reading   your  letter,  and  turned 
immediately  to  Matthaei's  copy  which  I  had  happened 


120  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

to  preserve,  to  see  whether  the  lines  were  omitted  by 
my  mistake  or  by  his.  On  examination  of  the  copy,  it 
appeared,  that  the  learned  gentleman,  in  his  zeal  to  aid 
me,  was  in  too  great  a  hurry,  and  fell  into  this  great 
blunder.  Mortified  at  the  discovery  of  such  an  error, 
I  resolved  to  publish  a  new  and  much  more  complete 
edition  of  the  hymn  to  Ceres,  and  thus  efface  the  memory 
of  the  first.  I  have,  therefore,  this  day  written  to  Matthaei, 
requesting  him  to  compare  the  text  carefully  with  the 
Moscow  manuscript,  and  mark  all  the  variations,  and 
supply  the  lines  accidentally  omitted.  To  give  the  new 
edition  still  greater  advantage  over  the  former,  I  intend 
to  remove  a  ground  of  frequent  complaints  among  my 
friends,  by  adding  a  Latin  translation.  It  would  be  a 
great  favor  to  me,  if  you,  who  have  already  acquired  such 
reputation  by  your  translations  of  Homer,  would  undertake 
this  service.  My  engagements  are  so  numerous,  that  I 
cannot  find  the  necessary  leisure.  Please  to  give  me  an 
early  reply.  *  *  I  am  very  happy  that  this  circumstance 
has  introduced  me  to  your  acquaintance ;  and  now  I 
earnestly  desire  you  would  give  me  a  full  account  of 
your  life,  where  you  were  born,  under  what  masters  you 
studied,  and  what  you  are  preparing  for  publication.  No 
man  living  has  a  stronger  desire  to  aid  in  providing 
means  to  emend  and  illustrate  the  Greek  and  Latin 
classics,  such  men  as  I  know  you  to  be.  Will  you  also 
inform  me  in  what  studies  you  take  most  pleasure  ? 

J.    H.    VOSS    TO    RUHNKEN. 

Otterndorf,  Sept.  23,  1780. 
It  gave  me,  respected  sir,  the  highest  pleasure  to  learn, 
that  you  were  not  displeased  at  my  obtruding  upon 
your  attention  Matthaei's  omission  of  several  lines  in  the 
Homeric  Hymn ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  you  received 
my  intimation  with  the  greatest  kindness  and  benignity. 


ruhnken's  correspondence.  121 

You  request  me  to  give  you  an  account  of  my  life,  as  if 
it  were  worthy  of  your  notice ;  and,  to  show  that  you  do 
not  wish  merely  to  gratify  me  by  a  friendly  curiosity, 
you  offer  to  aid  me  with  the  stores  of  your  learning,  and 
propose  to  me  the  task  of  preparing  a  Latin  version,  to 
accompany  your  new  edition  of  the  Hymn.  To  such 
kindness  towards  me  I  cannot  refuse  to  yield,  though  I 
shall  make  but  a  poor  requital. 

My  native  place  is  Penzlin,  a  small  town  in  Mecklenburg. 
In  consequence  of  the  calamities  of  war,  my  parents  had 
destined  me  to  the  workshop.  At  length  I  prevailed  on 
them,  when  I  was  fifteen  years  of  age,  to  let  me  attend  the 
Latin  school  at  New  Brandenburg,  to  lay  the  foundation 
of  a  liberal  education.  I  had  a  teacher  who  thought  he 
had  performed  all  his  duty  in  Greek,  when  he  had  taught 
select  passages  in  the  New  Testament.  But  I  had  such 
a  desire  for  reading  those  authors  rejected  as  profane* 
that,  with  the  greatest  effort,  I  studied  by  myself  the  first 
that  came  in  my  way,  namely,  Plutarch  on  the  Education 
of  Boys,  and  Hesiod's  Works  and  Days.  Three  years- 
afterwards,  when  want  of  funds  prevented  me  from 
proceeding  with  my  studies,  I  became  a  private  teacher 
in  the  family  of  a  country  gentleman,  where  I  remained 
for  a  period  of  three  years  more.  I  next  made  myself 
known,  by  some  verses  with  which  I  was  accustomed  to 
relieve  the  tedious  hours,  to  Professor  Boje,  of  Gottingen, 
by  whose  efficient  aid  I  was  enabled  to  escape  from  a 
state  of  idleness.  I  went  to  Gottingen,  the  seat  of  the 
severer  muses,  at  his  invitation,  in  the  spring  of  1772>. 
where,  it  is  unnecessary  to  say,  I  availed  myself  as  far  as 
possible  of  the  instructions  of  Heyne,  and  of  the  extensive 
library  of  the  university.  From  the  first  lectures,  which 
scorned  to  treat  of  the  elements  of  grammar,  I  could 
derive  but  little  benefit,  on  account  of  my  want  of  proper 
preparation  for  so  high  a  course  of  instruction.  Having 
11 


122  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

acquired  by  degrees  more  confidence  in  myself,  I 
presented  Heyne  a  German  translation  of  some  of 
Pindar's  odes,  and  thereby  stimulated  him  to  prepare  an 
edition  of  that  author,  and  to  deliver  lectures  on  his  odes. 
The  dissertations  which  I  wrote,  on  becoming  a  member 
of  his  Philological  Seminary,  defending,  against  Heyne's 
assaults,  some  just,  or  at  least  ingenious,  observations  of 
the  ancient  commentators  on  Pindar,  were  my  gleanings 
from  the  harvest  of  that  poet.  Two  years  passed  away 
with  me  in  such  pursuits,  at  the  expiration  of  which,  I 
was  seized  with  a  severe  illness,  which  confined  me  to 
private  reading,  and  to  my  physician's  care  for  a  whole 
year.  By  his  advice  I  removed  to  Wandsbeck,  near 
Hamburg,  for  a  change  of  climate,  where  I  supported 
myself  by  editing  a  poetical  anthology,  called  the 
Calendar  of  the  Muses.  You  smile.  Was  it  not 
allowable  in  me,  to  append  a  few  verses  of  cheerful  song 
to  the  astronomical  tables,  the  genealogies  of  princes, 
market-days,  agriculture,  and  rules  for  preserving  health 
and  for  putting  bedbugs  to  flight?  In  the  year  1777, 
I  married  the  sister  of  Boje,  the  friend  and  benefactor, 
who  was  the  means  of  my  going  to  Gottingen ;  and  the 
year  following  I  accepted,  in  the  hope  of  something  better, 
the  office  of  rector  of  the  gymnasium  of  Otterndorf.  But 
enough  of  my  personal  history,  which  I  would  relate  to 
none  but  you. 

You  inquire  what  I  am  preparing  for  the  press.  I 
have  made,  or  rather  commenced,  a  German  translation 
of  the  Odyssey,  with  a  commentary,  in  which  I  have  done 
my  utmost  to  illustrate  the  manners,  arts,  and  religious 
rites,  and  geographical  and  astronomical  views  of  the 
ancient  Greeks.  Grammatical  niceties,  which  have  been 
overlooked  or  misunderstood  by  others,  I  have  reserved 
for  a  distinct  Latin  publication.  The  design  of  editing 
the   Odyssey  has  been   relinquished,  on  account  of  the 


ruhnken's  correspondence.  123 

want  of  proper  helps,  and  a  feeling  of  my  own  inability, 
and  the  high  expectations  entertained  of  an  edition 
preparing,  under  better  auspices,  by  Villoison. 

Were  it  not  for  the  great  distance  that  separates  us, 
you  would  learn  to  your  cost  how  indiscreet  you  were  in 
opening  to  me  the  stores  of  your  copious  and  exquisite 
learning.  As  it  is,  I  shall  be  content,  if  I  shall  be  allowed, 
now  and  then,  to  pay  my  respects  by  letter,  and  ask  your 
advice  in  my  affairs.  The  Latin  version  which  you 
desire,  I  eagerly  seize  the  chance,  not  "take  the  trouble," 
of  executing.  With  all  the  diligence  and  care  which  my 
engagements  in  my  school  will  allow,  I  will  endeavor  to 
render  the  translation  not  altogether  unworthy  of  you  as 
the  editor,  and  of  me,  too,  if  indeed  I  seem  to  give  promise 
of  future  eminence. 

RUHNKEN    TO    F.    A.    WOLF. 

Leyden,  Aug.  3,  1795. 
How  highly  I  estimate  your  talents  and  scholarship, 
you  know  from  Spalding.  When  he  was  in  Leyden,  I 
talked  so  frequently  with  him  about  you,  that  he  must 
have  seen  that  no  man's  authority  was  greater  with  me 
than  yours.  Afterwards,  also,  knowing  how  meagre 
the  salaries  of  the  Halle  professors  were,  I  thought  of 
effecting  your  removal  to  Holland.  Even  now,  in  the 
confused  state  of  our  public  affairs,  I  should  be  of  the 
same  mind,  if  I  could  learn  that  the  proposal  would  be 
agreeable  to  you.  Such  being  the  case,  you  will  inquire 
why  I  have  made  no  reply  to  the  three  letters,  which  you 
mention,  accompanied,  too,  with  presents  from  you.  I 
can  only  say,  both  the  letters  and  the  books  miscarried. 
As  yet,  your  Demosthenes  only,  with  a  very  kind  letter,  has 
reached  me.  But  I  was  then  suffering  from  a  rheumatic 
affection  in  the  hand ;  and,  although  my  health  was 
otherwise   good,   I   was   often   unable   to   prosecute   my 


124  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

studies,  particularly  those  which  required  the  use  of  the 
right  hand.  As  I  was  unable  to  write  myself,  I  directed 
Wyttenbach,  the  best  of  my  pupils,  to  express  to  you  my 
thanks,  and  to  assure  you  of  the  high  gratification  which 
your  Demosthenes  afforded  me.  If  he  failed  to  do  as  he 
was  requested,  he  was  undutiful.  What,  then,  suppose 
you,  were  my  feelings,  when  I  saw  such  honorable 
mention  of  my  name  in  your  Homer  ?  I  was  surprised 
at  your  forbearance  and  generosity,  in  not  renouncing  my 
friendship,  as  you  might  properly  have  done.  I  shall 
do  all  in  my  power  that  you  may  never  have  occasion 
to  repent  of  your  continued  regard.  I  have  read  your 
Prolegomena  again  and  again,  with  admiration  of  your 
copious  and  exact  learning,  and  the  consummate  skill  of 
your  historical  criticism.  In  respect  to  your  argument 
to  disprove  the  antiquity  of  the  art  of  writing,  I  may  say 
with  the  reader  of  Plato's  Phaedo,  mentioned  by  Cicero, 
"  while  I  am  reading,  I  assent ;  but  when  I  lay  the  book 
aside,  my  assent  almost  entirely  vanishes."  But  of  this 
another  time. 

RUHNKEN    TO    WOLF. 

Leyden,  Oct.  9,  1796. 
To  your  inquiries  I  reply.  House-rent  is  higher  in 
Leyden  than  it  is,  according  to  your  account,  in  Halle. 
A  house  suitable  for  a  professor  cannot  be  rented  for  less 
than  400  florins.  The  price  of  other  things,  though,  on 
account  of  the  war,  it  is  now  very  high,  will,  in  time  of 
peace,  vary  but  little  from  what  it  is  in  Germany.  At 
least,  I  have,  for  many  years,  supported  a  family  of  six 
persons  on  3000  florins.  The  professors  pay  now  the 
same  taxes  as  the  other  citizens.  The  extraordinary 
contributions  have  already  ceased,  as  we  hope.  The 
office  of  rector,  from  which  no  professor  has  hitherto  been 
exempted,  will  not  devolve  upon  you  within  eight  or  nine 


125 

years.  From  the  duties  of  assessor,  you  can,  on  account 
of  your  not  knowing  the  Dutch  language,  easily  be 
released.  But  these,  like  many  other  things,  will  soon 
be  changed.  For  it  is  the  intention  of  the  Convention  of 
Holland  to  abolish  all  the  smaller  universities,  and  to 
elevate  Leyden  to  a  state  of  great  splendor,  with  an 
increase  of  the  salaries  of  the  professors.  Meantime,  I 
advise  you,  in  your  reply  to  the  proposals  of  the  curators, 
which  they  are  daily  expecting,  to  accept  the  appointment, 
on  condition  that  the  salary  be  raised  1000  florins.  This 
will,  indeed,  be  a  greater  amount  than  any  one  of  us 
receives ;  but  you  will  certainly  get  it.  The  salary  is 
paid  from  the  day  on  which  the  inaugural  address  is 
pronounced.  You  would  have  received  at  once  more 
favorable  proposals,  had  not  certain  unfriendly  persons 
at  Gottingen  attempted  to  prejudice  the  minds  of  men 
against  you  here,  as  they  have  done  elsewhere.  These 
calumnies  were  thoroughly  put  down  by  our  friend 
Spalding,  in  his  letter  to  me,  which  I  have  shown  to  the 
curators.  But  I  hope  soon  to  converse  with  you  face  to 
face  on  all  these  matters. 

D.    WYTTENBACH   TO    WM.   CLEAVER,    BISHOP    OF    CHESTER. 

Leyden,  July,  1800. 
Being  under  the  necessity  of  writing  to  the  delegates 
of  the  Clarendon  press,  I  am  induced  to  address  myself 
particularly  to  you,  by  that  kindness,  and  that  learning 
which  is  celebrated  in  the  common  speech  of  men,  but  of 
which  I  have  certain  proof  in  your  excellent  book  on 
Rhythm.  Ever  since  the  delegates  took  my  Plutarch 
under  their  wing,  I  have  made  it  my  first  aim  to  execute 
the  work  with  such  care  and  despatch,  as  to  satisfy  their 
wishes.  But  soon  the  calamitous  war  between  England 
and  Holland  broke  out,  which  is  not  yet  terminated,  and 
which  first  interrupted,  and  finally  cut  off  all  intercourse. 
11* 


126  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

And  yet,  by  the  end  of  the  year  1794,  the  whole  of 
Plutarch's  Morals,  complete,  as  now  publishing  at  Oxford, 
had  reached  the  hands  of  the  delegates.  The  remaining 
parts  consisted  of  the  fragments,  the  spurious  treatises, 
my  Annotations,  and  the  indexes.  In  the  preparation  of 
these,  I  went  on  zealously,  as  long  as  there  was  any  way 
of  transmitting  to  you  the  manuscript.  In  the  month  of 
May,  1798,  I  had  a  portion  all  finished,  when  my  friend, 
Ruhnken  died,  and  I  was  interrupted  in  the  midst  of  my 
course,  by  being  called  upon  to  settle  his  affairs.  The 
Rev.  Dr.  John  Randolph,  who,  from  the  beginning, 
corresponded  with  me  on  the  part  of  the  delegates,  always 
urged  me  to  transmit  my  manuscript  as  fast  as  I  could  get 
it  in  readiness,  that  the  press  might  not  be  delayed.  But 
the  British  ambassador  at  the  Hague,  to  whom  I  had  been 
accustomed  to  commit  my  papers,  had  now  left  the  place, 
and  I  could  not,  as  things  were,  think  of  sending  by 
vessels,  and  committing  to  unsafe  hands  the  labors  of  so 
many  years.  I  replied,  informing  him  of  my  readiness  to 
send  them  as  soon  as  he  would  point  out  a  safe  mode  of 
conveyance.  It  was  agreed  that  I  should  transmit  them  to 
a  certain  merchant  at  Hamburg,  who  would  deliver  them  to 
Crawford,  the  British  minister  at  that  place.  Accordingly, 
I  put  those  parts  which  I  had  finished,  into  a  box  covered 
with  pitch,  and  sent  it  to  Mr.  H.  D.  Rowohl,  who  wrote 
me  soon  after,  that  he  had  received  it  in  good  condition, 
and  delivered  it  to  his  excellency,  the  British  minister. 
I  have  never  heard  a  syllable,  either  verbally  or  in 
writing,  respecting  its  safe  arrival  in  Oxford,  though  it 
was  put  into  the  hands  of  the  minister  at  Hamburg,  in 
November,  1798.  While  I  was  so  distracted  with  my 
own  business  and  that  of  others,  that  I  knew  not  which 
way  to  turn,  it  became  necessary,  in  consequence  of  my 
appointment  as  Ruhnken's  successor,  to  remove  from 
Amsterdam  to  Leyden.     I  did  not  fail,  however,  to  write 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  127 

to  Dr.  Randolph,  requesting  him  to  inform  me  of  the  fate 
of  my  papers.  But  no  reply  came  to  me  from  England. 
That  happy  island  "  was  more  deaf  to  my  cries  than  the 
rocks  of  the  Icarian  sea."  Are  we,  then,  so  cut  off  from 
each  other,  by  the  sea  and  by  war,  that  the  letters  which 
I  write  are  given  to  the  winds  ?  I  have  often  thus 
soliloquized,  "Cease"  pressing  Britain  with  thy  letters, 
"for  her  deaf  shores  absorb  thy  cries."  A  few  days  ago, 
I  heard  that  Dr.  Randolph  had  been  made  bishop  of 
Oxford.  While  I  rejoice  in  his  promotion,  at  the  same 
time,  my  hope  of  getting  an  answer  lessens,  since,  to  his 
former  occupations,  others,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical, 
will  now  be  added.  I  beg  you,  therefore,  reverend  sir,  to 
inform  me,  either  by  yourself,  or  through  some  other 
person,  whether  that  box  ever  reached  Dr.  Randolph.  If 
not,  as  I  fear  may  be  the  case,  let  the  delegates  use  all 
their  influence  with  the  minister  at  Hamburg,  to  make 
search  for  it.  I  beg  you,  let  me  not  lose  my  four  years' 
labor ;  for  I  could  not,  in  four  years  to  come,  replace  it 
with  equal  completeness  and  accuracy. 

When  I  committed  my  Plutarch  to  your  patronage,  I 
did  it,  influenced  by  your  great  names,  your  reputation  for 
learning  and  rank,  and  the  splendor  and  influence  of  the 
Oxford  university.  I  was  not  governed  by  a  love  of  gain; 
for  I  might  have  received  more  from  another  quarter.  I 
entertained  some  fears  respecting  the  safety  of  the  papers 
which  were  to  be  transmitted,  but  none  that  the  terms  of 
agreement  would  not  be  adhered  to.  Do  not,  gentlemen 
delegates,  make  me  suffer  a  pecuniary  loss,  in  addition  to 
the  other  troubles  of  the  times.  The  engagement  was, 
that  I  should  receive  a  guinea  a  sheet,  printed  in  the 
manner  of  Biyan's  edition  of  Plutarch's  Lives.  But  in 
our  edition,  in  innumerable  instances,  a  smaller  type  is 
used,  and  is  to  be  retained  through  all  the  annotations,  so 
as  greatly  to  reduce  the  number  of  pages.      It  may  be 


128  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

well,  thus  to  diminish  the  size  of  the  book,  but  I  suggest 
whether  it  would  be  right,  also,  to  diminish  the  stipulated 
price.  But,  no  doubt,  the  delegates  will  properly  adjust 
the  compensation,  of  their  own  accord.  I  will  use  all 
diligence  to  finish  the  annotations  and  indexes  in  such 
time,  and  to  compress  them  into  such  a  compass,  that  the 
execution  shall  be  perfectly  satisfactory  to  you. 


WYTTENBACH    TO    J.    CLEAVER    BANKS. 

Leyden,  Aug.  25,  1801. 

Your  letter,  bearing  date  of  May  29,  has  been  received, 
and  a  few  days  earlier,  the  promised  parcel  of  books 
arrived.  There  was  so  much  kindness  manifested  in 
both,  that  I  scarcely  know  which  was  the  more  grateful  to 
my  feelings.  To  your  distinguished  friends,  Porson  and 
Whiter,  I  owe  the  more  gratitude,  for  their  elegant 
presents,  for  having  done  nothing  on  my  part  to  elicit 
such  favors ;  for  the  copy  of  my  Life  of  Ruhnken,  which  I 
had  designated  for  Porson,  was  left  behind,  in  your  haste, 
so  that  he  did  not  receive  from  me  even  that  token  of 
regard,  though  he  was  specially  entitled  to  it.  This 
man  is  not  only  a  great  ornament  to  Greek  literature, 
himself,  but  he  is  a  worthy  successor  of  the  former 
friends  of  my  dear  Ruhnken,  the  Musgraves,  Toups,  and 
Tyrwhitts,  whose  various  merits  he  so  happily  unites,  as 
to  exalt  his  own  genius  by  the  splendor  of  the  most 
exquisite  learning.  I  am  surprised  to  find  in  him  so 
much  that  is  new  on  Euripides,  after  all  the  labors  of 
other  eminent  critics,  upon  that  poet.  If  there  is  any 
thing  I  desire,  it  is,  that,  for  the  sake  of  letters,  he  may 
have  life  and  leisure  sufficient  to  restore  to  purity  the 
entire  text  of  the  tragedies  of  Euripides.  I  did  not 
know  that  iEschylus  had  also  been  published,  under 
the   critical    care   of    the   same    scholar,   till   I   learned 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  129 

it  a  few  days  ago,  from  a  German  review  of  iEschylus, 
edited  by  Professor  Schiitz,  of  Jena.     *     *     # 

The  young  P.  G.  van  Heusde,  whom  you  saw  at  my 
house,  and  who  is  so  devoted  to  Plato,  has  been  spending 
a  month  or  two  in  Paris.  On  his  return,  a  few  days 
since,  I  learned  that  our  common  friends,  the  great 
Grecians  there,  are  all  well.  I  deeply  regret  that  you 
cannot  follow  your  inclination,  in  visiting  me  this  summer. 
Ever  since  I  learned  from  the  Bishop  of  Oxford,  that  my 
papers  on  Plutarch  had  reached  him  in  safety,  I  have 
applied  myself  to  the  work  of  completing  the  remainder. 
But,  though  I  make  a  great  ado,  but  little  is  done.  For 
the  three  following  months,  I  finished  my  notes  on  two 
books,  only;  the  one,  upon  Reading  the  Poets;  the  other, 
upon  Hearing.  The  longer  I  live,  the  more  certain  I  am 
that  I  know  nothing. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    THOMAS    GAISFORD. 

Leyden,  Dec.  29, 1805. 
The  regard  which  you  have  expressed  for  me,  is  very 
grateful  to  my  feelings.  I  perceive  in  your  letter,  the 
evidence  of  your  Greek  scholarship,  and  think  well  of 
your  method  of  study,  as  indicated  by  your  design  of 
editing  Hephaestion.  I  hope  you  will  so  prepare  this  little 
treatise,  as  to  make  it  a  manual,  from  which  scholars  may 
derive  great  benefit,  and  obtain  an  accurate  knowledge  of 
number  and  measure.  I  will  gladly  furnish  you,  from 
our  library,  the  aid  which  you  ask,  if  I  can  find  a  suitable 
person  to  make  the  copy  and  the  extracts.  But  this  is  the 
difficulty.  For  those  who  can,  will  not ;  and  those  who 
will,  cannot.  Although  my  reply  has  long  been  delayed 
by  a  fruitless  hope  of  finding  one,  I  do  not  yet  despair. 
But  I  was  unwilling  that  you  should  be  ignorant  of  these 
circumstances,  as  you  might  be  in  doubt  in  respect  to  my 
readiness  to  oblige  you.     The  excerpts  of  Plutarch  are  of 


130  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

such  a  character,  that  it  will  hardly  be  worth  the  while  to 
copy  the  remainder.  Be  assured,  my  learned  young 
friend,  of  my  desire  to  render  you  all  possible  aid  in  your 
studies. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    GAISFORD. 

Leyden,  July  8,  1815. 
I  have  long  been  indebted  to  you,  my  dear  Gaisford,  for 
a  letter,  and  should  have  written  before  this,  had  it  not 
been  entirely  out  of  my  power.  Now  that  the  vacation 
has  commenced,  I  will  employ  what  strength  I  have,  in 
writing  to  you.  Your  letter,  and  box  of  books  were  duly 
received.  Among  the  latter,  were  the  copies  of  Plutarch, 
Falconer's  Strabo,  your  own  Hephaestion,  your  edition 
of  the  Minor  Poets,  and  catalogues  of  the  libraries  of 
D'Orville  and  of  Clarke.  For  these  valuable  and  elegant 
presents,  I  beg  you  to  accept  for  yourself,  and  to  present 
to  the  other  delegates,  my  hearty  thanks.  But  your  own 
books,  my  dear  Gaisford,  have  particularly  attracted  my 
attention.  From  them  I  learn,  for  the  first  time,  the 
greatness  of  your  talents,  and  the  extent  of  your  learning. 
I  was  kept  in  ignorance  in  respect  to  them,  by  that 
protracted  French  tyranny,  which  suffered  neither  any  of 
your  books  to  reach  us,  nor  even  a  traveller  to  visit  us  and 
give  us  information  of  you.  But  as  soon  as  our  public 
intercourse  was  restored,  literary  men  from  your  country 
represented  you  as  being  the  pillar  of  Greek  learning  in 
England,  since  the  death  of  Porson ;  and  I  perceived  at 
once,  on  the  examination  of  your  works,  that  their  decision 
was  just.  In  order  to  assure  you  that  I  replied  to  your 
letter  which  you  wrote  me  ten  years  ago,  although  you 
were  then  unknown  to  me,  I  send  you  herewith  a  copy  of 
that  reply.  For,  from  about  the  commencement  of  the 
present  century,  I  began  to  preserve  a  copy  of  all  my 
Latin  letters,  and  I  regret  that  I  did  not  begin  sooner.    In 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  131 

a  letter  to  Dr.  Randolph,  also,  written  about  the  same 
time,  I  added  a  paragraph  respecting  you.  No  competent 
judge,  on  examining  the  execution  of  your  Hephaestion, 
could  ask  for  any  thing  more.  When  you  intimate,  that 
probably  additional  matter  might  have  been  found  in  the 
Leyden  library,  I  suppose  you  refer  to  P.  Bondam's 
collections  on  the  Latin  grammarians.  But  you  would 
have  been  disappointed  in  them,  if  you  had  obtained  them. 
The  library  has  not,  to  my  knowledge,  any  manuscript  of 
Hephaestion  himself.  The  curators  would  not  allow  me 
to  make  a  copy  of  Draco  of  Stratonice  for  you.  Hermann 
also  applied  for  it,  through  Matthiae,  of  Altenburg,  but  to 
no  purpose.  He  afterwards  obtained,  through  Bast,  a 
copy  of  the  Paris  manuscript,  the  same  which  Ruhnken 
had  copied.  Very  few  competent  persons  can  be  found 
here,  who  are  willing  to  copy  for  others.  Therefore, 
persons  who  wish  copies  of  any  manuscripts  in  our 
library,  will  be  obliged  to  come  here  in  person,  as  I 
have  recently  announced  in  my  Bibliotheca  Critica. 

I  have  not  yet  had  the  time  to  compare  your  accounts 
with  mine.  I  prefer,  as  business  is  still  unsettled  here, 
that  the  money  should  be  put  at  interest  in  England, 
as  it  has  been  heretofore.  This  reminds  me  of  the 
circumstance,  that  you  reckon  the  first  volume  of  my 
Annotations,  as  making  about  one  third  of  the  whole,  as 
if  two  other  similar  volumes  were  expected  to  follow. 
But  you  and  the  other  delegates  will  recollect,  that  the 
engagement  contained  in  my  letter  of  the  19th  of  July, 
1800,  had  no  reference  to  the  extent  of  the  work.  If  the 
remainder  should  all  be  brought  within  the  compass  of 
one  volume,  the  300  guineas  would,  according  to  contract, 
be  my  due.  I  will  go  directly  about  completing  the 
remainder,  and  finish  it  as  soon  as  my  other  engagements, 
my  poor  health,  and  my  weak  and  diseased  eyes  will 
allow. 


132  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

In  your  former  letter,  you  observed,  that  the  printers 
were  waiting.  But  it  should  not  be  forgotten,  that  I 
must  furnish  such  materials  as  shall  be  worthy  of  your 
university,  and  of  the  Clarendon  press.  Frederic  Creuzer 
is  professor  in  Heidelberg,  and  is  one  of  the  very  best 
scholars  in  Germany.  He  has  undertaken  a  new  edition 
of  Plotinus,  and  has  lately  published  a  specimen,  and 
copies  of  it,  I  know,  have  been  sent  to  England,  from 
which  you  can  easily  judge  of  the  excellence  and  the 
importance  of  the  production.  Therefore,  if  you  take  my 
advice,  you  will  urge  the  delegates  to  think  about  this 
work,  and  not  let  it  go  elsewhere,  or  fall  through. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    VILLOISON. 

Leyden,  Jan.  6,  1801. 

In  my  former  letter  I  recommended  van  Heusde  to  you. 
If  he  were  now  in  Paris,  Heemskerk  would  not  need 
letters  to  you,  for  van  Heusde  would  introduce  him  to 
you;  on  whose  account,  no  less  than  mine,  you  would 
receive  him  kindly.  But  being  uncertain  whether  he 
would  find  van  Heusde  still  with  you,  I  could  not  let  my 
young  friend  go  without  a  letter  to  you.  #         #         # 

I  wrote  you  some  time  since,  that  a  parcel  of  my  papers 
on  Plutarch,  the  labor  of  four  years,  which  I  sent  to 
Oxford  three  years  ago,  was  lost  on  the  way.  But  last 
month,  after  having  lain  in  Hamburg  during  this  whole 
interval,  it  came  safely  into  the  hands  of  the  Oxford 
gentlemen.  To  extort  from  them  a  copy  for  you,  is 
among  the  impossibilities.  I  will  see  that  a  copy  is  sent 
you,  as  soon  as  the  work  shall  be  finished. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    VILLOISON. 

Leyden,  May  20, 1804. 
My  niece  expresses  now  in  person,  as  she  did  formerly 
in   her  letters,  all   the   gratitude  towards   you  which  a 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  133 

generous  mind  can  cherish  towards  a  benefactor.  She 
lauds  you  to  the  skies,  and  speaks  of  your  benevolence, 
your  attentions,  and  your  kind  solicitude,  as  I  never  heard 
one  speak  in  regard  to  any  being.  Not  only  were  these 
kind  offices  in  themselves  grateful  to  her,  but  they  were 
doubly  so,  coming,  as  they  did,  from  one  who  is  at  the 
same  time  an  accomplished  scholar,  and  a  most  amiable  and 
gentlemanly  man,  in  forming  whose  genius  and  manners, 
Attic  grace  seems  to  have  vied  with  Roman  urbanity. 
This  is  the  way  my  niece  talks,  and  I  usually  tell  her 
that  her  opinion  is  quite  correct ;  for  it  is  exactly  the  same 
as  mine.  I  must  be  brief,  as  this  opportunity  of  sending 
you  a  package  of  books  was  unexpected.  I  was  unwilling 
to  send  it  without  a  few  lines  to  accompany  it.  Here  is 
a  copy  of  Plutarch,  the  only  one  which  was  reserved 
for  me.  I  should  have  sent  it  long  ago,  had  not  these 
calamitous  times  hindered  me.  If  your  partiality  towards 
me  induces  you  to  value  this  work  on  that  account,  more 
than  you  could  from  its  insignificance,  you  shall  receive 
the  remaining  volumes  as  fast  as  they  appear.  When 
that  will  be,  I  cannot  say ;  for  I  am  obliged  to  keep  a  copy, 
in  consequence  of  the  double  exposure  to  the  chances  of 
war  and  to  the  uncertainty  of  the  seas.  I  make  some 
progress  in  it,  to  be  sure,  but  it  is  a  slow  affair. 

WYTTENBACH   TO    LARCHER 

Leyden,  July  22,  1805. 
I  have  just  received  Sainte  Croix's  book  and  his  letter,, 
which,  as  it  contains  a  friendly  message  from  you,  brings 
you  into  such  fresh  remembrance,  that  I  cannot  resist  the 
temptation  to  write  at  once.  You  are  alive  and  wellr 
then,  my  dear  Larcher,  and  have  not  yet  grown  cold  in 
your  studies,  but  are  still  warm  and  glowing.  May  God 
long  preserve  you  to  enlighten  me  and  the  republic  of 
letters.  My  desire  for  this  is  the  stronger,  as  so  many  of 
12 


134  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

our  younger  scholars  are  dying,  and  as  the  number  of 
learned  and  good  men  of  my  particular  acquaintance  is 
constantly  diminishing.  How  deep  is  the  wound  lately 
inflicted  upon  us  by  the  death  of  our  friend  Villoison ! 
From  the  anguish  of  my  own  feelings,  I  can  form  some 
estimate  how  painful  this  occurrence  must  be  to  you. 
But  we  must  do  as  Socrates  says,  "  Let  these  things,  my 
dear  Criton,  be  as  it  may  please  the  gods." 

For  the  splendid  present  of  your  Herodotus,  I  return 
you  my  most  cordial  thanks.  This  is  all  I  can  do ; — I 
cannot  promise  to  repay  you.  I  see  the  evidence  of  your 
friendship  in  many  passages,  where  you  make  honorable 
mention  of  my  name.  You  seem  to  have  acted  the  part 
of  a  friend  rather  than  of  a  severe  critic,  and  I  cannot 
help  loving  you  all  the  better  for  it.  On  every  page 
I  see  and  admire  the  variety  and  exuberance  of  your 
learning,  united  with  equal  accuracy  of  judgment.  Ever 
since  your  book  reached  me,  I  have  had  it  by  my  side, 
in  preparing  my  notes  on  Plutarch,  in  which  I  have,  as 
was  due,  often  spoken  of  you  in  terms  of  commendation. 
I  hope  they  will  appear  while  you  are  alive  and  in  health, 
that  you  may  read  them  yourself.  I  am  obliged  at  present 
to  retain  them  by  me  after  they  are  written,  on  account  of 
the  hazard  of  sending  them  across  the  sea  in  time  of  war. 
The  fate  of  my  last  package  is  a  sad  warning  to  me.  I 
desire  to  commend  publicly  the  merits  of  your  Herodotus, 
while  you  yourself  are  able  to  read  what  I  write ;  and  I 
hope  to  do  it  very  soon,  in  the  two  parts  which  I  have 
resolved  to  add,  after  a  suspension  of  fifteen  years,  to  my 
Bibliotheca  Critica.  Be  so  good,  therefore,  as  to  point 
out  the  passages  which  deserve  notice,  and  those  in 
which  the  new  edition  differs  from  the  first,  and  you  will 
save  me  much  labor.  For  as  I  always  prefer  to  use  your 
new  edition,  I  cannot,  without  considerable  labor,  examine 
the  other  for  comparison.         *         *         * 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  135 

Make  my  most  respectful  compliments  to  the  learned 
Coray,  "who  is  not  only  a  Grecian,  but  a  veritable  Greek." 
My  niece  sends  her  cordial  regards.  She  often  speaks 
of  you  as  a  gentleman,  in  temper,  genius,  learning,  and 
manners,  amiable,  admirable  and  venerable ;  and  I  always 
agree  with  her,  and  add  the  wish,  that  you  may  yet  enjoy 
many  years  of  health  and  prosperity. 

WYTTENBACH   TO    SAINTE    CROIX. 

In  the  country,  Oct  27, 1805. 
On  receiving  your  excellent  treatise  respecting  the 
historians  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  the  agreeable  and 
friendly  letter  which  accompanied  it,  I  immediately  wrote 
you  a  reply,  expressing  my  thanks  for  the  beautiful  present, 
and  giving  you  an  account  of  my  affairs,  in  answer  to 
your  inquiries.  At  the  same  time  I  wrote  to  our  friend 
Larcher,  and  to  Chardon  Rochette.  Soon  afterwards  Bast 
sent  me  a  copy  of  his  excellent  Lettre  Critique,  and  I 
wrote,  without  delay,  a  letter  of  acknowledgement,  with 
thanks  for  his  kindness,  and  praise  for  his  rare  knowledge 
of  the  Greek.  I  requested  him  to  send  me  his  collations 
of  Plato  to  embellish  and  improve  my  Phaedo,  which  was 
then  in  hand.  To  all  these  four  letters  I  have  received  not 
a  word  of  reply  from  any  one  of  you ;  and  I  have  reason 
to  fear  either  that  they  were  all  intercepted,  or  that  some 
calamity  has  befallen  you  and  my  other  friends,  which 
may  Heaven  forbid.  Let  the  letters  go ;  their  loss,  though 
unpleasant,  can  be  made  up.  But  what  fortune  could 
restore  to  me  such  friends  as  you,  in  Paris  ?  Now  I  beg 
you,  my  dear  Sainte  Croix,  write  me  at  your  earliest 
convenience,  and  inform  me  whether  you  received  my 
letter,  and  whether  the  others,  to  whom  I  wrote,  received 
theirs.  The  silence  of  Bast  gives  me  particular  anxiety ; 
for  I  expressly  requested  him  to  write  to  me  as  soon  as 
possible  respecting  the  collations  of  Plato,  as  my  necessities 


136  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

were  urgent.  In  the  forth-coming  additions  to  my  journal, 
I  have  reviewed  his  Critical  Epistle,  Larcher's  Herodotus, 
and  your  treatise  on  Alexander.  I  have  also  given  brief 
notices  of  Villoison  and  de  Santen.  With  Villoison  and 
with  your  work  I  did  as  well  as  I  could,  considering  that 
you  did  not  furnish  me  with  hints  nor  information  according 
to  my  request.  I  read  your  book  from  beginning  to  end, 
preferring  that  course  to  comparing  the  two  editions. 
It  is  an  entirely  new  production.  How  I  admire  your 
eloquence  combined  with  equal  wisdom, — your  knowledge 
of  subjects,  human  and  divine,  your  insight  into  character, 
and  your  genuine  philosophy !  How  I  wonder  at  your 
knowledge  of  all  history  and  literature,  so  that  no 
passage,  no  mention  of  any  writer,  no  part  of  a  subject 
has  been  overlooked.  All  this  matter,  too,  is  animated  by 
a  living  soul,  at  the  same  time  critical  and  philosophical, 
distinguishing  the  true  from  the  false,  the  good  from  the 
bad.     You  will  see  more  in  the  review  itself. 

The  calumny  which  Luzac,  a  scribbler  for  the 
political  papers,  is  spitting  out  against  Ruhnken,  I  shall 
sometime  chastise.  It  belongs  to  you  to  do  the  same 
in  the  Magazin  Encyclopedique.  Be  sure  that  Sluiter?s 
Lectiones  Andocideae  be  not  commended  without  any 
notice  of  his  puerile  mistakes  in  Greek,  and  his  unjust 
attacks  upon  Ruhnken.         *         *         * 

I  believe  I  have  some  notes  on  your  work  relating  to 
the  mysteries  of  the  ancients,  but  they  are  jotted  down  in 
my  note-book,  and  scattered  in  various  places.  In  the 
winter,  when  I  am  in  the  city,  with  my  library  around 
me,  I  can  collect  them,  but  not  during  the  summer,  while 
I  am  in  the  country.  AH,  however,  which  I  have,  shall 
be  at  your  command,  and  shall  be  collected  in  season. 
My  niece  remembers  your  kindness,  and  sends  her  cordial 
regards. 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  137 


WYTTENBACH    TO    SAINTE    CROIX. 

Leyden,  May,  1807. 

I  have,  my  dear  Sainte  Croix,  been  favored  with  many 
friendly  letters  from  you,  particularly  with  your  last,  in 
which  you  inquire,  with  the  greatest  affection,  respecting 
my  welfare.  The  reason  of  my  delaying  to  answer  these 
letters,  written  with  so  great  love,  and  so  tender  a  solicitude 
for  me,  is  the  confused  state  of  my  affairs,  which  does  not 
even  yet  afford  me  the  leisure  and  composure  of  mind, 
suitable  for  writing.  Many  of  my  remote  friends,  even 
those  living  in  other  countries,  alarmed  for  me,  by  the 
intelligence  which  they  had  received  of  our  calamity, 
wrote  me  nearly  at  the  same  time,  requesting  me  to 
inform  them  as  soon  as  possible,  of  my  condition;  and  you, 
my  dear  friend,  are  the  first  to  whom  I  shall  undertake 
to  reply,  if,  indeed,  I  can  summon  courage  and  strength 
enough  to  enter  upon  a  correspondence. 

The  explosion  took  place  on  the  twelfth  day  of  January, 
1807,  the  last  of  the  winter  vacation,  which  I  had  been 
employing  in  writing  my  Annotations  to  Plutarch.  In  my 
library,  all  the  books  which  I  then  needed,  and  especially 
the  notes  already  written  on  this  and  other  authors,  were 
spread  out  on  tables  near  the  windows.  I  left  them  in  that 
condition,  to  go  to  dinner,  expecting  to  return  immediately 
afterwards  to  my  work.  While  I  was  sitting  at  table 
with  my  niece,  a  strange  and  frightful  noise,  as  of  many 
cannons,  fell  upon  our  ears.  Suddenly,  the  roof  of  the 
adjoining  house  fell  in.  The  windows  of  our  apartment 
were  dashed  in  pieces,  and  a  storm  of  broken  glass  was 
beating  upon  us.  We  sprang  up  and  ran  into  the  street, 
the  affrighted  servant  and  waiting-maid  following  us. 
Our  neighbors,  also,  were  at  their  doors  in  a  state  of 
amazement.  Many  persons  were  mangled;  some  of  them 
escaped  from  their  houses ;  some  were  enclosed,  and  were 
12* 


138  CLASSICAL   STUDIES. 

screaming1,  and  calling  for  aid ;  and  others,  with  bleeding 
limbs,  were  running  through  the  streets.  The  cause  of 
the  disaster  was  not  yet  known.  Soon,  at  the  distance  of 
a  hundred  paces,  we  saw  the  ruins,  where  every  thing  was 
levelled  with  the  ground,  and  whence  the  devastation  was 
spread  in  all  directions  beyond.  Our  house  was  still 
standing,  for  it  was  situated  to  the  west  of  that  place,  and 
the  wind,  coming  from  that  quarter,  carried  the  blast  more 
to  the  east.  The  place  of  that  Stygian  magazine  ship, 
which  was  full  of  powder,  and  which  prostrated  every  thing 
in  its  vicinity,  was  but  180  paces  from  my  house,  and  many 
edifices,  twice  and  three  times  as  long  as  mine,  were 
reduced  to  a  heap  of  ruins.  I  had  not  yet  looked  at  what 
was  under  our  feet.  The  street  was  perfectly  strown 
with  flying  papers.  I  took  one  up,  and  recognized  my 
own  hand-writing,  and  found  they  were  all  mine.  We 
went  to  picking  them  up,  and,  as  I  looked  to  my  study 
windows,  which  were  on  the  front  side,  and  in  the  first 
story,  I  found  they  were  broken  in,  and  the  papers, 
containing  my  notes,  projected  from  their  tables,  into  the 
street.  We  returned  to  the  house,  to  see  what  had 
happened  there.  The  apartments  were  all  shattered ;  the 
windows,  the  doors,  the  glass  and  porcelain  ware,  nice 
furniture,  timepieces,  lamps,  and  plates,  were  all  dashed 
in  pieces.  The  entire  roof  was  carried  away.  Parts  of 
the  house,  including  my  lecture-room,  were  fallen;  and 
we  feared  it  would  be  unsafe  for  us  to  remain  in  it. 
But  the  carpenters  assured  us,  that  there  were  still  two 
apartments  which  might  be  safely  occupied.  We  therefore 
remained  till  the  end  of  January, — the  first  Aveek,  without 
roof,  windows,  or  doors.  We  suffered  extremely  from  the 
rain,  the  snow,  the  cold,  and  the  wind.  Our  remaining 
furniture,  linen,  bed-clothes,  and  the  like,  were,  by  these 
means,  greatly  damaged,  and  still  more,  my  library, 
which  was  exposed  two  nights  to  the  falling  dew.     We 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  139 

were  all  the  while  expecting  repairs  to  be  made,  but  the 
carpenters  kept  putting  us  off.  The  adjoining  houses, 
which  threatened  to  fall,  were  torn  down  by  order  of  the 
magistrates,  who,  fearing  that  ours  would  thereby  be 
prostrated,  sent  armed  men  to  remove  us,  and  others,  who 
resided  near  us.  The  domestics  were  panic-struck,  and 
friends,  alarmed  for  me,  though  I  knew  there  was  no 
cause  for  it,  hastened  to  our  relief,  and  persuaded  us  to 
take  our  most  valuable  articles,  and  leave  the  house.  I 
yielded  reluctantly  to  their  will,  and  packed  up  those 
goods,  and  delivered  them  to  my  friends  for  safe-keeping. 
In  the  tumult,  many  things  were  lost,  which  had  hitherto 
been  safe,  and,  among  the  rest,  a  purse,  with  600  florins. 
Nevertheless,  we  remained  in  the  house  fifteen  days 
longer,  daily  packing  our  goods  in  a  quiet  manner,  and 
conveying  them,  by  the  canal,  to  the  garden  where  I 
now  reside,  and  from  which  I  go,  on  stated  days,  into  the 
city  to  lecture.  But  in  arranging  my  effects,  and  in 
sorting  out  my  library,  I  miss  many  of  my  books,  and 
even  my  note-books  and  comments  on  Greek  and  Latin 
authors ;  and  I  now  feel  the  truth  of  what  numerous 
individuals  before  said,  but  what  I  could  not  believe,  that, 
at  the  time  of  the  explosion,  many  of  my  papers  were 
blown  away,  and  carried  by  the  wind  to  the  scene  of 
devastation. 

These,  my  dear  Sainte  Croix,  are  what  relate  to  me.  I 
have  written  respecting  them,  because  you  requested  it ; 
for,  truly,  I  am  ashamed  to  mention  such  trifles,  compared 
with  the  calamities  of  others.  One  hundred  and  fifty 
persons  were  crushed  in  the  ruins,  and  among  them,  the 
two  professors,  Kluit  and  Luzac.  The  former  was  my 
friend,  and  had  made  large  collections  on  the  history  of 
the  Middle  Ages  and  of  Holland,  which  he  was  expecting 
to  publish,  but  which  perished  with  him.  Luzac  was 
crushed  by  the   falling  house   of  a  friend,  as   he   was 


140  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

approaching  the  door,  to  visit  him.  While  thinking  of 
their  death,  I  am  always  reminded  of  what  is  said  of 
Theramenes,  in  Plutarch's  Consolation  to  Apollonius, 
who,  when  at  a  feast,  where  the  building  fell,  and 
destroyed  all  the  guests  hut  himself,  exclaimed,  "  0, 
fortune,  for  what  hast  thou  preserved  me  ?"  A  short  time 
afterwards,  he  was  put  to  death  by  the  tyrants  of  Athens. 
Let  us  bear  with  equanimity  whatever  shall  come  upon 
us.  Still  I  cannot  but  inquire  frequently,  "Why  did 
Luzac  perish,  and  not  I?"  If  the  wind  had  been  in  a 
contrary  direction,  he  would  have  escaped,  and  I  should 
have  perished.  Let  us,  then,  render  thanks  to  Him  who 
directs  the  winds  and  all  the  course  of  nature.  For  the 
residue  of  life  let  us  do  him  homage  by  a  diligent 
performance  of  our  duties.  A  part  of  these  duties  with 
me  will  be,  to  devote  myself  to  my  studies,  and  to  prepare 
anew  the  notes  that  have  been  lost.  As  it  respects  the 
books  of  the  university  library,  concerning  which  you 
inquire,  none  were  lost,  except  those  which  were  lent  to 
persons  whose  houses  were  destroyed. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    BOISSONADE. 

Leyden;  Feb.  18;  1808. 
I  was  duly  honored  with  your  book  and  the  accompanying 
letter,  the  former  of  which  delighted  me  with  its  learning, 
the  latter  with  its  kindness.  I  accept  the  book  as  a 
welcome  token  of  your  good-will,  but  I  did  not  request 
it,  as  you  suppose,  though,  I  assure  you,  I  desired  it  for 
your  sake.  I  rejoice  to  see  the  accurate  learning  and 
the  enthusiasm  for  ancient  literature  which,  from  the 
days  of  Budaeus  to  those  of  Henry  de  Valois,  belonged 
pre-eminently,  if  not  exclusively,  to  the  French,  now 
reviving  among  you.  Nor  am  I  less  gratified  that  the 
excellent  Bast  has  become  your  associate  in  this  work, 
and  that  you  will  thus  be  able  to  rescue  the  honor  of 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  141 

these  studies  with  the  next  generation.  You  alone, 
who  were  unwilling  that  your  work  should  come  to 
my  knowledge,  on  account  of  its  mediocrity,  seem  to 
place  too  modest  and  low  an  estimate  upon  your  powers. 
Such  a  diffidence, — or  shall  I  call  it  irony? — does  not 
become  a  man  of  so  much  learning.  Of  your  design  to 
edit  Eunapius,  I  highly  approve,  and  I  shall  take  pleasure 
in  giving  you  whatever  I  have  collected  on  him.  *  *  Be 
so  kind  as  to  send  the  enclosed  letter  to  Bast. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    CHARDON    LA   ROCHETTE. 

Leyden,  Oct.  22, 1808. 

Your  letter  and  the  letter  of  Morelli  were  duly 
received.  They  were  particularly  grateful  to  me  as  the 
communications  of  eminent  scholars,  who  were  at  the 
same  time  my  most  beloved,  and  my  most  cordial  friends. 
You  speak  of  having  sent  to  me  a  fasciculus  from 
Morelli,  by  which,  I  suppose,  you  mean  un  paquet ;  for  I 
have  received  nothing  but  your  letter,  enclosing  his,  and 
he  makes  no  mention  of  any  thing  more.  Your  notice 
of  the  third  part  of  my  Bibliotheca  Critica  in  the  Magazin 
Encyclopedique,  was  given  me  by  my  friend  Lynden,who 
has  just  returned  from  his  journey.  He  often  speaks  of 
your  kind  attentions,  and  expresses  much  gratitude  for 
what  you  have  done.  That  notice  gives  evidence  both 
of  your  learning  and  of  your  friendship  for  me.  The  last 
part  of  the  Bibliotheca,  with  several  indexes,  will  be 
completed  soon,  by  the  end  of  the  year,  at  latest ;  and  I 
will  send  a  copy  to  you  and  to  my  other  friends  in  Paris. 
You  will  oblige  me,  if  you  can  send  the  package  of 
Morelli  to  him  without  expense.         *         *         * 

You  kindly  inquire  whether  the  fearful  calamity,  which 
has  befallen  our  city,  affected  me  in  particular.  In  my 
person,  I  escaped  unhurt;  but  in  the  injury  done  to  my 
furniture,  library,  etc.,  I  have  lost  about  6000  francs.     I 


142  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

was  very  near  the  scene,  being  only  150  paces  from  the 
magazine  ship.  My  house  was  completely  shattered; 
part  of  it  fell  in.  I  now  live  in  a  small  garden  in  the 
suburbs,  and  have  not  yet  been  able  to  return  to  my 
Plutarch  whence  I  was  driven  by  the  explosion.  Shortly 
after  the  melancholy  occurrence,  I  gave  a  particular 
account  of  it,  in  a  letter  to  Sainte  Croix,  to  which  I  refer 
you,  Larcher,  and  all  my  inquiring  friends.  While  on 
this  subject,  I  may  mention  that  Mahne,  whose  work  on 
Aristoxenus  I  reviewed  in  the  first  part  of  the  Bibliotheca 
Critica,  will,  in  a  few  days,  publish  a  very  learned  work. 
My  review  of  the  Lectiones  Andocideae  has  been  assailed 
by  two  blockheads  in  two  Belgian  papers.  To  these 
Mahne  has  replied,  and  in  his  refutation  has  cast  new 
light  on  many  subjects  in  antiquities,  and  on  many  forms 
of  expression  in  Greek  and  Latin.  But  I  will  send  you 
the  book  with  the  last  part  of  the  Bibliotheca  Critica.  In 
a  few  months  my  Phaedo  will  follow,  for  which  Morelli 
furnished  me  the  various  readings  of  two  Venetian 
manuscripts,  and  Bast  of  seven  in  the  Vienna  library. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    LARCHER. 

Leyden,  July  21,  1809. 
Though  I  often  think  of  you,  Larcher,  "  thou  friend  of 
my  heart,"  my  thoughts  are  more  particularly  directed  to 
you  by  the  sad  intelligence  of  the  death  of  our  excellent 
friend,  Sainte  Croix,  which  has  reached  us  only  by 
common  report.  If  this  report  is  true,  I  shall  deeply 
lament  a  loss  so  great  to  myself,  to  you,  and  to  our 
studies ;  for  we  shall  be  deprived  of  a  most  valuable  and 
cordial  friend,  and  classical  learning  of  a  distinguished 
ornament.  In  the  last  volume  of  my  Bibliotheca  Critica, 
I  paid  a  tribute  to  the  memory  of  Villoison ;  I  should  like 
to  do  the  same  for  Sainte  Croix,  in  the  next,  provided  I 
can  obtain  the  requisite  information.    If  you  could  furnish 


WYTTENBAaH's    CORRESPONDENCE.  143 

me  with  these,  my  dear  Larcher,  you  would  do  me  a  great 
favor.  Should  the  labor  be  too  burdensome  for  you,  in 
your  advanced  age,  be  so  kind  as  to  engage  some  suitable 
person  to  undertake  the  service.  If  it  should  be  the 
will  of  God  that  I  should  survive  you,  I  shall  owe  the 
same  tribute  of  affection  to  you.  It  may  not,  then,  be 
transgressing  the  rules  of  propriety,  to  request  you  to 
send  me  some  brief  sketch  of  your  own  life.  "  But  let 
all  these  things  be  as  the  gods  direct."  I  hope  you 
have  received  from  Boissonade  the  last  number  of  the 
Bibliotheca  Critica.  •  »    ■         • 

We  are  expecting,  about  this  time,  the  arrival  of 
the  learned  Frederic  Creuzer,  formerly  professor  in 
Heidelberg,  but  now  appointed  Luzac's  successor  in  the 
Greek  professorship  in  Leyden.  He  is  a  profound  and 
elegant  scholar,  and  is  already  well  known  by  several 
publications,  the  last  and  most  important  of  which,  on  the 
origin  of  the  Dionysiac  orgies,  has  no  doubt  come  to 
your  knowledge.  The  text  and  Prolegomena  of  my 
Phaedo  have  long  been  struck  off;  but  the  printers  get 
along  slowly  with  the  commentary,  though  it  has  long 
been  written  out. 


WYTTENBACH    TO    J.    B.    GAIL. 

Leyden,  July  18, 1310. 
Your  Thucydides,  and  your  kind  letter,  together 
with  two  other  books,  all  reached  me  in  safety.  The 
Thucydides  was  a  very  welcome  present,  not  only  on 
account  of  its  elegance,  but  for  the  proof  which  it  gives  of 
your  friendship,  and  the  pleasing  recollection  which  it 
awakens  of  other  similar  favors.  By  your  elaborate 
edition  of  this  triumvir  of  the  Greek  historians,  you  have 
entitled  yourself  to  the  favor  of  classical  scholars,  and  all 
lovers  of  learning.     You  would  have  conferred  a  great 


144  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

benefit  upon  the  friends  of  ancient  literature,  if  you  had 
done  no  more  than  reprint  the  text ;  for  that  would  have 
facilitated  the  study  of  this  author,  by  multiplying  copies. 
But  by  collating  the  manuscripts  and  adding  a  commentary, 
you  have  greatly  increased  our  obligations  to  you.  I  will 
have  this  and  your  other  works  properly  noticed  in  my 
journal,  if,  indeed,  in  the  changed  state  of  our  affairs,  the 
work  shall  be  continued.  Then,  too,  I  shall  be  able  to 
read  and  examine  them  carefully,  but  at  present,  my 
thoughts  are  too  much  occupied  with  other  things.  And 
now,  my  dear  sir,  go  on  as  you  have  begun,  kindling  and 
keeping  up  the  enthusiasm  among  your  countrymen  for 
Greek  literature.  One  of  the  volumes  which  you  were 
so  kind  as  to  send  to  me,  containing  the  fifth  and  sixth 
books,  is  blotted  in  the  margin,  and  I  have  taken  the 
liberty  to  give  it  to  our  friend,  Le  Pileur,  who  will,  if 
agreeable  to  you,  bring  back  a  clean  copy.  *  * 

WYTTENBACH    TO    COUNT    DE    FONTANES. 

Leyden,  Jan.  25,  1812. 
That  you,  respected  sir,  who  are  so  distinguished  both  for 
your  sense  and  learning,  and  who,  by  a  kind  Providence, 
are  now  placed  over  us,  should  condescend  to  signify  to  me 
by  letter,  that  you  were  not  displeased  with  my  Phaedo, 
emboldens  me  to  write  to  you,  and  lay  before  you  some 
affairs  in  which  I  am  interested.  I  have  been  professor 
forty  years,  twenty-eight  at  Amsterdam,  and  the  remainder 
at  Leyden.  I  was  brought  to  this  place  almost  against  my 
will,  in  order  to  take  charge  of  two  vacant  professorships, 
that  of  Latin  eloquence  and  universal  history,  and  that  of 
Greek  literature  and  antiquities,  to  which  the  charge  of 
the  library  has  been  added.  I  still  discharge  the  duties 
of  my  threefold  office.  During  all  this  period,  I  have 
employed  whatever  leisure  I  could  find,  in  study  and  in 
writing  for  the  press,  and  begin  to  learn  more  and  more 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  145 

the  extent  of  my  ignorance.  By  such  thoughts  I  have 
sometimes  been  almost  tempted  to  turn  aside  from  the 
literary  career  upon  which  I  had  entered.  Two  things 
have  chiefly  kept  me  from  doing  so,  the  approbation 
of  intelligent  men,  and  the  encouraging  number  and 
character  of  my  pupils.  I  have  therefore  adhered  to  my 
purpose,  though  publicly  assailed  by  the  tongue  of  envy 
and  calumny.  Recently  no  less  than  three  individuals 
have  attacked  me,  two  anonymously,  in  two  Belgian 
journals,  the  one  an  advocate,  it  is  said,  the  other  a 
professor,  in  Harderwyck.  The  third  is  a  retired 
theologian,  an  old  hand  at  abuse,  and  a  trumpeter  of  the 
Kantian  philosophy.  Knowing  my  dislike  of  the  sect, 
he  has  been  trying  to  vent  upon  me,  in  barbarous  Latin, 
the  bitterest  abuse  that  could  be  picked  up  from  the 
gutter.  Although  this  abuse  has  not  hit  me,  and  I  care 
nothing  about  it  on  my  own  account,  yet,  since  these  low 
fellows  make  every  good  man  the  mark  of  their  ribaldry, 
and  sell  themselves  to  the  multitude,  making  mischief 
among  our  students,  it  would  be  doing  a  good  service  to* 
have  that  nuisance  abated  by  public  authority. 

Our  country  being  now  reduced  to  a  province  of  the 
French  empire,  we,  the  public  professors,  hope  that  the 
same  pay  for  our  services  and  support  in  old  age,  which 
was  appointed  by  our  government,  will,  through  your 
influence  and  good-will,  be  continued  to  us  by  the  emperor; 
and  we  commend  ourselves,  and  our  fortunes,  to  your 
guardian  care.  Nothing  shall  deter  me,  on  my  part,  from 
a  diligent  and  faithful  discharge  of  the  duties  of  my  office. 
The  weakness  of  my  eyes,  which  has  prevented  me  from 
reading,  has,  in  no  way,  impaired  my  ability  to  teach.  I 
have  now  several  works  ready  for  publication.  Among 
them  is  the  continuation  of  my  Bibliotheca  Critica,  which 
is  to  contain  addenda  to  Phaedo  and  Plutarch,  and  a 
memoir  of  Louis  "William  Wassernaer,  a  young  Batavian, 
13 


146  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

of  one  of  the  oldest  families,  and  promising  still  greater 
distinction  in  literature.  He  was  on  the  point  of  giving 
us  a  learned  treatise  on  the  life  and  writings  of  Chrysippus, 
when,  in  July  last,  his  death  snatched  away  all  these  high 
hopes.  This  journal,  which  I  used  to  publish  at  intervals 
of  about  one  year,  and  several  works  prepared  by  myself 
and  by  others  are  kept  back  by  the  new  censorship  for 
the  press,  which,  while  it  is  useful  in  suppressing  vulgar 
libels,  causes  such  delay  in  the  publication  of  literary 
works  as  greatly  to  prejudice  the  interests  of  learning. 
We  look  to  your  excellency  to  provide  a  remedy  for  this 
evil.  I  am  informed  that  my  friend  and  disciple  Mahne  is 
a  candidate  for  the  new  professorship  at  Brussels,  whose 
qualifications  for  this  office  your  excellency  may  learn 
from  his  Aristoxenus  and  his  Epicrisis.  By  supporting  his 
claims,  you  will  consult  the  interests  of  that  professorship, 
and  do  me  a  personal  favor. 

Van  Praet,  keeper  of  the  imperial  library  at  Paris,  has 
requested  me  to  exchange  our  rare  edition  of  Martial  for 
another  from  the  imperial  library.  But  I  have  no  right  to 
do  so,  nor  do  our  curators  consider  themselves  authorized 
to  perform  such  an  act.  He  intimates  a  wish,  that  the 
business  may  be  transacted  through  the  minister  of  the 
interior.  I  have,  therefore,  consulted  Brugmans,  our 
rector,  who  desires  me  to  entreat  you,  both  in  his  name 
and  my  own,  to  avert  such  an  evil,  and  to  protect  our 
library  from  injury,  for  the  benefit  of  ourselves  and  our 
posterity. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    H.    C    A.    EICHSTAEDT. 

Ley  den,  Sept  7,  1802. 

I    have    delayed   replying    to    your    letter,   my   dear 

Eichstaedt,  longer  than  I  had  intended.     I  am  unable  to 

do  as    I  would,   on  account  of  not  enjoying  my  usual 

health,  and  being  so  troubled  with  my  eyes,  that  I  can 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  147 

neither  write  nor  even  read.  The  parcel  recently  received 
from  you  contained  many  things  which  delighted  me  ; — 
first  your  letter ;  next  the  second  volume  of  your  Diodorus ; 
then  the  critical  performances  of  your  two  pupils,  Purgold 
and  Ast;  and,  finally, — what  deserved  to  be  mentioned 
first, — the  communication  from  the  Jena  Latin  Society, 
inviting  me  to  become  a  member.  Will  you,  my  excellent 
friend,  by  whose  recommendation,  no  doubt,  this  honor 
was  conferred  upon  me,  have  the  goodness  to  present 
to  your  colleagues  and  associates  my  thanks  for  this 
honorable  testimony  of  their  respect.  Remember  me 
kindly  to  those  two'  pupils  of  yours,  whose  critical  essays 
you  sent  to  me,  and  assure  them  that  I  was  greatly 
pleased  with  their  elegance  and  learning.  Encourage 
Purgold,  who  proceeds  in  a  grammatical  way  from  words 
to  things,  to  go  on  as  he  has  begun.  To  Ast,  who  goes 
on  in  a  philosophical  way  from  things  to  words,  repeat 
the  prediction  of  Parmenides,  in  regard  to  the  young 
Socrates ;  "  You  are  still  young,  and  philosophy  will 
hereafter  take  a  stronger  hold  upon  you  than  it  has  yet." 
I  will  repay  your  present  in  the  same  coin,  and  send  you 
a  treatise  on  Panaetius,  by  van  Lynden,  a  disciple  from  my 
school,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of  our  young  men, 
both  in  rank  and  in  learning.  I  should  send  you  more 
copies  and  other  works,  if  I  knew  of  any  conveyance 
that  was  not  too  expensive.  Inform  me  on  this  point, 
when  you  write  again ;  for  I  suppose,  that  as  you  are  a 
contributor  to  the  Jena  Literary  Journal,  such  things  may 
be  sent  to  you  free  of  expense. 

I  did  not  believe  my  critical  Epistle,  and  my  other 
observations  on  Julian,  would  be  published  in  Leipsic 
without  my  consent.  Four  years  ago,  Professor  Kuhn, 
of  Leipsic,  wrote,  requesting  me  to  give  to  Schafer,  then 
a  bookseller,  my  notes  on  Julian,  and  such  unpublished 
observations  as  I  had  on  Plutarch.     I  replied,  that  I  could 


148  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

do  neither;  that,  as  to  Plutarch,  it  could  not  be  done, 
without  a  breach  of  the  contract  with  the  Oxford  press ; 
and  that  I  was  unwilling  that  Julian  should  appear  in 
such  bad  paper  and  type  as  those  employed  in  Schafer's 
reprint  of  the  Oxford  edition  of  Plutarch.  I  had  heard 
that  there  was  a  quarrel  between  this  Leipsic  publisher 
and  another  at  Tubingen  about  reprinting  my  Plutarch. 
I  mentioned  this  circumstance  in  my  preface  to  the 
Annotations,  which  I  sent  to  England  in  1798.  Perhaps 
I  spoke  with  too  much  severity  of  Schafer,  a  gentleman 
for  whom  I  entertain  the  highest  respect,  with  the  single 
exception  of  his  piratical  turn.  But  that  Tubingen 
concern  is  downright  plagiarism.         #         #         # 

I  have  not  yet  seen  Wolf's  edition  of  Cicero,  of  which 
you  speak.  Two  years  ago  I  read  those  orations,  and 
compared  them  with  the  others  and  with  Markland's 
animadversions,  and  I  have  done  the  same  since.  They 
appeared  to  me  then,  and  do  still  appear,  to  be  genuine 
productions  of  Cicero.         *        *         * 


WYTTENBACH    TO    J.    C.    BANG. 

Leyden,  April  10, 1803. 

I  received,  my  dear  Bang,  the  letter  of  your  son, 
overflowing  with  kindness  and  filial  affection,  and  yet 
most  painful  to  my  feelings  on  account  of  the  sad 
intelligence  it  brings  from  you.  I  sat  down  at  once  to 
reply  to  you,  though  actually  unable  to  write.  For  I 
have  been  suffering  more  than  a  year  from  my  diseased 
eyes,  and  from  ill  health,  so  that  I  am  often  obliged  to 
neglect  my  daily  lectures.  I  therefore  left  unfinished 
the  letter  which  I  had  commenced,  deferred  writing  from 
day  to  day,  and  attended  to  my  health.  But  now,  being 
somewhat  refreshed  by  the  warm  spring  weather,  I  will 
take  advantage  of  the  Easter  holydays,  in  bringing  up 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  149 

my  neglected  correspondence,  first  with  yourself,  and 
then,  perhaps,  with  others. 

Shall  I  begin,  my  dear  Bang,  by  attempting  to  console 
you,  while  I  myself  am  so  deeply  affected  by  my  own 
calamities  and  by  yours,  that  I  need  consolation  from 
others  ?         #         *         * 

And  what  shall  I  say  of  my  own  circumstances  ?  My 
health  is  such,  that  it  would  of  itself  throw  a  shade  over 
any  degree  of  prosperity.  Besides,  fortune  now  frowns, 
sufficiently  to  break  down  the  stoutest  heart.  How  am 
I  cast  down  from  that  state  of  quiet  and  plenty,  in  which 
I  had  hoped  to  pass  my  old  age  !  This  hope  I  was  still 
cherishing  two  years  ago,  when  I  gave  your  son  a  letter 
to  Heyne,  of  Gottingen ;  but  soon  after  that  time,  it  was 
utterly  destroyed  by  the  desolating  war  which  immediately 
began  to  rage,  and  from  which  we  had  but  just  escaped, 
with  the  loss  of  all  we  had  to  lose,  when  this  new  war 
broke  out, — a  war  that  is  equally  destructive  to  the 
State  and  to  the  fortunes  of  individuals.  Not  only  was  it 
the  case  then,  but  even  since  the  present  return  of  peace, 
the  taxes  are  so  enormous,  as  almost  to  deprive  us  of 
the  means  of  subsistence,  and  to  cut  off  all  hope  of  a 
happier  future.  To  all  this  are  added  the  calamities 
which  have  befallen  my  native  Switzerland,  where  my 
relatives  reside,  and  where,  but  for  the  disasters  which 
have  also  befallen  them,  I  might,  in  case  of  necessity, 
have  found  a  refuge.  But  their  fortunes  also  are  ruined. 
My  brother,  whose  estate  was  consumed  in  supporting 
the  war,  has  at  last  been  disappointed  in  his  hopes  of 
promotion,  and  is  even  disgraced.  When  I  came  to 
Leyden,  I  left  at  Amsterdam  a  more  lucrative  and  a  more 
agreeable  situation.  I  did  it  to  oblige  the  family  of 
Ruhnken,  for  whose  subsistence  I  could  not  induce  the 
government  to  make  provision,  except  upon  the  condition 
that  I  would  succeed  him  in  the  professorship.  I  formerly 
13* 


150  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

thought  of  providing  for  your  younger  son,  by  obtaining 
a  stipend  for  him  at  Leyden,  if  he  should  give  promise  of 
eminence.  But,  in  the  first  place,  the  stipend  here  is  so 
small,  that  it  will  not  more  than  half  pay  a  student's 
expenses ;  and,  furthermore,  since  the  recent  change  in 
our  government,  all  foreigners  are  excluded  from  that 
privilege.  Therefore,  it  will  be  best  for  him,  while  he 
shall  remain  at  Marburg,  to  study  under  his  kinsman, 
Creuzer.         #        #         # 

Remember  me  affectionately  to  your  sons,  and  to 
Creuzer.  And,  as  to  yourself,  keep  up  all  possible 
courage,  and  frequently  call  to  mind  the  memorable  words 
of  Socrates ;  "  There  is  nothing  evil  to  a  good  man, 
whether  living  or  dead ;  nor  is  he  ever  neglected  by  the 
gods."        *         *         * 


WYTTENBACH   TO    C    D.    BECK. 

Leyden,  May  12, 1805. 
I  fear  that  the  accompanying  pamphlets  will  be  an  old 
story  to  you.  But  my  delay  will  be  made  up  by  your 
indulgence,  and  your  confidence  in  my  good  intentions. 
For  I  think  I  may  infer  from  your  writings,  that,  to 
distinguished  learning,  you  add  equal  gentleness  and 
amiableness  of  character.  I  therefore  indulge  the  hope, 
that  you  will  kindly  receive  this  trifling  present,  although 
it  is  nothing  at  all,  either  in  quality  or  extent,  when 
compared  with  the  transactions  of  the  Leipsic  Philological 
Society,  which  you  were  so  kind  as  to  present  to  me  three 
years  ago.  I  should  have  sent  something  immediately  in 
return,  if  any  opportunity  had  offered.  Of  my  Annotations 
on  Plutarch,  nothing  but  the  introduction  is  yet  printed. 
The  remainder  I  dare  not  yet  send  to  England.  We 
have  met  with  a  great  loss,  in  the  death  of  our  excellent 
friend,  Villoison,  which  I  feel  the  more  sensibly,  as  I  have, 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  151 

from  the  time  of  my  first  acquaintance  with  him  in  Paris, 
thirty  years  ago,  maintained  to  the  present  time  an 
interchange  of  letters  and  kind  offices. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    F.    A.    WOLF. 

Leyden,  July  5,  1805. 

I  often  call  to  mind,  my  dear  Wolf,  that  day  which 
you  gave  me  at  Amsterdam,  and  which  I  passed  most 
agreeably  in  talking  with  you.  I  had  hoped  it  would  be 
but  the  beginning  of  an  uninterrupted  intimacy  and 
intercourse  by  letter,  between  us,  though  absent  from 
each  other.  But  hitherto,  that  expectation  has  been 
disappointed,  and  the  fault  has  been  all  my  own.  I  regret 
exceedingly  that  I  have  permitted  it  to  be  so.  We  ought 
to  be  on  terms  of  intimacy,  from  our  common  love  of 
letters  and  of  our  lamented  Ruhnken.  Though,  as  I  have 
said,  the  fault  is  mine,  it  was  not  owing  to  any  want  of 
inclination,  but  to  a  want  of  time  and  health,  which  has 
compelled  me  to  drop,  or  defer  my  correspondence  with 
my  dearest  friends,  and  with  you  among  the  rest.  But 
your  Homer,  sent  to  me  last  September,  by  Gosch,  a  gift 
inscribed  to  me  in  your  own  hand-writing,  has  strangely 
moved  me  to  reply.  I  have  sent  you  in  return,  a  present 
of  my  last  work,  which  was  conveyed  through  Luchtmans, 
to  Leipsic,  whence  it  will  go  to  your  friend,  Eichstaedt,  and 
thence  to  you.  I  now  put  my  letter  into  the  hands  of 
Gosch,  who  will  see  that  it  is  immediately  delivered  to 
you. 

After  your  return,  I  visited  Ruhnken  several  times,  who 
seemed  to  take  great  pleasure  in  speaking  of  you,  and  held 
you  in  so  high  estimation  as  to  desire  you  for  a  colleague, 
and  manifested  unusual  anxiety  for  your  reply.  You 
surely  had  good  reason  for  declining  such  terms ;  for,  on 
the  salary  which  was  offered,  you  would  have  had  to 
starve  like  a  hero ;  or  if,  as  would  have  been  necessary, 


152  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

you  had  received  twice  that  amount,  a  flame  of  envy 
would  have  been  kindled  around  you.  Our  friend 
Ruhnken  died  in  May,  1798.  1  came  to  Leyden  to 
make  preparations  for  his  funeral,  and  came  frequently 
afterwards  to  console  and  cheer  the  afflicted  family,  the 
depth  of  whose  sorrow  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe. 
Your  letter  arrived  at  the  same  time,  but  I  could  not 
well  answer  it  then.  These  things,  though  I  had  not 
forgotten  you,  my  dear  Wolf,  escaped  my  memory.  The 
distress  of  the  bereaved  family  engaged  all  my  thoughts. 
In  their  behalf,  I  made  application  to  the  curators  for  a 
pension.  As  it  was  a  time  of  change  in  our  public  affairs, 
and  new  curators  frequently  succeeded  to  the  place  of  the 
old,  much  time  was  consumed  without  bringing  any  thing 
to  pass,  and  the  estate  of  the  family  was,  in  the  meantime, 
wasting  away.  When  the  public  commotions  were  in 
some  degree  allaj^ed,  I  addressed  a  communication  to  the 
new  curators,  presenting  as  strongly  as  I  could,  the  claims 
of  the  Ruhnken  family.  They  replied,  that  my  request 
could  be  granted  only  on  condition  of  my  succeeding 
Ruhnken  myself.  I  hesitated, — but  at  length  consented, 
though  with  less  salary  than  had  been  offered  me  here 
before,  and  less  than  I  was  then  receiving  in  Amsterdam, 
where  my  situation  was,  furthermore,  in  every  respect 
agreeable.  I  came  to  Leyden,  supposing  that  every  one 
applauded  this  good  deed  of  mine.  But  how  sadly 
was  I  disappointed !  The  daughters  of  my  deceased 
friend  proved  ungrateful;  the  mother  acknowledged  my 
benefaction.     But  others  envied  and  slandered  me. 

I  will  mention,  as  you  may  not  know  it,  that  the 
younger  daughter,  the  one  who  was  blind,  died  in  May, 
1801.  Elizabeth,  the  elder,  went  to  France,  and  was 
married  to  a  military  surgeon,  whose  acquaintance  she 
had  made  in  Leyden.  He  is  now  a  country  doctor  in 
Normandy.     Her  situation  is  not  altogether  agreeable ;  it 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  153 

is  unworthy  of  her  father's  fame,  and  of  the  high  hopes 
excited  when  she  was  that  beautiful  and  accomplished 
girl,  wrhose  hand  was  sought  so  frequently  by  men  of 
rank.  The  mother  is  pretty  well,  for  one  who  is  both 
dumb  and  blind. 

My  commentary  on  Plutarch  is  nearly  half  finished, 
but  none  of  it  is  struck  off,  except  the  preface,  and  a 
dissertation  on  the  spurious  treatise  on  Education.  I  am 
now  engaged  in  preparing  an  edition  of  Plato's  Phaedo. 
Go  on,  my  dear  Wolf,  and  edit  Homer  entire,  with  a 
commentary,  that  shall  enable  us  to  dispense  with  all 
other  editions.  It  is  said  by  those  who  have  read  the 
article,  that  Heyne's  Homer  has  been  reviewed  with 
severity  by  you  and  your  friends.  I  have  wished  to  get 
a  sight  of  that  review,  but  have  not  yet  been  able.  This 
circumstance  reminds  me  of  our  good  Villoison,  who  used 
to  call  Heyne  his  "persecutor."  The  death  of  Villoison 
has  inflicted  the  deeper  wound  on  me,  as  our  friendship 
was  of  long  standing.  It  was  contracted  at  Paris  in  1775, 
and  has  been  confirmed  by  mutual  kind  offices,  and 
by  correspondence,  and  continued,  though  often  amid 
differences  of  opinion,  till  the  present  time.  May  yours, 
my  dear  Wolf,  still  be  a  long  and  happy  life ;  and  rest 
assured,  that,  with  me,  difference  of  opinion  is  no 
interruption  of  friendship ;  and  that  you  are,  and  will  not 
cease  to  be,  dear  to  me,  on  account  of  our  common  pursuits, 
and  our  common  love  for  the  departed  Ruhnken. 

WYTTENBACH   TO    HEYNE. 

Leyden,  Nov.  24,  1805. 
My  excellent  friend,  would  that  the  "genius,  who 
presides  over  my  natal  star,"  had  not  made  me  such  a 
dilatory  and  slothful  correspondent !  Then  I  should  not 
be  undutiful  towards  every  good  and  indulgent  man  to 
whom  I   have   occasion   to   write.     Of  all   my  learned 


154  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

friends,  bound  to  me  by  the  ties  of  good-will  and 
scholarship,  you  are  the  oldest  survivor.  I  delight  to 
recall  the  time,  though  short,  when  I  enjoyed  the  benefit 
of  your  teaching  and  counsels  at  Gottingen.  I  very 
much  regret  that  I  have  so  long  neglected  you.  I  could, 
indeed,  make  out  a  very  decent  apology,  but  I  prefer  to 
rely  on  your  good-will  towards  me.  "  I  did  the  wrong,  I 
own  the  crime ;  but  now  will  make  amends."  The 
remainder  of  our  joint  lives  let  us  not  suffer  to  pass  off  in 
like  manner;  but  rather  let  us  seize  upon  it,  and,  by 
frequent  intercourse  of  letters,  make  the  most  of  our  old 
age,  and  mutually  share  each  other's  affections. 

The  last  time  I  wrote  to  you,  Ruhnken  was  still  alive 
and  well ;  I  have  already  felt  his  loss  for  seven  years,  and 
shall  never  cease  to  feel  it.  I  have  now  no  one  by  me, 
whom  I  can  enjoy  as  a  teacher  and  a  friend.  0,  that  I 
had  you  for  my  colleague !  For  J.  Luzac,  my  present 
colleague,  and  I  do  not  draw  well  together.  Twenty 
years  ago,  in  party  times,  he  became  the  successor  of 
Valckenaer,  aided  by  the  recommendation  of  Ruhnken. 
He  afterwards  became  ungrateful,  and  slandered  the  sole 
author  of  his  honor  and  promotion ;  and  struck  at  him, 
when  dead,  with  the  weapon  of  envy ;  and  has  recently, 
under  the  name  of  a  common  disciple  of  ours,  the  author 
of  the  Lectiones  Andocideae, — treated  certainly  with 
sufficient  lenity  in  your  journal, — accused  Ruhnken  of 
plagiarism  from  Valckenaer 's  papers.  I  felt  myself  called 
upon  to  vindicate  that  great  man  from  the  suspicion 
which  was  unjustly  cast  upon  him;  with  much  gentleness 
and  lenity,  however,  since  the  nominal  author  was  my 
pupil,  and  yet  in  such  a  way,  that  it  might  be  seen  who 
the  accuser  was,  and  who  the  accused.  I  wholly  disregard 
the  puerile  imputations  which  the  disguised  writer  brings 
against  myself,  whom,  as  the  successor  of  Ruhnken,  he 
considers  as  a  just  object  of  his  ire.    It  is  singukr,  indeed, 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  155 

that,  in  leaving  my  more  eligible  situation  in  Amsterdam, 
and  accepting  this,  in  Leyden,  I  should  have  drawn  upon 
me  the  envy  and  reproaches  of  so  many.  These  I  refute 
by  silence,  and  by  a  consciousness  of  having  acted  purely 
from  a  filial  regard  for  Ruhnken,  whose  distressed  family 
could  have  been  provided  with  a  comfortable  subsistence 
at  that  time  only  by  my  removal. 

But,  my  venerated  friend,  I  return  to  you.  It  was  upon 
you  alone  that  my  thoughts  were  resting,  when  I  sat  down 
to  write ;  and  I  know  not  how  it  is,  that,  in  purposing  to 
make  inquiries  about  you  and  of  you,  I  have  fallen  into 
descanting  upon  my  own  affairs.  Are  you,  then,  well? 
and  does  every  thing  go  to  your  mind  ?  I  doubt  not,  from 
what  I  know  of  your  equanimity,  mildness,  and  experience 
in  human  affairs,  that  you  bear  your  advanced  years  in 
such  a  way,  as  to  render  this  truly  the  blooming  period  of 
your  mind.  So  it  was  with  our  friend  Ruhnken.  His 
biography  I  sent  you  at  the  time  of  its  publication,  though 
I  had  not  time  then  to  write.  I  was  obliged  reluctantly  to 
defer  writing  to  you,  till  I  could  find  a  little  leisure,  which 
has  at  length  arrived.  This  I  will  affirm,  that,  during 
the  whole  period  that  has  since  intervened,  every  mention 
of  your  name,  or  that  of  your  country,  whether  it  occurred 
in  conversation,  or  in  recent  publications,  has  awakened  a 
solicitude  for  you,  and  it  has  been  my  prayer  that  your 
public  calamities  might  be  counterbalanced  by  personal 
and  domestic  prosperity.  When  will  this  protracted  and 
calamitous  war  come  to  an  end  ?  When  shall  things  be 
restored  to  their  original  state  ?  But  you  are  still  vigorous 
and  flourishing  in  literature.  I  often  hear  of  your  new 
publications,  and  sometimes  see  the  works  themselves,  or 
summaries  of  them.  It  surprises  me  to  find  that  the 
same  energy,  which  distinguished  your  youth,  remains 
undiminished  in  your  old  age.  It  has  grieved  me  to  see 
the  severity  with  which  your  Homer  has  been  treated  by 


156  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

certain  persons.  You  should  have  been  treated  like 
Nestor,  and  these  words,  addressed  to  him,  often  occur  to 
me,  when  thinking  of  you :  "  Indeed,  old  man,  the  youthful 
warriors  waste  thy  strength."  But  the  next  line,  "  Thy 
strength  is  gone,  and  dreary  age  o'ertakes  thee,"  will  not 
apply  to  you.  As  I  have  already  said,  I  say  again,  your 
old  age  is  the  blooming  period  of  your  mind,  and  you 
stand  in  need  of  no  Diomedes,  to  take  you  into  his  chariot. 
Your  established  fame,  your  past  life,  your  immortal 
works,  and  your  merits,  will  sufficiently  protect  you.  In 
a  second  edition  of  my  Critical  Epistle,  which  I  now 
meditate,  it  will  be  to  me  a  pleasure  again  to  pay  you  a 
public  tribute  of  respect  in  connection  with  Ruhnken.  *  * 
Farewell,  "  thou  Nestor,  the  great  glory  of  the  Greeks." 

WYTTENBACH    TO    C    G.    SCHUTZ. 

Suburbs  of  Leyden,  April,  1807. 

I  regard  it  as  a  special  token  of  love,  that  your  interest 
in  the  calamity  which  has  befallen  us,  has  induced  you  to 
write  to  me,  and  to  request  that  I  would  give  you  the 
particulars,  and  thus  relieve  your  solicitude.  I  should 
have  done  so  immediately,  had  I  not  been  so  engaged  in 
rescuing  my  effects,  and  putting  them  in  order,  as  to  leave 
me  no  leisure  for  writing.  Though  still  in  a  state  of 
disquiet,  I  must  resume  my  neglected  correspondence, 
and  I  will  begin  with  you.  The  task  you  ask  me  to 
perform  will  revive  all  the  sorrow  of  that  dreadful  scene, 
in  which,  indeed,  I  had  but  little  share.  My  lot  was  easy 
compared  with  that  of  many  others,  whose  hard  fate  I 
could  not  adequately  describe,  even  if  I  had  a  hundred 
tongues.         *         *         * 

I  wonder,  my  dear  sir,  that  you  make  no  mention  of 
the  late  change  in  your  political  condition, — that  you  are 
so  occupied  with  my  misfortunes,  as  if  nothing  had 
happened  among  you.     Whatever  be  the  cause  of  your 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  157 

silence  in  this  respect,  whether  it  be  a  delicate  regard  to 
myself  or  some  other  consideration,  I  shall  infer  that  all 
things  are  well  with  you.  For  a  long  time,  I  have  been 
ignorant  what  the  Germans  are  doing, — what  books  they 
are  publishing  in  our  department  of  literature.  For, 
though  I  am  a  subscriber  for  your  Literary  Journal,  it 
rarely  reaches  me  in  these  times.  I  am  particularly 
desirous  of  knowing  what  you  are  about.  On  finishing 
iEschylus,  have  you  edited  the  Rhetorical  Writings  of 
Cicero  ?  The  last  edition  of  the  former  I  have  directed 
my  booksellers  to  procure  for  me ;  the  latter  I  have  not 
yet  seen.  By  sending  them,  as  you  say  you  will,  you 
will  do  me  a  great  favor.         *         *         # 

Farewell,  my  dear  friend.  Pray  remember  me  to  your 
colleagues,  Wolf  and  Niemeyer.  To  the  former,  I  purpose 
to  write  without  delay ;  briefly,  however,  in  respect  to  my 
affairs,  as  he  can,  if  he  should  think  it  worth  his  while, 
ascertain  them  of  you.  I  beg  you  to  answer  me  soon,, 
unless  it  is  too  much  trouble. 

P.  S.  I  have  finally  thought  it  safest  to  enclose  Wolf's 
letter  in  yours.  Be  so  kind  as  to  send  it  to  him,  and  add 
one  more  to  the  favors  already  conferred  upon  me. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    WOLF. 

Suburbs  of  Leyden,  April  7,  1807. 
"Providence  brings  good  out  of  evil."  The  Leyden 
calamity  has  brought  me  a  letter  from  you,  which  might 
otherwise  have  been  long  delayed.  *  *  *  Should  you 
desire  further  information  respecting  the  explosion,  you 
will  find  it  in  my  letter  to  Schiitz.     *     #     * 

I  now  come  to  your  own  affairs. — You  are  right  in 
not  suffering  political  troubles  to  interrupt  your  studies. 
Your  edition  of  Homer,  then,  is  completed,  and  the 
commentary  published.  I  wish  very  much  to  see  it.  As 
soon  as  our  library,  which  has  hitherto  been  closed  on 
14 


158  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

account  of  the  repairs  the  workmen  are  still  making,  shall 
be  opened  again,  I  will  search  out  for  you  Ruhnken's 
papers  on  Hesiod,  and  procure  a  copyist  as  cheap  as 
possible.  These  papers  have  not  yet,  to  my  knowledge, 
been  examined  by  van  Lennep,  a  young  man  of  promise, 
formerly  my  pupil,  and  now  my  successor  in  Amsterdam, 
who  is  also  preparing  a  new  edition  of  Hesiod,  and  for 
whom,  I  suspect,  Boissonade  is  furnishing  readings  from 
the  Paris  manuscripts.  You  know  that  I  have  decided  to 
publish  the  letters  of  Ruhnken.  I  request  you,  therefore, 
if  you  have  no  objection,  to  favor  me  with  those  which 
he  addressed  to  you.  The  old  house,  where  you  saw 
him,  and  which  was  sold  on  his  death,  is  now  levelled 
to  the  ground.  His  widow,  who  is  blind,  dumb,  and 
somewhat  deaf,  and  an  invalid,  has  every  comfort  which  it 
is  possible  for  her  to  enjoy.  The  daughter  writes  that  she 
is  not  unhappily  situated  in  France.  The  Luchtmanses 
have  recently  published,  in  one  volume,  the  Eulogy  of 
Hemsterhuys,  with  Ruhnken's  other  orations  and  essays. 
It  has  no  alterations  or  additions  from  his  papers ;  it  has 
a  bookseller's  preface,  but  I  do  not  know  by  whom  it  was 
written.  Farewell,  my  dear  "Wolf,  and  believe  me  to  be 
one  of  the  foremost  of  those  who  cordially  love  you,  for 
your  great  learning,  and  for  your  kindness  towards  me. 

WYTTENBACH   TO    AUGUSTUS    MATTHIAE. 

Leyden,  Oct.  6, 1807. 
The  present  of  your  Greek  Grammar,  my  dear 
Matthiae,  is,  both  on  account  of  its  author,  and  of  its 
inherent  excellence,  very  acceptable  to  me.  As  I  always 
valued  your  friendship,  when  you  were  with  us,  it  is 
highly  gratifying  to  me  now  to  learn,  particularly,  by 
such  a  public  testimony,  that  your  friendship  has  not,  by 
our  separation  during  this  long  interval,  been  interrupted 
nor  abated.     Your  learning  was   not  unknown   to   me 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  159 

when  you  were  at  Amsterdam,  but  I  perceive  from  this 
book  that  it  is  wonderfully  increased.  From  your 
Miscellanies,  too,  published  at  Altenburg,  I  observed  you 
had  made  great  progress.  I  noticed  these  in  the  Bibliotheca 
Critica,  though  the  copy  which  was  sent  me, — by  your 
direction,  I  suppose, — was  destroyed  with  other  books,  by 
the  late  explosion.  But  I  return  to  the  book  now  before 
me.  I  have  run  hastily  through  it,  and  have  read  some 
parts,  particularly  the  preface,  carefully.  My  own  health, 
and  that  of  my  family  being  ill  at  present,  and  being 
unwilling  to  put  off  writing  to  you  any  longer,  I  will 
content  myself  with  a  few  words  more,  and  defer  the 
remainder  till  I  have  more  leisure.  I  approve  of  your 
method  of  uniting  theory  and  usage,  especially  as  you 
give  the  preponderance  to  the  latter,  and  verify  it  by 
abundant  learning,  in  which  you  show  that  you  have  the 
whole  Greek  language  at  your  command.  I  wish  you 
had  written  your  book  in  Latin,  so  that  it  might,  out  of 
your  own  country,  serve  as  a  means  of  promoting  you  to 
a  professorship.  Why  not  make  an  abridgement  in  Latin, 
retaining  the  examples  from  classical  writers,  which 
constitute  no  small  ornament  to  the  work  ?  In  style,  labor 
to  be  perspicuous  and  elegant,  and  show  by  your  example, 
that  you  not  only  teach,  but  also  possess,  the  Grecian 
spirit,  and  are  free  from  all  the  barbarous  forms  of  the 
scholastic  writers.  You  have  acted  wisely  in  making 
usage  your  chief  aim.  The  analogical  method,  as  it  was 
employed  by  Hemsterhuys,  after  the  example  of  Scaliger 
and  Salmasius,  does,  indeed,  throw  much  light  upon  the 
origin,  signification,  and  forms  of  words.  But  Lennep 
did  not  exhibit  it  as  it  was  practised  by  its  author ;  and 
Scheid  so  corrupted  and  perverted  it,  that  with  many  it 
has  led  to  the  worst  evils.  These  stupid  creatures  have 
strangely  adopted  the  analogical  method,  to  the  neglect 
of  declension   and  conjugation,  and   even  teachers   and 


160  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

professors  have  sometimes  fallen  into  this  absurdity.  It 
is  altogether  better  to  retain  that  old  and  severe,  but 
profitable  discipline  of  carefully  learning  the  Greek  and 
Latin  paradigms,  to  which  our  own  fathers  trained  us, 
in  our  boyhood,  and  which  was  continued,  when  they  put 
us  under  other  masters.  In  a  review  of  Scheid's  edition 
of  Lennep,  in  my  Bibliotheca  Critica,  volume  third,  and 
part  second,  I  have  exposed  this  false  system.  If  you 
had  consulted  that  article,  and  my  other  writings,  while 
preparing  your  Grammar,  you  might  have  rendered  it 
more  complete  in  many  places.  I  sent  my  commentary 
on  Plutarch  to  Oxford  to  be  printed,  two  years  ago,  but  it 
is  not  yet  done.  If  that  work  should  come  to  your 
hands,  it  will  also  aid  you  in  enlarging  your  work,  for  it 
contains  many  observations  on  the  theory  and  usage  of 
the  Greek  lan^uaare. 

I  regret  to  learn,  that  there  is  any  misunderstanding 
between  you  and  Huschke.  As  soon  as  he  shall  have 
arrived  here,  I  will  do  my  best  to  restore  you  to  your  old 
friendship;  and,  after  the  example  of  Atticus,  "to  compare 
small  things  with  great,"  prevent  any  quarrel,  and  make 
your  rivalry  in  honor,  as  it  should  be  with  such  persons, 
a  bond  of  friendship. 

In  regard  to  Huschke's  call  to  this  university,  the 
matter  stands  thus.  When  a  successor  was  to  be  chosen 
in  the  place  of  the  departed  Luzac,  the  curators  requested 
me,  in  conjunction  with  our  friend,  de  Bosch,  to  select  a 
person  who  would  be  agreeable  to  me  as  a  colleague,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  competent  to  the  place.  After  differing 
in  opinion  in  respect  to  others,  we  finally  agreed  upon 
Huschke.  The  curators  confirmed  the  nomination,  but 
the  approval  was  not  obtained  till  quite  recently,  and 
this  circumstance  has  occasioned  a  delay  in  his  coming 
here.  *  *  * 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  161 

When  you  write  me  next,  my  dear  Matthiae,  be  so 
kind  as  to  give  me  an  account  of  yourself  and  of  your 
situation, — whether  you  are  a  bachelor,  or  have  a  wife ; 
what  is  the  state  of  your  gymnasium,  and  that  of  the 
neighboring  universities  of  Jena,  Halle,  and  Leipsic. 
You  know  I  have  always  taken  an  interest  in  the  history 
of  philosophy.  I  wish  you  would  name  some  work  that 
will  present  me  a  compendious  view  of  the  change  in 
philosophy,  which  was  begun  by  Kant,  and  then  carried 
still  further  by  Fichte  and  Schelling,  and  which,  you  say, 
in  your  preface,  is  a  return  to  the  Platonic  system.  By 
complying  with  this  request,  you  would  confer  upon  me  a 
very  great  favor. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    FREDERIC    CREUZER. 

Leyden,  Sept.  16,  1803. 

Your  letter  has  afforded  me  great  pleasure,  from  the 
kind  regards  which  }'ou  express  towards  me,  and  from 
the  pleasing  recollections  of  our  excellent  common  friend, 
Bang.  I  have  just  spoken  of  him,  as  among  the  number 
of  deceased  literary  friends,  in  an  article  of  the  Bibliotheca 
Critica,  immediately  to  be  published,  as  if  I  had  poured 
libations  on  his  tomb,  making  mention,  at  the  same  time, 
of  you,  as  once  his  pupil,  but  now  an  eminent  scholar.     * 

You  have  written  to  me  so  affectionately,  and  at  such 
length,  that  it  would  require  a  volume  to  reply  to  the 
whole.  What  you  relate  of  your  youth,  your  whole  life, 
and  your  studies,  is  very  delightful  to  me,  since  it  awakens 
a  fresh  recollection  of  the  places  where  I,  from  the  ninth 
to  the  twenty-second  year  of  my  age,  passed  my  time  in 
useful,  and  also  in  useless  studies.  I  remember  two 
brothers,  by  the  name  of  Creuzer,  the  one  a  relation  of 
Bang,  the  other  a  bookseller.  Pray  tell  me  which  of 
these  was  your  father.  You  are  now  transferred  from 
Marburg  to  Heidelberg,  where,  as  it  respects  the 
14* 


162  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

enjoyments  and  conveniences  of  life,  you  will  have  every 
thing  that  you  could  desire.  You  have  my  best  wishes 
that  your  present  felicity  may  be  long  and  uninterrupted. 
And  yet,  in  these  times,  when  every  year  brings  with  it 
new  political  changes,  no  one  can  tell  what  may  hereafter 
be  called  his  own.  #  *  But  I  turn  from  the  darkness 
which  overshadows  the  future,  to  dwell  on  what  is  more 
pleasing,  though  past.  I  was  happy  to  receive  from  you 
the  letter  of  Ruhnken  to  the  excellent  Voss,  to  whom  I 
beg  you  will  return  my  sincere  thanks.  You  call  him 
your  Voss,  which  I  do  not  understand,  unless  it  be  that  he 
has  taken  up  his  residence  in  Heidelberg.  On  this,  and 
other  matters  of  intelligence  respecting  the  literary  wTorld 
in  Germany,  I  desire  you  to  write  me.  *  *  *  In 
Griesbach,  Schiitz,  Beck,  Hermann,  and  Tiedemann,  in 
addition  to  Bang,  you  have  certainly  had  the  most 
learned  and  skilful  teachers  of  the  age.  I  would  gladly 
have  a  colleague  of  this  description ;  for  since  becoming 
Ruhnken's  successor,  I  have  no  one  to  associate  with  in 
my  philological  studies.  By  Ruhnken's  intervention, 
Valckenaer's  place  was  supplied  by  Luzac ;  since  whose 
tragical  death,  the  vacant  chair  has  been  offered  first  to 
van  Heusde,  next  to  Huschke,  of  Rostock,  and  finally, 
to  that  Sluiter,  mentioned  in  the  last  number  of  the 
Bibliotheca  Critica.  But  whether  he  will  accept  the 
appointment  is  not  yet  known.  Your  Savigny  appears 
to  be  the  same  individual  who  obtained  a  high  reputation 
by  his  work  on  the  Nature  of  Property.  #  *  I  never 
think  of  the  present  condition  of  learning  in  Germany 
without  grief,  especially  when  I  see  the  fortunes  of  its 
great  scholars  ruined  by  the  devastations  of  war.  I 
lament  the  sad  state  of  Hesse,  once  my  country;  though 
some  suppose  the  new  order  of  things  will  be  better  than 
the  old,  and  it  may  be  so.  That  atmosphere  was  never 
favorable  to  the  promotion  of  classical  learning.     I  well 


163 

remember,  that  when  I  was  pursuing-  my  philological 
studies  alone  in  Marburg,  men  of  the  highest  rank 
endeavored  to  dissuade  me,  saying  that  the  study  of 
Greek  and  Latin  only  made  schoolmasters,  and  urged 
me  to  aim  at  something  higher, — to  some  office  in  the 
government. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    CREUZER. 

Leyden;  Feb.  15,  1809. 
"We  have  at  length,  my  dear  Creuzer,  brought  the 
matter  to  a  close,  and  you  are  ours.  Meermann  wrote  to 
you  to  that  effect  on  the  very  day  of  your  appointment, 
but  as  his  letter  may  possibly  fail  of  reaching  you,  I 
have  thought  it  safer  that  I  should  write  to  you  also. 
The  secretary  will  soon  give  you  official  notice.  I  beg 
you,  say  in  reply,  that  you  accept  the  office,  and  will 
appear  as  soon  as  possible,  to  deliver  your  inaugural 
discourse,  and  enter  upon  your  duties.  At  the  same 
time,  request  the  curators  to  repay  the  expenses  of  your 
removal.  Bring  with  you  such  furniture  and  clothing  as 
you  may  need,  or  whatever  you  cannot  dispose  of  without 
sacrifice.  It  is  customary  to  allow  300  florins  for  a 
professor's  removal,  even  from  a  neighboring  city;  you 
ought  to  have  at  least  600.  If  you  have  a  faithful  servant, 
bring  him  with  you.  After  your  arrival,  you  can  see 
about  a  waiting-maid,  and  also  select  a  house  to  your 
liking.  We  will  provide  a  place  for  you,  on  your  first 
arrival,  at  a  good  inn.  The  long  vacation  commences  at 
the  close  of  June.  If  you  arrive  in  April,  or  May,  as  you 
probably  will,  you  can,  for  the  residue  of  the  term,  hold 
your  lectures,  once  or  twice  a-week,  in  the  philosophical 
room.  My  room  having  been  injured  by  the  shock 
which  my  house  received,  I  have  been  driven  to  the 
country,  except  during  the  intervals  between  the  lectures, 
which  I  go  into  the  city  to  deliver. 


164  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 


WYTTENBACH    TO    AUGUSTUS    BOCKH. 

Leyden,  Jan.  26,  1810. 
Though  our  friend  Moser  will  converse  with  you  more 
fully  upon  the  sentiments  of  affection  which  I  cherish 
towards  you,  I  could  not  consent  to  his  leaving  this 
place  for  Heidelberg,  without  carrying  you  a  letter  from 
me.  I  much  regret  his  departure,  for  many  reasons,  but 
particularly  because  he  could  be  of  great  service  to  you 
and  other  learned  men  abroad,  in  copying  manuscripts 
from  our  library.  Had  his  Heidelberg  friends  not 
snatched  him  from  us,  and  could  he  have  remained 
another  year,  I  would  gladly  have  prevailed  upon  him  to 
undertake  the  same  business  for  your,  or  rather  our, 
Wolf,  for  whom  I  have  long  been  seeking  a  competent 
copyist,  but  without  success.  I  should  have  written  you 
a  letter  of  thanks  without  delay,  for  your  work  on  Plato, 
which  was  sent  me  in  your  name  four  years  ago,  if  I  had 
known  where  to  direct  it.  I  could  not,  in  any  way, 
ascertain  where  you  were,  not  even  from  Niemeyer, 
who  was  then  in  this  place.  I  afterwards  learned 
from  Creuzer,  that  you  had  obtained  a  professorship  in 
Heidelberg,  and  I  requested  him  to  greet  you  in  my  name 
most  affectionately,  and  to  assure  you  that  I  hold  you  in 
grateful  remembrance  for  your  favor.  We  are  waiting 
impatiently  for  your  Pindar.  I  pray  you  go  on  as  you 
have  begun,  and  add  lustre  to  our  studies.  Be  assured, 
no  one  can  regard  your  fame  and  your  labors  with  more 
favor  than  myself. 

WYTTENBACH    TO    HEYNE. 

Leyden,  June  14,  1812. 
My  dear  Heyne,  you  have  again  given  a  signal  proof  of 
your  love  to  me,  by  making  me  a  foreign  member  of  the 
Gottingen  Eoyal  Society.      *      *      That  distinction  is  so 


wyttenbach's  correspondence.  165 

honorable  to  me,  and  your  amiable  and  cordial  letter  so 
grateful  to  my  feelings,  that  I  do  not  remember  any  thing 
for  a  long  time,  which  has  delighted  me  so  much.  For 
age,  though  it  weakens  the  love  of  honor,  strengthens  the 
feelings  of  friendship  and  love.  This  is  particularly  true 
of  attachments  to  friends  of  long  standing  and  of  literary 
merit, — to  which  category  you  belong.  #  #  # 

You  are  so  kind  as  to  make  mention  of  my  Phaedo ; — 
I  am  pleased  that  it  meets  your  approbation.  I  have  been 
told  that  it  has  been  reviewed, — by  yourself,  no  doubt, — 
and  commended  in  your  journal.  Creuzer  writes  that 
Wolf  is  not  so  well  pleased  with  it.  I  have  given  no  just 
ground  of  offence  to  him  or  to  his  party.  That  I  could 
not  procure  Ruhnken's  papers  for  him,  was  not  my  fault, 
but  the  fault  of  the  times.  I  take  it  easily,  that  they 
should  soar  sublime,  by  the  higher  criticism,  as  they  call 
it,  and  look  down  with  contempt  upon  us  who  walk  on 
the  earth.  Two  of  my  distinguished  disciples  have 
recently  followed  de  Bosch  to  the  grave.  *  #  My  eyes 
are  still  in  a  bad  condition,  one  being  dim,  the  other 
having  a  cataract.  To  this  are  added  our  domestic 
misfortunes,  which,  we  fear,  will  be  increased  by  the  fall 
of  Russia. (!)  The  incomes  of  our  professorships  are  so 
reduced,  that  we  have  got  to  starve  in  good  earnest,  and 
are  compelled  to  learn  this  virtue,  which  is  a  part  of 
fortitude.  "  But,  my  dear  Criton,  let  all  these  things  be 
as  is  pleasing  to  the  gods."  Let  us  discharge  our  duties; 
let  us  take  care  of  our  health  ;  let  us  protect  our  fortunes 
and  our  lives,  until  our  enemies  shall  be  blown  up. 


166  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 


WYTTENBACH    TO    A.    H.    NIEMEYER,    CHANCELLOR    OF    THE 
UNIVERSITY    OF    HALLE. 

Leyden,  Aug.  6,  1814. 
The  parcel  of  three  excellent  books,  with  which  I  was 
honored  by  your  literary  society,  I  can  easily  imagine 
came  from  you.  They  recall,  in  an  agreeable  way,  the 
visit  which  you  made  us  eight  years  ago,  and  which, 
though  short,  greatly  endeared  you  to  us.  What 
changes  have  we  passed  through  since  that  time !  On 
your  return,  you  found  your  country  subdued  by  the 
conqueror  who  had  long  trampled  us  under  his  feet. 
When  it  seemed  that  all  was  lost,  your  fortitude  so 
carried  you  through,  that,  in  comparing  your  lot  with 
that  of  others,  you  had  nothing  to  regret  in  respect  to 
your  fortune  or  your  honor.  *  #  *  The  French  are  now 
out  of  the  way,  and  may  God  long  grant  us  this  respite. 
Though  I  am  deprived,  by  the  state  of  my  eyes,  of  all 
that  has  hitherto  delighted  me, — of  study  and  reading, — 
yet  I  am  sustained  by  this  consideration,  that  we  can 
now  draw  our  breath  freely,  and  that  the  prospect  before 
us  is  brightening. 

J.    C.    ADELUNG    TO    C    G.    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  Sept.  11,  1784. 

*  *  The  proposal  which  you  make,  respecting  the  new 
Literary  Journal,  is  too  nattering  for  me  to  decline ;  and 
I  therefore  take  occasion  to  ask  for  particular  information. 
If  the  department  of  literary  history  is  unprovided  for,  I 
would  be  willing  to  undertake,  in  addition  to  the  German 
language,  at  least  a  part  of  this. 

I  have  heard  that  there  is  an  extensive  collection  of 
travels  in  the  library  of  Professor  Biittner,  of  Gottingen, 
which  is  now  added  to  the  Jena  university  library. 
Could  I  not,  for  a  suitable  compensation,  procure  a  copy 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  167 

of  so  much  of  the  catalogue  as  relates  to  these  works  ? 
I  have  for  many  years  been  making  a  collection  of  literary 
notices  of  all  books  of  travels ;  and  since  it  is  impossible 
to  possess  all  these,  I  should  like  to  know  where  any 
particular  work  may,  in  case  of  necessity,  be  found. 
Yours,  etc. 

J.    A.    APEL    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  Aug.  31, 1802. 
#  *  That  our  friend  Hermann  will,  in  all  probability, 
obtain  the  professorship,  vacated  by  the  death  of  the 
younger  Ernesti,  is  without  doubt  already  known  to  you. 
The  refusal  of  the  first  vacant  place,  given  by  the  court 
of  Dresden,  it  is  hoped,  is  so  recent,  that  no  other  man 
will  be  preferred  to  him.  Besides  him,  Brehm  and 
Carus,  professors  extraordinary  in  this  place,  have  been 
proposed  as  candidates.  I  hear  that  Professor  Eichstaedt 
has  also  offered  himself.  Is  he  in  earnest ;  or  does  he, 
as  in  billiards,  expect  to  pocket  the  ball  by  a  rebound  ? 
Hermann  sends  his  compliments : — he  wonders  that  he 
has  received  no  books  to  review.  Neither  have  I  received 
any ;  and  not  being  sure  whether  you  wish  to  entrust  to 
my  hands  the  works  of  Schelling  and  others,  mentioned 
in  your  first  letter,  I  have  done  nothing. 

The  Wittenbergers  are  making  great  preparations  for 
their  centennial  celebration.  They  intend  to  distribute 
among  the  poor  academical  honors,  instead  of  gold  and 
silver.  The  poor  in  spirit  will  probably  fare  better  than 
the  poor  in  worldly  goods.  I  fear  that  the  doctor's  hat 
will  sit  as  ill  on  the  jubilee  doctors,  as  the  livery  on  the 
servants  who  parade  with  their  gracious  masters. 


168  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 


F.    J.    BAST    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Vienna,  Feb.  15, 1797. 

I  was  much  gratified  that  you  were  so  polite  as  to  print 
my  review  of  Xenophon,  of  Ephesus,  without  delay,  and 
to  send  me  two  copies  of  the  article.  The  editor  of  the 
work,  to  whom  I  delivered  one  of  them,  was  highly 
pleased,  and  directed  me  to  convey  to  you  the  expression 
of  his  particular  respect.  As  you  may  not,  perhaps, 
have  a  copy  of  this  edition  of  Xenophon, — for  the  price  is 
unreasonably  high, — the  Baron  will  wait  on  you  with  one 
at  Easter.  This  Locella  is  one  of  the  most  excellent  men 
of  my  acquaintance,  and  is  a  miracle  of  learning  and  of 
various  knowledge.  He  never  had  a  teacher  in  Greek, 
but  commenced  the  study  in  1778,  because  he  met  with 
Greek  passages  in  Lessing  which  he  could  not  understand, 
and  which  no  one  in  this  land  of  the  Phasacians  could 
explain. 

I  will,  with  the  greatest  pleasure,  accept  your  invitation 
to  contribute  to  your  literary  journal.  In  reply  to  your 
inquiry,  I  would  say,  that,  in  this  place,  where  there  are 
so  many  rich  libraries,  I  can  easily  find  all  the  editions 
which  have  appeared  from  the  Bodoni  press  since  1785. 
Be  so  good  as  to  mention  those  which  have  not  yet  been 
reviewed.  I  will  soon  send  you  a  list  of  the  philological 
works  which  have  appeared  here  and  in  Italy.  #  * 
Were  it  not  for  the  present  war  in  Italy,  Bodoni  would, 
notwithstanding  all  my  remonstrances,  commence  printing 
my  Plato,  and  send  the  proof-sheets  to  this  place  for 
correction.  *  *  #  I  will  cheerfully  comply  with  your 
request  to  examine  the  Vienna  manuscripts  of  iEschylus. 


CORRESPONDENCE  OF  SCHUTZ.  169 


F.  SCHOLL  TO  SCHUTZ. 

Paris,  Nov.  16, 1811. 
I  feel  it  incumbent  on  me  to  convey  to  the  teacher  and 
friend  of  my  friend,  intelligence  which  will  deeply  affect 
him  both  as  a  man  and  a  scholar.  Our  friend  Bast  is  no 
more.  On  the  evening  of  the  13th  instant,  after  dining 
sparingly  with  a  friend,  he  was  seized,  in  the  street,  with 
the  apoplexy,  and  instantly  fell  lifeless  to  the  ground. 
When  medical  aid  had  arrived,  no  sign  of  life  was  to  be 
discovered.  Before  that  time,  he  appeared  to  enjoy 
excellent  health.  Yesterday  we  followed  him  to  his 
grave,  with  a  procession  of  the  diplomatic  body,  and  of 
the  Institute.  He  had  been  laboring  a  year,  without 
relaxation,  upon  his  apparatus  to  Plato,  for  which  he  had 
collated  all  the  manuscripts  in  Vienna  and  Paris.  This 
apparatus  is  destined  for  the  edition  of  Heindorf  and  Bockh. 
His  papers  are  left  in  the  finest  order,  and  are  neatly 
copied  out.  He  was  born  in  1771,  in  Buchsweiler,  m 
Lower  Alsatia,  where  his  father  was  for  fifty  years  rector 
of  the  gymnasium.  He  died  as  counsellor  to  the  Hessian 
Legation,  knight  of  the  Hessian  Order,  and  corresponding 
member  of  the  Institute.  Be  so  kind  as  to  publish  this 
account  in  an  improved  form. 

IMMANUEL    BEKKER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Berlin,  June  8,  1816.. 
I  am,  dear  sir,  under  the  greatest  obligations  to  you  for 
the  friendly  interest  you  take  in  my  labors.  The  Plato 
does,  indeed,  belong  to  me  alone.  Wolf  desires  to  wait 
for  the  edition  of  Weigel,  that  of  Gaisford,  and  who 
knows  how  many  others,  before  he, — as  beseems  the 
prince  of  critics, — caps  the  climax.  That  will  he  do,  as 
certainly  as  he  will  finish  his  Homer,  and  his  Hesiod, 
and  his  Cicero,  and  his  Tacitus,  and  whatever  else  he 
15 


170  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

begun  and  promised.  But  I  never  expect  to  see  that 
day ;  and  must,  therefore,  cast  in  my  mite,  without  delay, 
little  concerned  about  the  ostentatious  announcement, 
which  was  made  without  my  knowledge,  when  I  was  in 
Paris.  The  second  part  is  more  than  half  finished,  and 
the  third  begun.  The  plan  of  the  whole  is  so  arranged, 
that  the  eight  volumes,  which  are  to  contain  the  text,  may 
be  out  within  the  space  of  about  a  year.  To  justify  the 
text,  or,  at  least,  to  enable  the  reader  to  form  a  correct 
opinion  respecting  it,  I  hope,  in  about  as  long  a  space 
after  that,  to  publish  my  apparatus,  which  is  now  nearly 
ready,  and  which  will  consist  of  various  readings,  scholia, 
and  extracts  from  unpublished  commentaries,  with  precious 
little  of  my  own.     *     *     * 

AUGUSTUS  BOCKH  TO  SCHUTZ. 

Heidelberg,  Oct.  10,  1808. 
In  order  to  revive  in  you  the  recollection  of  your  friend, 
I  send  you  a  copy  of  my  work  on  the  Tragedians,  which 
has  just  appeared.  I  desire  that  it  may  find  the  same 
favor  with  you  which  you  were  pleased  to  show  to  my 
first  production.  To  me,  at  least,  it  seems  to  deserve 
equal  regard,  though  I  place,  as  I  think,  a  moderate 
estimate  upon  it,  and  the  more  so,  perhaps,  because  the 
printing  has  proceeded  so  slowly,  that  a  great  part  of  it  has 
slipped  from  my  memory.  You  will  find,  I  hope,  in  the 
perusal,  that  I  have  every  where  taken  pains  not  to  carry 
my  doubts  to  an  extreme,  and  that  I  have  always  drawn 
the  line  distinctly  between  what  is  certain  and  what 
is  mere  conjecture,  and  what  is  still,  and,  unless  new 
documents  shall  be  discovered,  must  for  ever  remain 
undecided.  You  will  get  out  of  it  very  little  to  the  purpose 
for  your  iEschylus.  What  I  have  said  of  him,  especially 
the  chronological  discussions,  must  from  the  nature  of  the 
case,  appear  intricate ;  and  I  fear  most  readers  will  be  weary 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  171 

before  reaching  the  end.  My  specimen  of  an  edition  of 
Timaeus,  which  I  sent  without  any  letter,  through  the 
booksellers,  has,  I  hope,  already  reached  you.  How  is 
it  with  your  promised  edition  of  Aristophanes,  which 
interests  me  the  more,  as  I  design  to  interpret  that  writer 
in  my  lectures  the  coming  winter.  Do  not  delay  too 
long,  lest  he  should  have  the  same  reason  to  complain  as 
iEschylus. 

BOCKH    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Berlin,  Oct.  9,  1812. 

I  ought  long  ago,  my  honored  sir,  to  have  acknowledged 
my  obligations  to  you  for  the  number  of  your  Journal, 
containing  a  notice  of  my  Simon  Socraticus  and  other 
Platonic  writings.  I  must  now  resort  to  your  paper  to 
expose  the  intrigue  of  a  jealous  reviewer,  who  has 
attacked  me  personally,  in  consequence,  probably,  of  the 
projected  edition  of  Plato,  and  who  seems  to  have  some 
ulterior  ends  in  view.  If  the  contents  were  not  so 
wretched,  I  should  suspect  the  author  to  be  Wolf,  who, 
in  this,  as  well  as  in  other  things,  is  acting  a  shabby  part, 
and  whose  unbridled  selfishness  will  allow  nothing  good 
to  rise,  except  what  he  originates.  He  has  a  special 
grudge  against  Heindorf  and  myself,  on  account  of  our 
Plato ;  and  the  injustice,  which  he  has  done  Heindorf,  in 
a  miserable  article  upon  his  Phaedo,  deserves  exposure. 
With  me  he  is  the  more  displeased,  because  the  direction 
of  the  Philological  Seminary  has  not  fallen  to  him.  But 
as  he  withdraws  from  all  actual  duties,  and  will  not  even 
act  as  an  ordinary  member  of  the  Academy,  the  result  is 
no  more  than  might  have  been  expected. 

In  a  few  months,  when  the  printing  is  finished,  I  shall 
take  the  liberty  to  send  you  a  copy  of  my  Pindar,  as  a 
token  of  the  high  respect,  which  your  kind  intercourse 
with  me,  from  Halle  to  this  place,  inspired,  and  which  I 


172  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

shall  never  cease  to  cherish.     I  beg  the  continuance  of 
your  friendship,  and  the  liberty  to  call  myself, 

Yours,  etc. 


K.    A.    BOTTIGER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Weimar,  Aug.  17,  1803. 

Being  compelled,  by  private  business,  to  go  to  Dresden 
next  week,  it  is  impossible  for  me,  my  respected  friend,  to 
call  upon  you  in  Jena. 

Great  things  are  going  on  respecting  you  and  your 
establishment.  As  Bertuch,  who  has  just  returned  from 
Cassel,  is  in  Rudolstadt,  I  do  not  know  which  way  the 
scale  will  turn;  whether  in  favor  of  Halle  or  of  Wiirzburg. 
If  I  could  look  into  the  Amalthean  scroll  of  Jupiter,  I 
would  cast  my  vote  in  favor  of  the  fair  Wiirzburg.  Still, 
the  Prussian  eagle  may  lay  before  you  such  inducements, 
that  you  will  prefer  Halle.  In  that  event,  remember  me, 
my  dear  friend,  for  Wiirzburg ; — confer  with  Paulus,  and 
do  what  you  think  proper.  I  need  not  say,  that  this  is  a 
confidential  intimation,  committed  to  the  bosom  of  a 
friend,  and  that  I  shall  be  far  from  offering  myself  any 
where.  But  is  it  not  as  allowable  for  me,  as  it  was  for 
Cicero,  to  desire  "  to  be  where  I  shall  hear  neither  of  the 
name,  nor  of  the  deeds  of  the  Pelopidae  "  ?     #     *     # 

BOTTIGER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Dresden,  Dec.  28,  1806. 
My  dear  friend,  only  three  words.  The  excellent 
Reinhard  says,  "Assure  your  sensible  and  excellent 
friend," — these  are  the  very  words  of  Reinhard, — "  that 
the  project,  of  uniting  the  Leipsic  paper  with  his,  will  be 
favored  in  every  possible  manner,  provided  good  proposals 
can  be  made."  *  *  The  great  apocalypse  must  soon 
be  unsealed,  and  the  destiny  of  Prussia  decided.       #       * 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  173 

Thirty-eight  wagons,  each  loaded  with  40,000  rix  dollars, 
in  specie,  crossed  the  bridge  yesterday,  as  the  first  third  of 
our  contribution  to  Napoleon  ! 

BOTTIGER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Dresden,  Jan.  3,  1808. 
My  old  and  worthy  friend,  a  thousand  thanks  for  your 
letter,  the  carrier-pigeon,  with  its  message  of  peace,  which, 
under  the  most  favorable  omens,  flew  into  my  cell  exactly 
on  new-year's  day.  When,  instead  of  the  steel,  the  silver 
glitters  again,  we  will  strike  a  silver  medal,  on  the  face  of 
which  shall  be  placed  the  lyre  of  Apollo,  with  the  words, 
suscitat  tacentejn,  and  on  the  reverse,  a  cased  quiver,  with 
the  words,  neque  semper  tendit.  The  restoration  of  the 
Halle  university  deserves  a  psean.  Happy  for  you,  if  you 
can  remain  Jeromites.  Happy  every  one  who  has  already 
passed  through  the  transformation.  We  Saxons  are  yet 
in  the  chrysalis  state.  But  our  turn  will  certainly  come, 
and  probably  very  soon.  Be  so  kind  as  to  forward  me 
some  good  accounts.  I  cannot  tell  you  how  it  troubled 
me,  to  think  of  your  straying  off  to  Berlin.  Your  journal 
could  never  nourish  there.  It  must  lie  on  the  breast  of  a 
university  town.  Loder,  Froriep,  and  all  the  exiles  will 
undoubtedly  return  to  Halle  now.  How  will  it  be  with 
Sprengel  ? 

BOTTIGER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Dresden,  Jan.  24, 1808. 
My  dear  friend,  my  cordial  thanks  for  your  two 
welcome  letters.  How  heartily  do  I  sympathize  with 
you  in  all  your  joy  at  the  prospects  of  your  resuscitated 
university !  But  satisfy  my  mind  on  one  point ; — whence 
are  your  funds  to  be  obtained?  Silesia  withdraws  its 
6000  rix  dollars ;  and  where  are  the  disposable  funds  of 
Westphalia?  Father  Heyne  writes  me  that  all  the 
15* 


174  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

universities  of  the  new  kingdom  are  to  be  continued,  but 
are  to  depend  on  their  own  means !  I  have  just  read 
confidential  letters  from  high  officers  in  Westphalia.  "  A 
kingdom  of  beggars "  is  the  result  of  all.  King  Jerome 
certainly  means  well ;  but  can  the  higher  power,  which 
only  takes,  favor  this  ? 

To-morrow  our  two  deputies  go  to  Cassel,  to  lay  upon 
the  altar  the  fair  cantles  of  Thuringia  and  those  on  the 
Elbe,  which  a  single  hapless  stroke  of  the  pen  robbed  us 
of.  The  condition  of  Saxony  is  by  no  means  enviable. 
We  have  been  so  long  clipped  on  all  sides,  and  bled, 
that  nothing  will  be  left  but  water  for  the  dropsy.  The 
saddest  accounts  reach  the  consistory  that  the  sources  of 
their  revenue  are  every  where  drying  up. 

I  have  delivered  the  message  and  the  letter  to  the 
excellent  Bachmann.  He  will  re-cast  the  review  of 
Thurot's  Excerpts,  and  write  to  you.  I  perceive  my 
review  of  Millin  is  printed.  May  I  repeat  my  request  for 
two  copies  ?  I  must  now  husband  every  moment  of  time, 
in  order  to  go  on  with  my  lectures  on  mythology,  for 
which  I  have  nothing  collected,  except  what  is  in  my  head. 
At  the  close  of  each,  I  distribute  printed  sheets,  for  the 
purpose  of  review.  I  send  you  such  as  are  already  printed. 
They  will  need  to  be  treated  with  great  indulgence,  being 
designed  only  for  my  hearers,  among  whom,  however,  I 
have  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  two  of  our  own  ministers, 
two  presidents,  and  six  foreign  ambassadors,  Bourgoing 
himself  at  their  head.  I  have  determined  to  publish  all 
these  in  a  fuller  and  more  exact  form,  as  the  second  part 
of  my  Outlines  of  Lectures  on  Archaeology.  I  beg  you  to 
make  faithful  strictures  on  these.  The  remainder  shall 
be  sent  to  you.  Where  could  I  find  a  more  instructive 
oracle  ?        *        *        * 


CORRESPONDENCE  OF  SCHUTZ.  175 


BOTTIGER  TO  SCHUTZ. 

Dresden,  March  28,  1812. 

Professor  Jacob,  a  bold  champion  of  science  from  among 
you,  has  just  brought  me  your  salutation,  my  noble  old 
friend.  It  does  me  good  to  learn  that  you  continue  to 
act  so  stoutly  and  vigorously.  The  old  experienced 
helmsman,  then,  still  knows  how,  in  spite  of  all  the 
sand-banks  and  custom-houses,  to  keep  the  literary  ship 
afloat,  and  to  fill  it  with  a  precious  lading !  That  is  a 
master-piece.  Not  to  despair  in  these  times,  is  heroism. 
If  we  all  could  become  one  kingdom, — and  that  is  near  at 
hand, — all  the  barriers  between  us  must  be  thrown  down. 

It  gives  me  pain  to  hear  that  Griesbach  is  very  feeble, 
and  apparently  near  his  end.  What  shall  we  do,  when 
such  "  pillars  of  the  church "  fall  ?  Our  Reinhard  also 
continues  to  be  dangerously  ill.  Has  Griesbach  no  where 
written  an  account  of  his  studies,  and  of  his  literary 
history?  When  was  he  in  England?  and  at  whose 
expense  ? 

BOTTIGER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Dresden,  April  5, 1812. 
Truly,  my  friend,  the  university  of  Jena,  New  Testament 
criticism,  humanity,  and  the  manly  German  character, 
have  met  with  an  irreparable  loss  in  Griesbach's  death. 
After  learning  his  decease,  through  Bachmann,  who  was 
justly  honored  with  the  confidence  of  Griesbach,  and  of 
your  excellent  sister,  I  turned  at  once  to  your  dedicatory 
epistle  to  him,  prefixed  to  your  edition  of  Cicero  de 
Oratore.  That  is  a  monument  "among  the  living"  to  his 
honor  and  your  own.  I  made  use  of  that  in  an  obituary 
notice,  which,  in  the  first  gush  of  my  feelings,  I  prepared 
for  the  Leipsic  Journal. 


176  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 


BOTTIGER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Dresden,  Feb.  28, 1813. 
My  old  and  valued  friend,  father  Wieland,  is  also 
gone.  In  Osmanstadt  will  the  nightingales  long  carol 
their  vernal  songs  over  his  triple  mound;  but  our 
degenerate  age  will  peck  and  chatter,  like  mock- 
birds,  around  the  poet's  crown.  I  have  placed  in  the 
accompanying  inscription  for  him,  the  words,  Immortuus 
est  Ciceroni.  He  had  finished  his  translation  of  Cicero's 
Letters,  except  the  last  book.  I  am  commissioned  by  the 
publisher  to  request  you  to  complete  that  work.  *  *  * 
You  are  the  man.  Write  me  by  return  of  post.  Any 
other  literary  labor, — for  you  certainly  have  several  on  the 
anvil, — may  wait.  The  manes  of  Wieland  demand  these 
libations  of  you.         *         *         * 

BOTTIGER    TO    SCHLTZ. 

Dresden,  March  15, 1814. 

#  #  #  The  fate  0f  Wittenberg  goes  near  my  heart. 
The  poor  professors  are  mostly  in  exile  in  Schmeideberg. 
The  villages  belonging  to  the  university  are  in  ashes. 
The  professors  have  no  income,  and  no  students.  The 
Prussian  soldiers,  who  are  garrisoned  there,  say  openly 
Wittenberg  is  to  be  a  part  of  Prussia.  I  have  written  to 
Herbert  Marsh,  requesting  him  to  open  in  Oxford  and 
Cambridge  a  subscription  to  support  the  chair  of  Luther. 
*  *  *  My  removal  from  the  Page  Institute,  now  extinct, 
to  the  Knights'  Academy  causes  me  much  labor.  But  I 
ought  to  thank  God  that  my  former  salary  is  continued. 

You  say  not  a  word  of  the  state  of  your  university, 
though  strange  reports  respecting  it  are  in  circulation. 
The  noble  spirit  of  your  generous  monarch  will  not  suffer 
the  Fredericiana  to  starve.     You  do  not  say  whether  you 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  177 

can  complete  Wieland's  translation  of  Cicero's  Letters. 
Gesner  is  dead.  Who  has  taken  up  the  business  ?  I 
have  no  further  accounts  from  Zurich. 

BOTTIGER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Dresden,  June  5,  1815. 

#  #  #  ]\ly  fate  is  still  undecided.  Should  the  Knights' 
Academy  be  suspended,  I  shall  be  set  entirely  adrift. 
And  with  the  present  unavoidable  reaction,  there  is  a 
strong  probability  that  it  will  be  so.  In  your  next,  assure 
me,  if  you  can,  that  my  sentiments,  as  contained  in  my 
former  letters  to  you,  will  induce  your  high-minded  king 
to  give  me  some  appointment,  if  the  Knights'  Academy, 
on  account  of  its  too  hasty  organization,  should  go  down. 
Dresden  needs  living  interpreters  of  its  treasures  of  art,  to 
draw  strangers  here.  Perhaps  some  use  may  be  made  of 
this  hint.     Quick. 

The  minister  von  Biilow,  and  many  of  the  officers  of 
the  Prussian  government,  have  loudly  declared  themselves 
hostile  to  Humboldt's  child,  the  Berlin  university,  and 
predict  its  speedy  dissolution.  At  any  rate,  the  Wittenberg 
funds  will  come  to  you.  The  best  of  the  Wittenberg 
professors  will  be  transferred  to  Leipsic,  which  will 
probably  undergo  a  thorough  reform.  But  you  are  not 
deficient  in  excellent  teachers.  Politz  writes  me,  that 
the  Saxon  provinces,  now  given  up  to  Prussia,  will  take 
from  Saxony  about  400  students.  That  would  be  a  fine 
addition  for  Halle.  Write  me  what  is  said  among  you 
on  this  subject.  How  many  students  remain  with  you? 
and  how  many  lectures  are  actually  read  ?     *     *     * 

A.    B.    CAILLARD    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Berlin,  Dec.  27,  1796. 

#  #  #  Since  your  iEschylus  has  fallen  into  my  hands, 
I  have  closed  my  Stanley,  and  have  wished  to  read  no 


178  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

edition  but  yours.  I  have  had  the  happiness  to  see,  that 
in  your  readings,  you  have  confirmed  many  of  my 
conjectures,  and  I  cannot  express  how  much  I  have 
felt  myself  flattered  to  see  my  judgment  confirmed  by 
that  of  a  man  like  you.  But  I  am  disheartened  at  seeing 
only  four  of  the  seven  plays  of  so  great  a  tragedian 
comprised  in  two  volumes,  the  last  of  which,  dating  1784, 
makes  me  fear,  on  account  of  the  long  time  passed  since 
its  appearance,  that  you  have  abandoned  a  work  which 
does  you  such  honor.  #  *  *  English  scholars  have  told 
me, — and  I  can  easily  believe  them, — that  your  edition 
is  in  the  highest  estimation  among  them.  The  Greek 
scholars  of  Paris,  of  whom  there  are  yet  some  remaining, 
are  all  agreed  as  to  the  excellence  of  your  edition.     *     * 

CAILLARD    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Paris,  June  26,  1801. 
It  is  now  several  months  since  I  received  the  beautiful 
volume  of  iEschylus,  which  you  have  done  me  the  honor 
to  dedicate  to  me ;  and  I  expected  that  you  would  have 
received  my  grateful  acknowledgements  long  ago ;  for  I 
prepared  a  reply  within  a  few  days  after  receiving  the 
volume  from  my  friend  Millin,  and  see  what  has 
happened.  *  *  *  I  have  collected  in  my  library  many  old 
editions  of  this  author,  and  have  lately  added  the  edition 
of  Porson,  whom  I  hope  to  see  here  as  soon  as  peace  shall 
render  the  journey  safe.  *  *  If  some  happy  circumstance 
should  bring  you  to  Paris,  be  assured  you  would  find 
yourself  among  your  friends.  Our  society  is  not  very 
extensive,  but  you  would  see  among  those  who  compose 
it  persons  worthy  of  your  attention.  Besides  Du  Theil, 
le  Chardon  la  Rochette,  Corai,  Sainte  Croix,  and  others, 
whom  you  know  already,  you  would  find  a  young 
magistrate,  my  particular  friend,  and  the  friend  of 
Humboldt,  who  will  certainly  speak  to  you  of  him.     It  is 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  179 

Clavier,  of  the  school  of  Corai,  from  whom  an  edition  of 
Pausanias,  with  a  translation  and  very  interesting  critical 
and  historical  notes,  is  expected.  He  has  already  shown 
me  some  of  his  emendations,  which  are  remarkably  just 
and  simple.  I  wish  he  might  collect  them  and  put  them 
into  the  form  of  a  critical  epistle,  addressed  to  you,  or  to 
some  of  your  eminent  colleagues.  In  Germany  he  would 
meet  with  success  ;  but  here  one  must  be  "  satisfied  with 
few  readers."  For  a  long  time  a  taste  for  Greek  literature 
has  ceased  to  be  the  prevailing  taste  of  France.  For 
if,  on  the  one  hand,  the  first  consul  has  called  for  a 
translation  of  Strabo,  and  entrusted  the  execution  to  three 
eminent  scholars,  Du  Theil,  Corai,  and  Gosselin,  our 
first  geographer,  and  a  worthy  successor  of  D'Anville,  a 
new  edition  of  Xenophon,  on  the  other  hand,  in  Greek, 
Latin  and  French,  has  been  given  over  to  professor  Gail, 
who  is  executing  it  with  great  typographical  splendor, 
at  the  expense  of  the  government.  You  will  see  its 
appearance  before  long,  and  von  Humboldt  will  speak  to 
you  of  it.  We  strongly  recommend  this  edition  to  the 
particular  attention  of  the  editor  of  the  Universal  Literary 
Journal,  begging  him,  in  the  mean  time,  not  to  judge  of 
us  by  this  scintillation ;  for  that  would  be  severe.     #     # 

F.    CREUZER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Heidelberg,  March  13,  1808. 
Your  letter,  my  much  respected  friend,  with  the 
accompanying  programme  of  the  course  of  lectures,  was, 
to  me,  a  truly  joyful  sight.  Convinced,  as  I  am,  that  the 
universities  are  the  pillars  of  German  science  and  culture, 
as  the  whole  history  of  literature  goes  to  show,  I  must 
welcome  every  indication  of  their  continued  existence.  I 
congratulate  you,  therefore,  on  the  appearance  of  your 
programme,  which  you  have  prepared  with  such  a 
valuable    and   appropriate   introduction.     It   is    truly  an 


180  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

inspiring  thought  which  you  have  expressed  in  the 
words :  "  We  have  fallen  upon  those  times,  which  teach 
us  by  the  most  impressive  examples,  that  our  prosperity 
cannot  come  from  without, — that  we  can  rely  upon 
nothing  but  our  own  virtue."  I  thank  you  heartily,  my 
honored  friend,  for  the  present  you  have  made  me  with 
the  preface,  and  desire  nothing  more  earnestly  than  that 
the  joy  of  future  prosperity  may  efface  from  your  memory 
the  bitterness  of  the  past.         *         *         * 

CREUZER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Heidelberg,  Dec.  8,  1809. 

A  few  days  ago,  my  dear  friend,  I  entertained  myself 
with  reading  your  elegant  Eulogy  of  Johannes  von 
Miiller ;  and  I  resolved,  on  the  spot,  no  longer  to  delay 
informing  you  of  my  return  to  the  German  soil.  First  of 
all,  my  dear  friend  and  teacher,  I  tender  you  my  thanks 
for  the  gratification  and  instruction  which  the  perusal  of 
this  most  valuable  memorial  of  the  departed  Miiller  has 
afforded  me.  As  you  have  here  discussed  the  historical 
art,  and  the  merits  of  Miiller  as  a  historian,  it  was  well  to 
prefix  your  memoir  to  the  new  edition  of  his  works. 
Learned  foreigners,  in  particular,  who  are  so  seldom 
acquainted  with  the  German,  will  be  doubly  thankful  for 
this  representation  of  so  distinguished  a  master  of  the 
historical  art.  I  wish  you  would  make  up  your  mind  to 
enlarge  this  memoir.  Both  the  character  of  the  work, 
and  its  pure  Latinity  make  me  desire  it. 

But  you  will  ask,  what  brought  you  back  so  soon  from 
Holland?  The  answer  is  short, — climate  and  mode  of 
living.  The  world  of  water  was  not  the  world  for  me. 
*  *  *  My  relations  to  my  colleagues  were  agreeable,  and 
the  natural  good-humor  of  the  Dutch  made  a  favorable 
impression  upon  my  mind.  Especially  must  I  mention 
the  friendly  attentions  of  professor  Wyttenbach,  who  did 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  181 

every  thing  to  render  my  situation  agreeable,  and  who 
was  the  chief  agent  in  procuring  my  appointment.  But 
when  my  physician,  a  man  of  experience  and  skill, 
himself  advised  me  to  return  to  my  native  German  soil, 
and  mountain  air,  Wyttenbach  was  very  active  to  secure 
me  against  pecuniary  loss.  It  is  to  him  that  I  am  most 
indebted,  not  only  for  an  allowance  for  the  expense  of  my 
return,  but  for  my  whole  salary  during  the  five  months 
of  my  residence  there.  Meermann,  also,  the  general 
superintendent  of  education  in  Holland,  is  animated  by 
the  noblest  spirit,  and  has  done  very  handsomely  by  me. 
He  would  gladly  see  the  German  system  of  education 
adopted  in  Holland,  and  the  Dutch  universities  modified 
and  conformed  to  the  German.  But  he  finds  strong 
opposition  in  the  nation,  and  even  among  the  curators 
and  many  professors.  The  curator  Jerome  de  Bosch  is 
a  fine  fellow,  a  very  lively,  ardent  man,  at  the  same  time 
good-hearted  and  liberal.  Both  he  and  Meermann 
possess  excellent  libraries.  My  relations  in  Heidelberg 
are  exactly  to  my  mind.  The  professorship  of  eloquence, 
which  had  been  given  to  professor  Bockh,  is  retained 
by  him.  But  I  have  the  direction  of  the  Philological 
Seminary.  I  do  not  resume  my  connection  with  the 
Heidelberg  Journal;  the  correspondence,  occasioned  by 
it,  was  too  great  an  interruption.  In  other  respects, 
except  that  I  lecture  also  on  the  history  of  literature,  I 
enter  upon  my  former  labors.  *  #  As  to  my  successor  at 
Leyden,  nothing  is  yet  settled.  I  have  tried  to  persuade 
Martyni-Laguna  to  become  a  candidate  for  the  office.  He 
would  be  a  valuable  acquisition  to  Leyden ;  but  I  doubt 
whether  he  can  be  induced  to  leave  Germany. 
16 


182  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 


CREUZER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Heidelberg,  May  7, 1810. 

Of  your  continued  good  health  I  have  received  pleasing 
accounts  from  your  sister  and  her  husband,  the  worthy 
Griesbach,  who  called  upon  me  here.  Conversation  with 
these  pleasant  travellers  carried  me  back  afresh  to  those  old 
times  when  I  was  so  often  at  your  house  in  Jena.  The 
Griesbach  family  have  chosen  a  delightful  spring  for  their 
journey.  You  ought  to  follow  this  good  example,  and 
make  an  excursion  with  your  family  into  the  south  of 
Germany.  The  spring  is  the  season  to  visit  Heidelberg, — 
in  the  winter  it  is  dismal.  The  good  accounts  which  we 
hear  of  your  university,  seem  to  promise  you  better  times, 
in  which  one  may  think  again  of  tours  of  pleasure. 

As  to  myself,  I  am,  in  all  respects,  happy  to  be 
here  again.  Neither  the  climate,  nor  the  present  state 
of  Holland,  would  have  made  me  contented.  Even 
Wyttenbach,  if  he  were  younger,  would  hardly  remain 
there.  He  justifies  my  course,  and  regards  me  as 
fortunate  in  having  returned  to  Germany.  My  health, 
which  was  very  uncertain  in  Holland,  is  confirmed  again, 
and  my  sphere  of  action  is  continually  enlarging.  To  all 
this  is  added  a  pleasant  relation  with  my  colleagues, 
which  renders  my  return  doubly  pleasant. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  attempt  of  Eichstaedt, 
in  the  Jena  Literary  Gazette,  to  annihilate  me  here,  is 
without  effect,  and  I  have  not  the  least  disposition  to 
waste  my  time  in  replying  to  him,  though  it  were  easy 
to  unmask  his  intrigues  and  those  of  his  party.  *  *  * 
The  younger  Voss  has  gained  no  hearers  by  it,  and  I 
have  lost  none.  I  remain  on  good  terms  with  him  as  a 
colleague. 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  183 


H.    C.    A.    EICHSTAEDT    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  Aug.  6, 1795. 
*  *  The  situation,  in  which  the  death  of  my  father  has 
left  me,  renders  it  impossible  for  me  to  prosecute  my 
plans,  as  university  teacher,  any  longer  here.  A  residence 
of  many  years  in  Leipsic,  and  my  own  experience,  have 
taught  me,  that  the  way  in  this  university  which  shall 
lead  to  success,  or  even  the  appearance  of  it,  will  be  long 
and  circuitous  enough  to  dishearten  the  most  determined. 
*  *  *  I  know  not  how  it  is,  respected  sir,  that  I  come  to 
cherish  the  hope,  that  you  may  be  able  to  point  out  for 
me  a  sphere  of  labor  which  I  cannot  find  here.  *  *  Any 
occupation  which  shall  bring  me  nearer  to  my  object, — 
any  office  for  which  I  am  qualified,  would  be  acceptable 
to  me,  but  none  more  so,  and  perhaps  I  may  add,  none 
for  which  I  am  better  prepared,  than  that  of  university 
teacher.  Were  it  possible  for  me,  through  your  kind 
intervention,  to  come  to  Jena,  with  a  moderate  support 
for  the  present,  but  with  some  prospects  for  the  future,  it 
would  be  more  than  I  could  hope,  and  all  that  I  could 
desire.     *         *         * 

EICHSTAEDT    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  Jan.  3,  1797. 
Most  honored  sir, — I  know  not  whether  I  am  under 
greater  obligations  to  you  for  the  gratifying  intelligence 
which  your  last  letter  conveys,  or  for  the  kind  feelings 
with  which  it  is  done,  and  the  interest  you  generally 
manifest  in  my  affairs.  #  *  #  It  is  not  probable  that  any 
hindrances  will,  at  Dresden,  be  laid  in  the  way  of  my 
leaving.  The  worthy  president  Zedtwitz,  and  Reinhard, 
the  king's  chaplain,  both  of  whom  are  my  most  cordial 
friends,  can  effect  but  little,  and  can  offer  me  no 
equivalent,  when  a  good  place  shall  be  proposed  to  me. 


184  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

The  Superintendent  Tittmann,  who  was  so  favorable  to 
my  accepting  the  invitation  to  Thorn,  will  grant  me  his 
benediction,  especially  as  my  departure  will  leave  more 
room  for  his  son.     *     *     * 


J.    G.    GRUBER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Weimar,  June  14,  1810. 
My  much  respected  friend, — It  is  now  more  than  six 
weeks  since  I  wrote  to  Bremen,  and  I  have  not  received  a 
word  of  reply.  What  other  conclusion  can  I  draw,  than 
that  I  am  not  at  all  thought  of  for  that  place  ?  And  yet  I 
have  never  needed  a  place  so  much  as  now.  Permit  me, 
then,  in  my  distress,  to  make  a  request  of  you.  If, 
within  a  few  weeks,  a  review,  which  should  not  be 
altogether  unfavorable,  of  my  Aesthetical  Dictionary, 
should  appear, — and  such  a  review  I  think  it  deserves, — 
it  might  be  the  means  of  securing  my  fortune.  Will  you 
not,  my  dear  sir,  see  that  such  a  favor  is  done  to  your 
poor  friend,  within  the  time  specified  ?  My  hope  hangs 
entirely  on  you;  and  I  will  make  every  effort  to  show 
you  my  gratitude  for  such  a  favor.         *         *         * 

GRUBER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Naumberg,  July  6,  1810. 
The  place  from  which  this  letter  is  dated,  will  show 
you  that  I  am  no  longer  in  Weimar.  I  must  tell  you  that 
I  shall  never  return  to  that  place.  *  #  I  will  make  no 
complaints.  After  disposing  of  all  my  furniture,  and  a 
part  of  my  books,  in  order  to  obtain  a  little  quiet,  I 
resolved  to  remove  to  Dresden,  where  I  could  prosecute 
my  studies  with  less  anxiety  and  with  less  expense,  and 
where  I  could  hope  to  earn — my  bread.  Having  heard 
nothing  from  Bremen,  I  resolved,  as  it  would  be  less 
expensive,  to  stop  here  two  months.     Now  I  learn  that  I 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  185 

have  been  nominated  to  the  vacant  professorship  of  logic 
and  metaphysics  in  Wittenberg,  and  I  must,  therefore, 
wait  and  see  how  Providence  will  dispose  of  me.  The 
review  of  my  Dictionary,  which  you  have  kindly  promised, 
might,  at  this  juncture,  be  of  great  service  to  me,  "  which 
may  God  grant." 

GRUBER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Wittenberg,  July  6,  1811. 
Finally — finally — finally,  Heaven   be    thanked,  I   can 
freely  breathe ;  and  the  first  quiet  moment  is  due  to  you, 
the  man  whom  I  honor  and  love  as  I  do  few  others.     #   * 


GRUBER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Wittenberg,  April  6,  1812. 
*  *  Pardon  me,  if  I  tell  you  what  I  hear  in  various 
places  respecting  your  journal.  There  is  an  almost 
universal  complaint  of  a  deficiency  in  theological  reviews. 
If  you  are  in  want  of  contributors,  I  can  mention  some, 
who  would  certainly  be  an  honor  to  your  establishment ; 
professors  Schott,  Winzer,  and  Heubner.  The  first,  for 
theological  literature ;  the  second,  for  the  philosophy  of 
religion,  and  the  interpretation  of  the  Old  Testament;  and 
the  third,  who  has  declined  an  invitation  to  Konigsberg, 
for  systematic  and  polemic  theology,  and  for  the  history 
of  Christian  doctrines,  and  of  religion  in  general.  In  our 
Lobeck,  you  would  find  an  admirable  reviewer  of  works 
on  philology;  in  Politz,  one  very  good  in  European 
statistics,  the  history  of  the  Middle  Ages  and  of  modern 
times.  Several  of  these  persons  furnish  much  good 
matter  for  the  Jena  and  Leipsic  papers ;  but  I  know  that 
they  would  do  better  still  for  you.  Ascribe  all  that  I  have 
here  said,  to  my  deep  interest  in  the  continued  prosperity 
of  your  Literary  Journal. 
16* 


186  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 


G.    HERMANN    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  March  12, 1796. 
In  preparing  the  book,  which  I  now  take  the  liberty,  my 
dear  sir,  to  send  you,  I  have  had  you  alone  in  mind ;  and 
my  only  wish  has  been,  that  it  might  meet  with  your 
approbation.         *         *         * 

HERMANN    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  Jan.  31, 1799. 
Respected  sir,  together  with  the  Clouds  of  Aristophanes, 
the  stern  Eumenides  venture  to  appear  before  you.  You 
will  wonder  at  my  boldness  and  rapidity;  but  since  the 
way  in  these  untrodden  regions  was  opened  by  you,  the 
study  of  JEschylus  has  been  my  favorite  employment. 
This  mighty  genius  has  enchained  and  enkindled  my 
soul.  His  strains  sound  in  my  ear  like  a  battle-shout 
from  the  field  of  Marathon ;  and,  in  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
moment,  many  a  time  I  fancy  that  I  unriddle  the  deep 
sense  of  his  dark  words.  I  feel  as  if  I  were  myself  a  poet; 
what  I  have  found  I  cannot  keep  to  myself.  If  the  work 
can  abide  a  severe  scrutiny ;  if  it  can  endure  yours,  which 
I  most  desire,  I  shall  be  inexpressibly  happy.  If  it  should 
fail  of  this,  my  love  of  truth,  which,  if  not  innate,  must 
have  been  instilled  into  me  by  my  invaluable  teacher, 
Reiz,  would  render  it  easy  to  acknowledge  my  errors. 
For,  to  acknowledge  an  error,  is  to  see  the  point  whence 
progress  is  to  be  made ;  to  defend  it,  is  to  retreat.  If  you 
will  have  the  goodness  to  gratify  me  with  your  valuable 
opinion,  you  will  thereby  greatly  increase  the  obligation 
and  the  affection  with  which  I  shall  never  cease  to  be 
yours. 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  187 


HERMANN    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  July  3, 1800. 
I  hasten,  respected  sir,  to  render  you  double  thanks, 
partly  for  the  kind  present  of  your  new  JEschylus,  and 
partly  for  the  honorable  manner  in  which  you  have  often 
spoken  of  my  conjectures.  I  have  been  extremely  gratified, 
that  what  I  often  desired  in  the  first  edition,  namely, 
a  translation  by  you,  is  supplied  in  this.  For,  in 
such  a  writer  as  iEschylus,  especially  in  the  choruses, 
nothing  is  more  important  in  aiding  the  reader  to  make 
out  the  true  sense,  than  the  order  and  connection  of  the 
ideas.  Permit  me  one  wish,  and  that  is,  that,  in  line  420 
of  Prometheus,  my  conjecture  may  displease  you.  I 
have  myself  abandoned  it,  as  well  as  two  others  in  the 
Eumenides,  which  Huschke  has  disproved.         *         # 

HERMANN    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  Dec.  17, 1306. 
Most  honored  sir, — Lucretius  is  mistaken,  when  he  says, 
"  It  is  pleasant  to  see  another's  perils ;"  for  the  reason 
which  he  assigns,  "because  you  are  safe  from  them,"  falls 
away  now.  It  should  read,  "  because  they  also  threaten 
you."  Believe  me,  the  calamity  which  has  befallen  you 
deeply  affects  my  heart.  Here  and  there  a  wretched 
creature  is  spared ;  why  just  this  ?  It  is  an  evil  time, 
when  justice  cannot  be  expected,  even  by  accident. 
However,  I  admire  your  boldness.  As  for  myself,  I 
firmly  believe,  that  "  lofty  towers  fall  with  a  heavier 
crash."  Things  cannot  remain  as  they  now  are.  But  of 
this  hereafter.  Accept  my  hearty  thanks  for  the  beautiful 
present  you  have  made  me.  I  value  the  Glasgow  edition 
twenty  groats,  according  to  its  intrinsic  worth ;  for  many 
of  its  emendations  are  such  as  Porson  would  not  care  to  put 
his  name  to.    Still,  as  I  wish  to  know  what  fancies  took  the 


188  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

Glasgow  editor,  and  as  my  collection  on  iEschylus  is 
tolerably  complete,  I  willingly  send  you  the  twenty  rix 
dollars,  which  it  cost.         #         #         # 


C    D.    ILGEN    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Schul  Pforta,  Aug.  12, 1803. 

My  dear  friend,  if  the  professors  continue  to  leave  Jena 
at  the  present  rate,  I  shall  take  care  not  to  go  there  again. 
I  should  be  obliged  to  exclaim,  as  Eeiz  did,  when  he  came 
to  Leipsic,  and  first  walked  through  the  fields,  "  a  barren 
land.     Selah."         *         *         * 

Pro  Deum,  popularium,  adolescentium,  postulo,  clamo, 
oro,  obsecro,  ploro  atque  imploro  Jidem,  who  prepared  that 
terrific  article  on  Heyne  ?  If  there  be  an  Bias  post 
Homerum,  it  is  this  review  after  the  manner  of  Wolf.  It 
must  have  had  more  than  one  bard  for  its  author,  or  if  but 
one,  he  must  have  been  possessed  of  all  the  demons  of 
Homeric  learning.  #  *  I  beg  you,  unravel  to  me  the 
mystery. 

F.    JACOBS    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Gotha,  Sept.  26;  1803. 
The  important  matter  of  your  change  of  residence  is 
finally  settled.  I  heartily  wish  you  all  happiness  and 
contentment.  But  how  disagreeable,  how  painful  must 
such  a  change  be,  in  present  circumstances,  and  amidst  so 
many  intrigues  !  For  all  the  benefits  which  have  accrued 
to  the  university  from  your  journal,  you  have  drawn  upon 
yourself  anger  and  ingratitude.  And  why?  Because 
you  would  not  sacrifice  yourself  to  the  university,  which 
has  nothing  to  do  with  your  paper.  An  attempt  is  indeed 
made  to  persuade  the  public  that  it  is  not  so ;  and  there 
are  persons  who  are  ignorant  enough  of  such  matters,  to 
suppose  that  you  were  appointed  professor  in  Jena,  to 
edit  a  journal.     *    *     I  think  it  is  incumbent  on  you  to 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  189 

make  a  strong  appeal  to  the  public,  showing  that  the 
new  paper,  in  Jena,  is  not  the  continuation  of  the  Literary 
Journal,  which  is  wholly  your  own  property,  and  which 
no  one,  without  the  greatest  injustice,  can  wrest  from  you. 

JACOBS    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Gotha,  Jan.  1,  1804. 

*  *  You  are,  by  this  time,  probably,  quite  at  home  in 
Halle ; — at  least,  the  chief  difficulties  of  such  a  change 
must  be,  by  this  time,  overcome.  I  hope  you  find  every 
thing  to  your  satisfaction,  and  that  your  life  in  Halle  will 
be  as  happy  as  it  was  in  Jena.  I  send  you  herewith  a 
review  of  the  Athenaeus,  which  I  hope  will  be  to  your 
mind.  Whether  Schweighauser  will  be  satisfied  with  it, 
I  do  not  know.  The  good  man  knows  next  to  nothing 
of  metre  and  of  Atticism,  and  has,  therefore,  fallen  into 
innumerable  blunders,  which  I  could  not  pass  without 
notice.  I  have  generally  pointed  them  out  in  an  indirect 
way.     #     #     # 

JACOBS    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Gotha,  Nov.  9,  1806. 

*  *  #  Since  the  battle  which  was  lost  at  the  gates  of 
Halle,  and  even  in  the  city  itself,  I  have  had  no  rest.  *  * 
Write  me,  my  dear  friend,  in  a  few  words,  how  it  is  with 
you  and  yours ; — whether  Niemeyer,  Vater,  or  Wolf,  has 
suffered.         *         #         * 

JACOBS    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Gotha,  Aug.  10,  1807. 
A  thousand  thanks  for  your  kind  and  friendly  letter, 
and  for  the  affectionate  interest  you  take  in  my  affairs. 
*  *  *  It  is  true,  proposals  of  a  very  flattering  character 
from  Munich,  have  been  made  to  me ;  but  you  know  how 
painful  it  is  to  me  to  think  of  removing.  #  *  *  Nothing 


190  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

could  be  more  pleasant  to  me,  than  that  you  and  your 
journal  should  be  transferred  to  Munich,  and  that  we, 
per  varios  casus,  should  be  brought  together  in  one  place. 
Keep  this  thought  in  mind,  if  your  prospects  fail  in 
Prussia.  What  will  Wolf  do  ?  Is  there  any  thing  for 
him  in  Berlin  ?  Does  he  not  regret  that  he  declined  the 
call  from  Bavaria  ?  Is  it  too  late  now  ?  If  he  would  like 
the  place  in  the  Academy  of  Sciences,  it  is  plain  that  he 
ought  to  have  it,  not  I.  The  child's  song  is  applicable 
here ;  regnum,  quod  recte  facientibus  esset.  The  recte 
facientes,  in  this  case,  are  it  qui  sapiunt,  the  Wolfii, 
Schiitzii,  et  siqui  horum  sunt  similes.         * 

JACOBS    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Munich,  March  5, 1808. 
My  dear  friend,  you  have  anticipated  me  in  your  kind 
and  friendly  remembrance,  for  which  I  heartily  thank 
you.  #  #  I  find  myself  in  a  new  world.  The  difference 
between  Catholic  and  Protestant  Germany  is  greater  than 
one  at  a  distance  would  think.  The  literary  zeal  here  is 
feeble  compared  with  what  it  is  with  us  at  the  north.  *  * 
Classical  literature  is  quite  prostrate,  and  all  regard  for  it 
discouraged.  Still  the  youth  are  not  wholly  unsusceptible 
to  its  influence,  and  I  hope  I  shall  be  able  to  revive  a 
taste  for  these  studies.  But  it  will  require  patience. 
The  unexpected  restoration  of  the  Halle  university  gives 
me  great  joy.  *  *  *  You  and  your  journal  will  probably 
now  remain  there.  May  heaven  soon  grant  us  better 
times,  and  richly  make  up  to  you  all  your  losses  and 
sufferings. 

JACOBS    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Gotha,  March  17,  1811. 
The  attempt  at  assassination  made  upon  Thiersch,  has, 
indeed,  deeply  affected  me.     He  was  almost  daily  with 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  191 

me  in  my  house  in  Munich,  and  we  were  to  the  last  on 
terms  of  the  greatest  intimacy.  After  my  return,  he  took 
my  place  in  the  Lyceum ;  and  since  then  he  has,  with 
great  spirit  and  success,  conducted  the  Philological 
Seminary  which  I  commenced.         #         #        # 

JACOBS    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Gotha,  Jan.  %  1812. 
What  do  you  say  to  the  fragment  of  the  Acharnians, 
which  Wolf  has  published,  with  bitter  observations  upon 
the  coterie  of  Voss?  The  rupture  must  now  be  considered 
as  decisively  made.  It  pains  my  heart  to  see  such  strife 
and  dissension  among  scholars.  It  cannot  do  otherwise 
than  diminish  respect  for  learning,  and,  consequently, 
place  obstacles  in  the  way  of  those  who  are  laboring  for 
the  best  interests  of  humanity. 

JACOBS    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Gotha;  Dec.  6,  1812. 
*  *  The  manner  in  which  the  younger  Voss  has 
reviewed  the  Acharnians  in  the  Heidelberg  Annals,  is,  in 
itself,  just  and  honorable,  though  I  think  Wolf  is  not 
treated  according  to  his  merits.  That  Voss  should  speak  of 
Wolf  as  a  young  student,  who  is  laboring  hard,  and  giving 
promise  of  final  success,  the  latter  will  never  forgive.  *  * 
Wolf's  Latin  translation  of  the  Platonic  dialogues  appears 
to  me  most  excellent,  and  if  he  goes,  in  this  way,  to  the 
end,  he  will  certainly  have  a  right  to  a  distinguished 
wreath.  Buttmann  writes  me,  that  the  edition  of  Plato, 
by  Bockh  and  Heindorf,  will  not  be  given  up  on  account 
of  Wolf's.  It  is  said  that  the  Gottingen  professorship 
has  been  offered  to  Gurlitt,  but  that  he  has  declined  it.  I 
think  it  will  have  to  be  given  to  a  young  man.  Is  not 
Lobeck  competent  to  it?  His  learned  dissertation,  de 
Morte  Bacchi,  shows  that  he  is  something  more  than  a 


192  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

grammarian.      I   hear   favorable    accounts,    also,    of   his 
character. 

SCHUTZ    TO    JACOBS. 

Jena,  Jan.  11, 1802. 
Nothing  for  a  long  time  has  given  me  so  much  pleasure, 
as  the  information  that  your  call  to  Kiel,  has  brought  you 
500  rix  dollars  additional  salary.  Heaven  bless  your 
duke  for  it,  and  let  you  enjoy,  to  your  latest  days, 
this  well-merited  reward.  As  you  did  not  accept  the 
appointment,  there  may  be  an  opening  here  for  our  friend 
Eichstaedt.  You  will  do  me  and  him  a  great  favor,  if 
you  will  mention  the  name  of  the  minister,,  and  of  other 
persons  to  be  applied  to.  *  *  To-morrow,  the  post  will 
carry  six  louis  d'or  to  you,  as  an  extraordinary  premium 
voted  you  for  your  services  in  the  Journal.  I  wish  I 
could  make  them  sixty.  But  the  state  of  our  reserve 
funds,  from  which  alone  such  rewards  can  be  drawn,  will 
not  allow  it ;  and  I  must  beg  you  to  keep  this  a  secret. 
Not  to  mention  that  all  reviews  are  not  up  to  Jacobs,  even 
if  they  were,  we  should  be  able  at  present  to  grant 
premiums  to  but  very  few;  and  if  this  should  lead  to 
jealousies,  the  practice  must  be  given  up  wholly.     *     * 

SCHUTZ    TO    JACOBS. 

Halle,  Sept.  22, 1812. 
My  dear  friend,  I  know  not  whether  you  have  received 
my  first  long  letter,  in  which  I  urged  you  to  accept 
the  call  to  Gottingen,  and  endeavored  to  remove  your 
objections.  I  sent  it  by  way  of  Leipsic.  On  the  receipt 
of  your  review  of  Bast,  I  sent  you  a  second,  by  way  of 
Weimar.  This  is  the  third ;  and  I  write,  in  consequence 
of  what  a  student,  just  from  Gottingen,  related  to  me, 
namely,  that  you  had  been  actually  appointed,  but  that 
fears  were  entertained  that  you  would  hardly  come.     He 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  193 

informed  me,  also,  that  Mitscherlich  could  not  expect  that 
professorship,  and  that  Wunderlich  was  your  pupil; — 
he,  therefore,  cannot  complain.  In  short,  I  thought  you 
would  accept  the  place,  diis  hominibusque  approbantibus, 
unless  you  have  other  objections  than  those  you  mentioned 
to  me.     *     *     * 

SCHUTZ    TO    JACOBS. 

Halle,  Sept.  28, 1812. 
My  respected  and  dear  friend, — I  have  read  your  letter 
with  mingled  feelings  of  pleasure  and  pain,  and  sit 
down  without  delay,  to  attempt  to  lead  you  to  a  different 
conclusion.  *  *  I  can  think  of  only  the  following 
objections  to  your  accepting.  1.  The  envy  which  will  be 
excited  among  the  established  philological  professors  in 
the  university.  None  but  Mitscherlich,  however,  could 
cherish  such  feelings,  and  he  is  said  to  be  free  from  envy. 
Wunderlich  must  be  a  strange  fellow,  indeed,  if  he  should 
feel  injured  by  your  appointment.  As  the  government 
will  undoubtedly  appoint  a  man  from  abroad,  no  one 
can  be  more  acceptable  to  the  professors  than  yourself. 
2.  The  inconceivable,  I  had  almost  said,  the  unpardonable, 
diffidence  you  have  in  your  own  powers.  This  I  could 
not  comprehend  when  I  desired  you  to  come  to  Jena. 
But  since  then,  how  many  years  have  passed,  and  how 
much  reputation  have  you  justly  earned  !  *  *  What 
part  of  that  professorship  can  give  you  the  least  anxiety  ? 
Public  speaking  in  the  lectures  ?  Certainly  not.  Heyne 
himself,  it  is  said,  was  no  model  in  public  speaking ;  he 
was  discursive,  unconnected,  and  his  voice  was  interrupted 
by  a  frequent  hemming.  But  you  know  all  this  better 
than  I,  who  have  never  heard  him.  Speaking  in  Latin  ? 
What  great  use  is  made  of  that  ?  I  could  never  think  of 
such  a  difficulty,  at  least  in  you,  had  you  yourself  not 
17 


194  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

mentioned  it  as  an  objection  to  coming  to  Jena.  The 
lectures  before  the  Society,  and  the  Programms  ?  Of  the 
former,  you  have  delivered  many  in  Munich;  and  the 
latter  will  be  no  great  jugglery  to  you. 

G.    SCHAFER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  Feb.  11,  1808. 
Very  dear  sir, — I  have  designedly  put  off  writing  thus  far 
in  reply  to  your  kind  letter.  I  would  gladly  delay  longer 
yet,  were  it  not  for  the  apprehension  that  you  might  take 
it  ill.  What  I  have  now  to  say  is  not  cheering.  But 
with  painful  impatience  I  am  expecting  every  hour  to 
learn  something  very  cheering.  Why  does  the  carrier 
delay?  Surely  I  have  been  tortured  sufficiently  long. 
The  intelligence  from  Gotha  was  only  half  true.  Without 
my  knowledge,  the  noble  and  venerable  Heyne,  moved 
by  the  accounts  which  a  third  person  had  given  him  of 
me  and  my  university  relations,  emp^ed  his  whole 
influence  with  youthful  zeal  to  procure  me  a  place  in 
Gotha.  It  was  believed  in  Gotha,  that  every  thing  was 
already  secured  for  me  there,  when  my  dear  old  friend, 
Eichstaedt — upset  the  matter.  I  am  now  informed  that 
the  place  will  be  left  vacant  for  the  present.  But  the 
failure  of  the  project  did  not  discourage  the  venerable 
Heyne.  He  proposes  another  way.  A  week  ago  I 
received  from  him  a  letter  of  high  import,  which  is  now 
in  Dresden,  producing  its  effect.  Yesterday,  I  suppose, 
the  matter  was  discussed  in  council; — God  grant  that 
the  discussions  may  have  led  to  a  happy  result.  I  hope 
something  good  from  this ;  never  were  the  circumstances 
so  favorable.  Bottiger,  also,  is  doing  what  he  can  for 
me.  As  soon  as  I  learn  the  result,  I  will  write  you. 
Now  what  say  you  of  Heyne  ?  I  repeat  it,  without  my 
knowledge,  without  being  requested,  connected  directly 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  195 

with  me  in  no  way  whatever,  he  is  exerting  himself  for 
me  under  the  greatest  difficulties,  and  in  the  midst  of 
bodily  sufferings.  So  writes  one  from  abroad,  who,  as  a 
spectator,  has  observed  the  course  things  have  taken,  and 
must  have  searched  Eichstaedt's  tricks  to  the  very  bottom. 
What  an  eve  closes  this  busy  life  !  Perhaps  I  can  by 
to-morrow  write  something  more  pleasant.  Farewell, 
my  dear  friend,  and  continue  to  favor  me  with  your 
good- will. 

SCHAFER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  March  25, 1808. 
I  have  received  official  notice  from  Dresden,  that 
I  have  been  appointed  professor  extraordinarius  of 
philosophy,  with  a  salary  of  150  rix  dollars,  and  that, 
besides  this  a  bounty  of  100  rix  dollars  has  been  granted 
me.  The  day  after  the  official  notice  was  sent,  the 
members  of  the  larger  Eoyal  College  proceeded  to  the 
choice  of  a  successor  of  the  excellent  Hindenburg.  The 
impression  already  made  at  Dresden,  operated  in  my 
favor  to  such  a  degree,  that  there  was  a  tie  in  the  vote 
between  me  and  a  competitor.  Lots  were  cast,  and  I 
was  the  lucky  one.  Thus,  as  if  by  the  stroke  of  a  magic 
wand,  I  am  pushed  forward  into  new  connections,  which 
enable  me  to  hope  for  a  different  and  a  more  pleasant 
life.  I  can  now  calculate  upon  a  salary  of  about  450 
rix  dollars,  provided  the  choice  of  the  college  should 
be  confirmed  by  the  king,  of  which  there  is  a  strong 
probability.  And  still  the  choice  of  professor  Clodius 
in  the  place  of  Seidlitz,  made  in  January,  is  not  yet 
confirmed.  If  you  say  any  thing  of  my  sudden  change 
to  a  better  condition,  I  beg  you,  to  add  every  time,  that 
I  am  indebted  for  this  happiness  to  that  venerable  old 
man   in   Gottingen.      Before   this   scholar   I   bow  with 


196  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

profound  respect.  A  miserable  trade  of  words  is  all  our 
study,  even  with  a  Bentley's  acuteness,  or  a  Porson's 
nicety,  if  it  does  not  ennoble  whatever  is  human  in  us. 
That  I  think  of  you,  with  the  most  sacred  attachment, 
my  dear  sir,  whenever  I  think  of  Heyne,  I  need  not 
assure  you,  who  have  more  than  once  looked  into  my 
heart. 

SCHAFER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  Dec.  1, 1811. 
The  melancholy  intelligence  of  Bast's  death  I  had  also 
already  received  from    Scholl,  last   Tuesday.      O   how 
deeply  is  my  heart  smitten  by  this  event ! 

Multis  ille  bonis  flebilis  occidit, 
Nulli  flebilior  quam  mihi ! 

His  last  letter  to  me  was  dated  November  2d,  full 
of  unsurpassed  kindness,  as  were  all  his  letters ;  and  I 
was  just  on  the  point  of  replying,  as  this  startling  news 
reached  me.  Our  studies  have  lost  much,  very  much 
in  him;  and  I  more  than  can  be  expressed.  I  had 
succeeded  in  gaining  his  entire  confidence.  Through  me, 
and  in  connection  with  me,  as  it  seemed,  he  designed  to 
communicate  all  his  literary  treasures  to  the  public.  A 
beginning  was  to  be  made  with  the  unpublished  Greek 
lexicons,  printing  to  commence  the  present  winter.  With 
what  an  exuberance  of  excellent  remarks  could  I  have 
filled  them  out,  inasmuch  as  the  papers  of  my  friend 
would  have  been  at  my  service.  All  this  is  now  but 
the  "  shadow  of  a  dream."  For  what  fortunes  will  his 
collections  meet  with  ?  This  thought  gives  me  great 
uneasiness.  If  he  had  had  only  one  hour,  one  single 
hour  of  consciousness  after  the  shock,  I  know  what 
disposition  he  would  have  made  of  them.     In  order  to 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    SCHUTZ.  197 

save  what  could  be  saved,  I  wrote  immediately  to  Paris, 
requesting  that  those  valuable  papers  might  be  entrusted 
to  my  charge,  and  referring  to  our  correspondence  in 
support  of  my  claim.  "Will  it  be  of  any  use  ?  Can  you 
do  any  thing  ?  The  heir  is  a  brother,  with  whom  I  have 
no  acquaintance.  Perhaps  Scholl  can  effect  something, 
and,  therefore,  I  have  written  to  him.  As  a  scholar,  that 
excellent  man  was  every  thing  to  me,  and  as  a  man,  if 
possible,  still  more.  "What  he  could  do,  he  did,  both 
directly  and  indirectly,  to  improve  my  condition.  If  he 
had  succeeded  in  his  plan,  I  should  have  acted  my  part 
at  the  close  of  life  in  the  midst  of  an  enviable  abundance 
of  literary  treasures,  in  a  milder  climate,  and  in  more 
friendly  relations.  But  this  also  is  the  "  shadow  of  a 
dream."  The  name  of  Bast,  like  the  dear  names  of 
Schiitz  and  Heyne,  is  indelibly  inscribed  on  my  heart. 
Ever  yours,  most  devotedly. 


SCHAFER    TO    SCHUTZ. 

Leipsic,  Dec.  15, 1813. 
#  #  *  Thus  far  I  have  got  along  very  well,  and  every 
thing  seems  now  to  indicate  that  I  ought  to  reserve  myself 
for  better  days.  From  the  16th  to  the  19th  of  October, 
especially  the  19th,  when  the  storming  Prussians  were 
plying  their  cannon  and  their  small  arms  at  a  horrid  rate 
against  my  house,  were  such  days  as  I  never  passed 
before.  One  twelve-pounder  broke  through  a  pretty  thick 
wall ;  and  the  shock  of  a  stone  from  the  wall  drove  my 
study -table  a  good  jog.  *  *  *  Napoleon,  according  to  all 
accounts,  is  rallying  all  the  forces  he  can  muster,  and  as 
long  as  he  can  get  a  single  battalion,  he  will  fight.  But 
with  such  preparations  as  the  allied  armies  are  making, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  final  result.  *  * 
17* 


198  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 


F.    PASSOW    TO    IIUDTWALKER,    OF    HAMBURG. 

Leipsic,  .Nov.  4, 1804. 
*  *  I  attend  the  following  lectures ; — in  theology,  the 
interpretation  of  the  New  Testament,  with  Beck ;  church 
history,  with  Rosenmuller ;  and  Arabic,  with  the  younger 
Rosenmuller :  in  philosophy,  a  systematic  outline  of  the 
theories  of  Kant,  Fichte,  and  Schelling,  with  Gesner ;  and 
a  Latin  disputation  under  Beck :  in  philology,  Polybius, 
with  Beck ;  Cicero  de  Legibus,  with  the  same ;  and 
Oedipus  Rex,  with  Hermann.  Besides,  I  am  a  member 
of  Beck's  Latin,  and  Hermann's  Philological  Society, 
before  the  latter  of  which  I  am  to  read  an  exercise  on  the 
Ajax  of  Sophocles.  For  Beck's  Latin  Society  I  am,  at 
present,  preparing  a  commentary  on  the  twenty-third  idyl 
of  Theocritus.  As  to  the  rest,  Beck  is  something  of  a 
humdrum  character,  but  Hermann  is  a  splendid  fellow,  if  he 
did  not  smoke  quite  so  much  tobacco.  Lately,  he  used  up 
thirty-six  pipes  over  the  Iliad,  in  a  single  day  !  When  I 
called  on  him  the  first  time,  he  talked  with  me,  standing ; 
but  when  he  heard  that  I  came  from  Gotha,  he  at  once 
shoved  me  a  chair,  which  struck  me  so  drolly,  that  I  began 
to  laugh.  It  struck  him,  too,  as  a  little  funny,  and  so  we 
both  set  up  a  loud  shout !  I  have  one  favor  to  ask  of  you, 
which  you  will  much  oblige  me  by  granting.  Jacobs  has 
written,  in  his  copy  of  Brunck's  Sophocles,  a  number  of 
conjectures  by  himself,  Wakefield,  and  others.  Can  you 
not,  under  some  pretext  or  other,  borrow  his  book, — for  it 
would  not  take  you  more  than  an  hour  to  copy  them  all 
out, — and  send  me  every  thing  that  you  can  find  in  the 
margin  ?  If  you  should  consent  to  do  me  this  favor,  I 
wish  you  would  give  me  the  very  words,  and  even  the 
Greek  accents  of  Jacobs.  This  must  be  done  with  great 
accuracy,  you  know.  I  will  gladly  do  as  much  for  you 
some  time.     I  could,  for  instance,  if  Jacobs  should  lecture 


199 

on  King  Oedipus  next  term,  send  you  a  good  supply 
of  conjectures  from  Hermann,  which  have  never  been 
published. 

PASSOW    TO    ERNEST    BREEM. 

Leipsic,  Nov.  20,  1804. 
*  #  *  That  I  should  keenly  feel  the  difference  between 
Leipsic  and  my  beloved  Gotha,  was  to  be  expected,  as  a 
matter  of  course.  *  #  *  But  I  shall  not  allow  external 
circumstances  to  shorten  my  stay  here,  which  is  important 
to  me,  especially  with  respect  to  the  practical  exercises  in 
the  two  languages.  *  *  Beck  is,  unquestionably,  the  first 
theologian  here ;  he  possesses  an  immense  amount  of 
theological,  philological,  and  historical  learning,  well 
digested  and  arranged.  But  it  is  impossible  to  conceive 
of  a  colder  man;  and  this  lifeless  manner,  unhappily, 
appears  in  every  word  he  utters.  *  *  *  The  exercises  in 
his  Latin  Society  are  particularly  valuable  to  me.  Each 
member,  twelve  in  all,  selects  a  classic  author  for  his 
examination,  and  hands  in  to  the  professor,  in  single 
sheets,  as  fast  as  they  are  prepared,  his  comments  written 
in  Latin.  Every  member  takes  his  turn,  once  in  six 
weeks,  and  reads  his  commentary  before  the  Society, 
where  it  is  freely  criticised,  and  the  topics  involved 
discussed  at  large  by  all  the  members.  I  have  selected 
for  my  exercises,  as  comprehending  the  system  of  Platonic 
love,  the  Symposia  of  Xenophon  and  of  Plato,  Phaedrus, 
and  a  part  of  Maximus  Tyrius.  Professor  Hermann, 
from  whom  I  am  hearing  a  grand  course  of  lectures  on  the 
Oedipus  Tyrannus  of  Sophocles,  has  received  me  into  his 
Philological  Society,  which  is  on  the  same  plan  as  Beck's, 
except  that  speaking  and  writing  Greek  are  included. 
In  his  Society,  I  interpret  the  Ajax  and  the  Trachiniae  of 
Sophocles.  Hermann,  who  has  just  published  an  edition 
of  Orpheus,  and  is  now  preparing  a  huge  commentary  on 


200  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

the  Agamemnon  of  iEschylus,  is  exactly  the  opposite  of 
Beck,  and  has  many  remote  resemblances  to  Jacobs,  only 
he  becomes  communicative  as  soon  as  you  know  him. 
He  always  enters  his  lecture-room  in  full  riding-dress, 
with  spurs  and  whip ;  and  in  the  Philological  Society,  a 
stranger  would  scarce  know  who  presided,  but  for  the 
exhaustless  stores  of  the  professor's  learning ;  for  one  is 
very  much  at  his  ease  with  him,  and  he  has  still  a  very 
youthful  look,  being  but  thirty-two  years  old.  He  is  the 
only  professor  that  is  universally  beloved,  notwithstanding 
he  sometimes  deals  in  biting  sarcasm. 

PASSOW    TO    F.    JACOBS,    IN    MUNICH. 

Weimar,  Dec.  27,  1803. 
*  *  My  first  concern,  and  that  which  tasked  all  my 
powers,  was  the  new  organization  of  the  gymnasium, 
which  has  just  been  effected.  I  had  given  occasion  to 
this  change,  by  a  written  communication  made  to  the 
duke,  respecting  the  condition  of  the  institution.  To  me, 
this  change  was  the  more  gratifying,  as  it  created  a  new 
professorship,  which  could  be  offered  to  my  particular 
friend,  Schulze,  also  of  Mecklenburg,  and  a  disciple  of 
Wolf.  Similarity  in  age,  studies,  views,  and  plans  of  life, 
had  long  before  bound  me  in  close  ties  with  this  young  man 
of  talent  and  various  culture,  and  nothing  could  be  more 
welcome  to  my  feelings,  than  an  opportunity  to  unite  with 
him  in  a  common  enterprise.  It  was  natural,  therefore, 
that  I  should  do  every  thing  to  secure  his  services  here, 
so  that  we  might  work  together,  mutually  aiding, 
encouraging,  and  stimulating  each  other ;  and  I  have  the 
inexpressible  joy  to  see,  that  my  friend  is  duly  estimated 
here,  and  that  he  has  been  appointed  as  my  associate. 

Our  first  business  will  be  to  form  a  selecta, — not  as  in 
Gotha,  where  such  a  class  exists  in  name  merely,  and  for 
show,  and  is  nothing  more  than  the  more  modest  prima  of 


PASSOW'S    CORRESPONDENCE.  201 

other  gymnasia,  the  class  from  which  students  go  to  the 
university.  Such  a  prima  we  have  already,  and  we  are 
not  ambitious  to  exchange  the  name  for  one  of  more 
pretension.  But  we  have  perceived  the  necessity  of 
forming  a  distinct  class  for  those  students  who  have 
higher  aims  than  that  of  merely  getting  a  living,  who  are 
seeking  for  literary  distinction,  and  who  feel  impelled  to 
make  extraordinary  efforts  of  their  own.  Only  those, 
therefore,  who  are  already  fitted  for  the  university,  and 
who  wish  to  go  beyond  what  is  indispensable  to  enter, 
will  be  received  as  members  of  our  selecta.  The  majority 
of  our  students  will,  as  heretofore,  go  directly  from  the 
prima  to  the  university;  and  it  will  be  no  dishonor,  not  to 
have  passed  through  the  selecta;  for  one  can  be  a  very 
good  scholar,  and  yet  not  be  fitted  for  the  peculiar  exercises 
of  this  class.  From  what  I  have  said,  it  will  be  apparent, 
that  the  scientific  studies  must  be  brought  to  a  close  in  the 
prima,  and  that,  for  the  selecta,  nothing  but  philology  be 
reserved.  Of  the  Latin  course  I  will  say  nothing  now. 
But  of  the  Greek,  which  Schulze  and  myself  are  to 
conduct,  and  which  we  have  got  entirely  into  our  own 
hands, — for  we  thought  it  necessary  to  have  our  work  all 
of  a  piece, — I  will  give  you  the  plan.  In  the  lowest  class, 
the  quarta,  the  mechanical  part,  the  reading  will  be 
attended  to.  Under  this,  however,  we  include  something 
more  than  the  knowledge  of  letters.  We  teach  our  pupils 
not  only  to  read  with  facility,  but,  more  particularly,  to 
read  with  accuracy  and  propriety.  This  class,  therefore, 
is  made  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  rules  of  prosody, 
to  pronounce  any  word  with  perfect  accuracy,  and  to 
acquire  a  perception  of  harmony  and  rhythm;  for  these 
are  to  eloquence  what  form  is  to  the  arts  of  design. 
With  these  outlines,  we,  of  course,  combine  so  much 
of  the  doctrine  of  accents  as  is  necessary  to  correct 
pronunciation.     That,  in  grammar,  the  ground  may  not 


202  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

be  wholly  unbroken,  we  instruct  this  class  also,  in  the 
septem  partes  oratio?iis,  as  they  are  called.  General 
grammar  is  almost  universally  neglected  in  the  lower 
classes  of  our  gymnasia,  and,  by  declining  nouns  and 
conjugating  verbs,  before  knowing  what  a  noun  or  a 
verb  is,  the  minds  of  boys  are  greatly  confused.  We 
endeavor  to  protect  our  young  Grecians  against  such 
disorder. 

When  a  boy  has  mastered  all  these,  he  enters  the 
tertia.  In  this  class,  all  the  grammatical  forms  of  the 
language  are  taught  after  Buttmann's  excellent  Grammar, 
and  my  friend  Thiersch's  Tables  of  the  Greek  Verb,  in 
courses  which  extend  through  half  the  year.  In  order  to 
unite  practice  with  theory,  we  take  up  the  first  course  of 
your  Greek  Reader,  which  is  the  more  convenient,  as  its 
references  are  to  Buttmann's  Grammar.  With  the  same 
class  we  make  easy  experiments  in  translating  from 
German  into  Greek,  which,  however,  is  not  done  in 
writing,  but  orally  and  extemporaneously,  as  all  the  tasks 
in  this  class  ought  to  be  easy  and  interesting.  When 
the  students  are  furnished  with  a  complete  knowledge  of 
grammatical  forms,  they  pass  into  the  secunda,  and  read 
your  second  course,  and  the  Odyssey.  In  grammar,  the 
formation  and  derivation  of  words  are  chiefly  attended  to ; 
and  we  design  that  the  boys  of  this  class  shall  not  only 
be  able  to  give  all  the  rules  of  formation  from  primitives, 
but  that  they  shall  know  by  heart  all  the  primitives  of 
the  language.  It  is  with  reference  to  these  etymological 
exercises,  that  the  Odyssey  is  selected  to  be  read.  The 
oral  exercises  in  constructing  Greek  phrases  are  continued 
in  this  class.  In  the  prima,  wTe  read  the  Iliad  and  one  of 
the  writings  of  Xenophon,  at  present  the  Memorabilia, 
and  connect  with  the  latter  the  study  of  syntax.  It  is  on 
account  of  the  syntax,  that  we  have  preferred  the  elegant 
Athenian  to  Herodotus,  or  any  other  writer.    The  dialects 


PASSOW'S    CORRESPONDENCE.  203 

are  taken  up  in  connection  with  the  Iliad.  When  we 
have  gone  through  with  all  these  studies,  our  course  is 
finished.  By  this  time,  the  Greek  has  been  systematically 
and  thoroughly  taught,  and  we  can,  with  good  conscience, 
dismiss  our  students  to  go  to  the  university.  But  such 
as  desire  a  more  critical  study  of  the  language  enter  the 
selecta.  The  studies  of  the  preceding  classes  having 
been  attended  to  with  chief  reference  to  thoroughness, 
we  now  aim  at  the  enlargement  of  knowledge  and  of 
learning;  at  the  practical  application  of  the  instruments 
that  have  been  acquired ;  at  original  investigations,  and 
the  criticism  of  the  text.  For  our  reading,  we  have 
marked  out  a  distinct  course  in  poetry,  and  another  in 
prose.  The  former  consists  of  select  hymns  of  Pindar, 
single  plays  of  Sophocles,  iEschylus,  and  Aristophanes, 
and,  perhaps,  Euripides ;  the  latter,  of  select  passages  of 
Herodotus  and  Thucydides,  dialogues  of  Plato,  and 
orations  of  Demosthenes,  varying  every  semester.  Here, 
written  exercises  in  Greek  are  prepared,  the  object  now 
being  to  form  a  Greek  style.  In  the  earlier  classes,  only 
facility  of  expression  was  aimed  at ;  and  that  is  all  that 
can  be  reasonably  expected  of  those  who  are  to  be 
business  men.  But  a  member  of  the  selecta  of  Weimar 
has  already  made  up  his  mind  for  something  higher. 
The  principal  exercise  consists  in  preparing  a  dissertation 
on  any  author  which  one  may  choose,  and  in  a  discussion 
arising  from  it,  under  the  supervision  of  Schulze  and 
myself  alternately.         *         #         # 

PASSOW    TO    THE    YOUNGER    VOSS,    IN    HEIDELBERG. 

Weimar,  Sept.  17,  1809. 

*  #  Have  you  been  looking  into  my  Musaeus  ?     Have 

you  wiped  off  any  of  his  stains  ?     That  I  am  continually 

filing   upon  him,  you   may  easily  infer  from   the  little 

specimens   which  I   have   recently  given.      I   shall   not 


204  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

enter  upon  the  principal  labor,  until  I  have  received  your 
criticisms  and  corrections.  Jacobs  has  given  me  some 
critical  observations  on  the  text,  and  the  sturdy  Wunderlich 
is  also  going  through  with  the  text  for  me.  Not  much  is  to 
be  hoped  from  manuscripts,  for  all  that  have  been  collated 
are  alike  in  the  difficult  passages.  Still,  Bast  has  promised 
to  examine  all  the  Paris  manuscripts  of  Musaeus,  Coluthus, 
and  Tryphiodorus  for  me.  Perhaps  he  may  find  something 
of  importance.  I  should  like  to  know  how  you  read  lines 
213,  125,  and  298.     *     *    * 

PASSOW    TO    H.    VOSS. 

Weimar,  March  12,  1810. 
#  #  #  I  have  just  g0t  through  with  a  trifling  affair  in 
Latin.  Sometime  ago,  Beck,  of  Leipsic,  requested  me  to 
contribute  an  article  to  the  first  volume  of  his  Transactions 
of  the  Leipsic  Philological  Society,  which  will  come  out 
at  the  Easter  fair.  While  I  was  hesitating  as  to  what  I 
should  send  him,  it  occurred  to  me,  that  ever  since  I  came 
here,  about  three  years  ago,  I  had  been  interlining  my 
copy  of  Schneider's  Lexicon  with  words  and  significations 
which  were  here  and  there  wanting,  corrections,  idioms, 
and  the  like.  As  Ahlwardt  had  written  a  Programm, 
entitled,  a  Supplement  to  Schneider's  Lexicon,  I  resolved 
to  examine  and  see  whether  I  had  collected  any  materials 
of  importance,  and,  to  my  surprise,  I  found,  under  the 
letter  alpha  alone,  about  one  hundred  words  which  were 
entirely  wanting  in  Schneider.  They  were  mostly  from 
good  writers,  such  as  Homer,  Hesiod,  Pindar,  JEschylus, 
Herodotus,  Sophocles,  Aristophanes,  Thucydides,  and 
Demosthenes ;  some  of  them  were  from  Nonnus,  Julius 
Pollux,  Tryphiodorus,  Athenaeus,  Stobaeus,  the  Anthology, 
etc.  All  these  had  been  noted  down,  and  justified  by 
references  to  the  passages  in  which  they  were  found.  I, 
therefore,  collected  together  all  the  notes  on  new  words 


PASSOW'S    CORRESPONDENCE.  205 

and  forms,  about  350  in  number,  which  I  found  on  the 
first  hundred  pages  of  my  Schneider,  demonstrated  the 
nonentity  of  some  words  received  in  all  good  faith  by 
him,  removed  the  doubts  which  he  had  cast  upon  others, 
and  sent  off  my  package  to  Beck,  in  which  I  have  given 
evidence,  that  if  I  should  continue  to  read  the  Greek 
authors  twenty  years  longer,  in  other  words,  if  I  should 
live  so  long,  I  should  be  able  to  prepare  a  better  lexicon 
than  Schneider's.  Still,  I  thankfully  acknowledge  his 
merits,  though  his  hasty,  defective,  and  unphilosophical 
manner  of  execution  has,  by  a  long  use  of  his  work,  been 
rendered  too  obvious  to  me.  Either  in  the  second  volume 
of  these  Transactions,  or  in  a  Programm  at  this  gymnasium, 
I  intend  to  prepare  a  dissertation  De  Vitiis  Lexicorum 
Graecoruin.  I  shall  prosecute  my  lexicographical  studies 
without  interruption,  particularly  with  reference  to 
completeness  of  the  forms  and  significations  of  words,  the 
philosophical  development  of  the  latter, — a  point  to  which 
Schneider  appears  not  to  have  devoted  a  thought ;  to- 
etymology,  in  which  he  might  have  learned  very  much 
from  Riemer ;  to  prosody,  to  which  Koes  alone,  in  his 
little  Homeric  lexicon,  has  attended,  in  part ;  and  finally  to< 
the  age  of  each  word,  so  far  as  it  can  now  be  demonstrated. 
Whether  I  shall  ever  live  to  see  this  infinite  number  of 
details  reduced  to  a  perfect  system,  must  be  left  to  the 
decision  of  Providence.  If  one  should  allow  himself  to  be 
discouraged  by  such  uncertainties,  nothing  great  or  noble 
would  ever  be  accomplished.  I  present  myself  to  you, 
therefore,  as  a  future  lexicographer ;  and  my  work  shall 
be  no  mere  manual,  but  a  great  critical  work,  or  nothing. 
If  not  called  away  too  soon  by  death,  I  can  surely  leave 
behind  me  something  useful,  which,  when  I  have  done, 
may  be  given  over  to  the  best  of  my  pupils,  so  that,  in  the 
course  of  time,  a  complete  view  of  this  noble  language 
can  be  exhibited. 
18 


206  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 


PASSOW    TO    H.    VOSS. 

Weimar,  May  15,  1810. 
I  write  you,  my  dear  Voss,  in  a  state  of  painful  suspense 
in  regard  to  an  important  matter,  on  which  the  next  two 
or  three  years,  perhaps  my  whole  life,  depends.  *  * 
The  authorities  at  Dantzic  have  appointed  me  associate 
director,  and  professor  of  philology  in  the  gymnasium  at 
Jenkau,  under  their  care,  two  hours'  walk  from  the  city. 
The  offer  was  such  a  brilliant  one,  that  I  felt  it  due  to 
myself  to  take  it  into  consideration.  The  1000  rix 
dollars,  which  would  be  a  part  only  of  n^  support,  would 
not  tempt  me  there,  although  I  have  to  bear  in  mind  that 
I  am  no  longer  alone,  and  that  400  dollars  are  little  or 
nothing.  It  is  no  pleasant  thing  to  be  so  abominably 
pressed  on  account  of  these  "rascal  counters,"  as  I  have 
to  be  here,  without  any  property  of  my  own.  I  sometimes 
feel  as  shabby  as  Al-Hafiz  himself.  I  am  now  and  then 
subjected  to  great  mortification  on  this  account.  It  is  a 
villanous  thing,  that  a  man,  who  is  in  the  midst  of  a  work, 
begun  out  of  pure  love  for  it,  must  stop  and  calculate  the 
profits;  and  it  is  a  poor  consolation,  that  other  worthy 
men  have  fared  no  better.  Heinse,  for  example,  whose 
bubbling,  boiling  letters  interest  me  more  than  all  the 
elegant  cut  of  Miiller, — the  metaphor,  by  the  way,  has 
run  off  the  track.  *  *  I  choose  to  say  nothing  of  the 
manner  in  which  our  hands  are  tied  here. 

PASSOW  TO  H.  VOSS.. 
Jenkau,  Nov.  30,  1810.  On  the  Scythian  coast. 
*  *  In  Berlin  I  rioted  in  the  enjoyment  of  literary 
society.  Spalding  is  the  most  amiable  scholar  of  my 
acquaintance.  Buttmann  is  a  sterling  man,  full  of  the 
fire,  and  ready  to  crush  the  hardest  knot  to  atoms. 
Heindorf    is   indescribably  kind,  with   all   the   innocent 


PASSOW'S    CORRESPONDENCE.  207 

simplicity  of  a  child.  I  found  him  almost  sick  a-bed, 
at  the  thought  of  appearing-  as  a  university  teacher. 
Bernhardy's  appearance  is  a  little  wriggling  and  confused, 
but  he  is  running  over  with  genius,  vigor,  and  original 
humor, — a  very  uncommon  character,  with  a  little  touch 
of  the  Mephistopheles.  Uhden  and  Siivern  are  men 
of  affairs,  full  of  intellect,  and  highly  cultivated.  I  also 
visited  Bothe.  When  I  saw  the  nimble,  cheerful, 
and  sportive  man,  apparently  about  forty  years  old, 
hopping  towards  me  on  one  leg,  I  could  scarce  keep 
from  laughing  and  weeping  at  the  same  time.  He 
spoke  with  great  frankness  of  his  own  writings ;  could 
enter  into  every  subject;  and  he  so  affected  me  by  his 
cheerful  good-nature  amid  all  that  is  depressing  in 
his  circumstances,  that  I  thanked  you  a  thousand 
times  for  your  lenient  review  of  his  Sophocles,  a 
circumstance  which  seems  to  have  given  him  pleasure. 
My  acquaintance  with  the  excellent  Solger  has  been 
gratifying  in  the  highest  degree ;  and  I  hope  it  will  be  of 
long  continuance.  How  attractive  is  his  repose,  the 
clearness  and  strength  of  his  comprehensive  intellect ! 
At  Frankfort  on  the  Oder,  I  passed  a  very  pleasant 
evening  with  Bredow,  where  I  met  Schneider,  and 
Herodotus  Schulz.  Bredow  I  had  known  in  Weimar, 
and  had  highly  esteemed  him  for  his  straight-forward, 
solid  character.  His  services  in  improving  the  schools 
of  Frankfort  will  long  be  remembered  with  gratitude. 
Schneider  bears  a  strong  resemblance  to  Knebel ;  in  each 
a  great  man  has  been  lost  for  want  of  proper  concentration. 

PASSOW   TO    F.    JACOBS. 

Berlin,  May  6, 1815. 
*     *     My  first  lonely  winter,  to  which  I  could  not  look 
forward  without  horror,  is  finally  over,  and  now,  like  all 
the  past,  it  seems  short,  while  the  future,  in  its  limitless 


208  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

extent,  stretches  out  fearfully  before  me.  I  have  had 
much  leisure,  and  this  I  have  employed  in  filling  up 
several  gaps  which  had  been  left  in  my  studies.  I  have, 
in  the  meantime,  aided  my  friends,  Walch  and  Kopke,  by 
giving  some  lessons  to  the  first  class  in  the  Gray  Cloister 
gymnasium ;  more,  however,  to  keep  up  some  connection 
with  active  life,  and  to  give  regularity  to  my  habits,  than 
for  any  other  cause.  Nothing  was  more  natural,  than 
that  I  should,  for  the  remainder  of  my  time,  adopt  a 
student's  life ;  and  I  am  thankful,  that  after  eight  years 
of  professional  toil,  I  find  myself  still  sharp-set  for  study. 
Wolf's  talents  and  scholarship  would  naturally  present 
the  strongest  attractions  for  me ;  and  now  I  can,  with 
equal  propriety,  and  with  equal  pride,  call  myself  the 
disciple  of  Jacobs,  Hermann,  and  Wolf.  That  which, 
next  to  his  instructions,  interests  me  most,  is  a  circle  of  men, 
associated  for  the  purpose  of  studying  ancient  literature, 
making  Herodotus  the  nucleus  of  their  researches.  The 
whole  story  will  be  told,  when  I  say  that  Schleiermacher, 
Niebuhr,  Siivern,  Bockh,  Buttmann,  Bekker,  Hirt,  and 
Ideler  compose  the  circle.  I  am  admitted  as  a  friend  and 
guest ;  and  the  evenings  thus  spent,  are  the  happiest  of 
my  life.  *  *  *  But  these  employments  will  terminate 
with  the  present  month.  I  have  been  recently  appointed 
professor  of  ancient  literature,  in  Breslau,  in  Schneider's 
place,  who  has  retired  from  academic  life.         #         * 


VI. 


SCHOOL  OF  PHILOLOGY  IN  HOLLAND. 


18* 


HEMSTERHUIS,    RIJHNKEN,   WYTTENBACH. 


The  place  occupied  by  Germany,  in  many  departments 
of  literature,  is  so  high,  that  the  claims  of  other  countries 
may  not  receive  that  consideration  to  which  they  are 
entitled.  In  some  of  the  principal  branches  of  knowledge, 
the  German  language  contains  more  valuable  materials 
than  can  be  found  in  all  other  languages  together. 
Germany  nearly  fills  the  literary  horizon.  Her  influence 
overshadows  the  whole  of  Christendom.  Hence,  we  are 
in  danger  of  undervaluing  real  excellence  which  exists 
elsewhere. 

Holland,  if  not  now  eminent,  has  a  rich  intellectual 
history.  In  Oriental  learning,  her  scholars  once  stood  in 
the  front  rank.  Erpenius  and  Golius  produced  works 
that  will  not  soon  be  forgotten.  Albert  Schultens  first 
brought  a  profound  knowledge  of  Arabic  to  the  illustration 
of  the  Old  Testament.  His  son  and  grandson  gave 
additional  lustre  to  the  name.  Reland's  Palestine,  says 
Gesenius,  yet  remains  the  standard  work  on  the  subject. 
Schrader,  Scheid,  and  Graevius  were  learned  investigators 
in  the  Semitic  languages. 

In  classical  philology,  Holland  has  a  reputation  second 
to  scarcely  any  country  but  Germany.  The  first  traces 
of  philological  culture  appeared  in  the  fourteenth  century. 


212  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

In  the  year  1370,  Gerard  Groote,  who  had  studied  at 
Paris,  opened  a  school  at  Deventer,  which  attained  much 
celebrity  under  his  pupils  and  successors.  Agricola  and 
Thomas  a  Kempis  studied  there.  The  former  went  to 
Italy,  and  became  a  learned  philologist  under  Guarini  and 
Theodore  Gaza.  The  founding  of  the  universities,  and 
of  the  learned  school  at  Amsterdam,  was  attended  with 
auspicious  results.  Leyden  became  one  of  the  principal 
seats  of  the  liberal  arts.  Thither  scholars  were  drawn 
from  every  country  of  Europe,  partly  for  the  sake  of 
study,  and,  partly,  on  account  of  the  political  freedom 
which  was  then  enjoyed  in  Holland.  Erasmus  of 
Rotterdam,  who  died  in  1536,  earned  an  European 
reputation  by  his  classical  acquisitions.  Valuable  services 
were  also  rendered  to  this  branch  of  literature,  by  Dousa, 
Justus  Lipsius,  and  Joseph  Scaliger.  The  last  named 
was  professor  at  Leyden  from  1593,  till  his  death 
in  1609.  He  had  more  learning,  though  less  genius, 
than  his  father.  When  nineteen  years  of  age,  he  went  to 
Paris,  where  he  devoted  his  days  and  nights  to  the  study 
of  Greek.  He  shut  himself  up  in  his  chamber,  and, 
in  two  years,  read  all  the  Greek  classical  authors,  in 
chronological  order.  With  equal  industry,  he  then 
investigated  the  Hebrew,  and  other  Oriental  languages. 
Among  his  works,  are  Annotations  on  Theocritus, 
Catullus,  Tibullus,  Propertius,  Nonnus  and  Seneca's 
Tragedies ;  also  two  valuable  treatises  on  Chronology. 
Another  scholar,  who  was  equally  at  home  in  various 
departments  of  knowledge,  and  who  is  one  of  the  few 
whose  reputation  is  not  diminished  by  the  lapse  of  time, 
is  Hugo  Grotius.  In  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  age,  he 
prepared  a  valuable  edition  of  Martianus  Capella,  which 
called  forth  the  praises  of  Scaliger.  He  is  among  the 
best  writers  of  Latin  verse  in  modern  times.  His  metrical 
translations  from  the  Greek  are  full  of  the  poetic  spirit. 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  213 

As  a  critic,  he  had  acuteness,  and  a  fine  tact  for  illustrating 
his  author  by  brief  comments.  Daniel  Heinsius,  a  pupil 
of  Joseph  Scaliger,  was  appointed  a  professor  in  Leyden, 
in  his  twenty-fifth  year.  He  was  a  man  of  various 
learning,  historical  and  philological.  His  Greek  and 
Latin  poems  are  written  in  good  taste.  His  son, 
Nicholas,  who  died  at  the  Hague,  in  1681,  edited 
Claudian,  Ovid,  Virgil,  and  other  Latin  authors.  His 
Latin  and  Dutch  poems  are,  also,  highly  commended.  J. 
F.  Gronovius  had  great  merits  as  a  critic  and  translator. 
He  was  professor  of  eloquence  and  history  at  Deventer, 
till  1685,  when  he  succeeded  the  elder  Heinsius  at 
Leyden.  His  son,  J.  Gronovius,  was  born  in  164-5,  and 
studied  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge.  He  is  now  principally 
known  by  his  immense  Thesaurus  of  Greek  Antiquities, 
and  by  his  fierce  disputes  with  Bochart,  Salmasius,  and 
others.  Of  the  remaining  philologists  of  Holland,  who 
lived  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and  in  the  beginning  of 
the  eighteenth,  we  may  name  Perizonius,  whose  work  on 
the  Antiquities  of  Egypt  and  Babylon  has  still  a  popular 
character ;  Graevius,  before  named,  a  scholar  of  immense 
learning,  and  of  unwearied  industry;  Havercamp,  the 
editor  of  Josephus  ;  the  two  Burmanns ;  J.  P.  D'Orville  ; 
Drakenborch ;  and  Wesseling,  the  editor  of  Herodotus. 

But  the  light,  that  was  to  outshine  all  the  others  that 
have  been  named,  and  who  was,  in  an  important  sense, 
the  restorer  of  philology,  in  Holland,  was  Hemsterhuys. 
The  influence,  which  he  exerted  while  living,  and  the 
enduring  reputation  which  his  works  have  earned,  will 
justify  a  somewhat  detailed  account  of  his  life  and 
character.  The  materials  are  chiefly  drawn  from  the 
elegant  eulogy,  pronounced  soon  after  his  death  by  his 
affectionate  pupil,  Ruhnken. 

Tiberius  Hemsterhuys  was  born  at  Groningen,  in 
North  Holland,  February  1,  1685.     His  earliest  studies 


214  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

were  conducted  in  part  by  his  father,  who  was  a  physician, 
and  a  man  of  cultivated  taste.  He  appears  to  have  been 
one  of  those  precocious  children,  whom  we  look  upon  with 
fear  and  trembling,  and  who,  if  they  survive  childhood, 
not  unfrequently  sink  down  into  a  dull  mediocrity.  In 
his  fourteenth  year,  he  joined  the  university  of  his  native 
city,  which  was  then  rendered  illustrious  by  the  lectures 
of  John  Bernouilli,  the  prince  of  mathematicians,  and 
the  friend  of  Leibnitz  and  Newton.  He  is  said  to  have 
confidently  predicted  the  future  fame  of  his  young  pupil, 
affirming,  that,  in  mathematical  knowledge,  he  was 
without  a  rival  in  the  university.  The  grateful  scholar 
was  wont  to  say,  that  Bernouilli  had  conferred  upon  him  a 
divine  gift.  After  he  had  spent  some  years  in  Groningen, 
he  went  to  Leyden,  to  enjoy  the  instructions  of  Perizonius, 
professor  of  history,  eloquence  and  Greek.  As  a  proof 
of  the  high  character,  which  he  had  then  acquired,  it  may 
be  mentioned,  that  the  curators  of  the  university  assigned 
him  the  duty  of  arranging  the  manuscripts  in  the  library, 
which  were  then  in  a  scattered  state.  From  this  mark 
of  distinction,  it  was  generally  inferred,  that  he  would 
succeed  the  aged  Gronovius  in  the  Greek  professorship. 
The  place  was  given,  however,  to  Havercamp,  not  so  much 
by  the  will  of  the  public  authorities,  as  by  the  exertions  of 
some  individuals,  who  feared,  that  their  own  light  would 
be  eclipsed,  if  Hemsterhuys  should  be  chosen. 

In  1704,  and  in'  the  nineteenth  year  of  his  age, 
Hemsterhuys  went  to  Amsterdam,  as  a  teacher  of 
mathematics  and  philosophy  in  the  Athenaeum.  Some 
persons,  entering  upon  a  profession  of  that  nature, 
would  have  abandoned  the  pursuit  of  elegant  learning. 
Hemsterhuys,  however,  did  not  confine  his  attention  to 
his  professional  studies,  but  extended  his  researches  over 
a  large  field,  justly  considering,  that  all  the  branches  of 
science  and  literature  are  connected  by  a  common  bond. 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  215 

Amsterdam  was  then  the  residence  of  several  scholars, 
who  became  his  intimate  friends.  Among  these  were 
Broukhuys,  a  learned  interpreter  of  the  Latin  poets, 
Bergler,  and  Kuster;  Bergler  was  skilled  in  ancient 
philosophy,  Kuster,  in  criticism,  and  both,  in  Greek 
literature.  By  the  influence  of  Broukhuys,  he  became 
deeply  interested  in  the  Roman  poet,  Propertius,  while 
Kuster  awakened  an  enthusiasm  for  Aristophanes. 

About  this  time  an  incident  occurred,  which  turned  the 
attention  of  Hemsterhuys  more  decidedly  to  the  study  of 
Greek  literature.  As  a  new  edition  of  Julius  Pollux  was 
soon  to  be  published  at  Amsterdam,  inquiry  was  made  for 
an  editor  who  would  supply  certain  deficiencies  in  the 
work.  Application  was  made  to  Hemsterhuys,  who,  on 
the  strong  recommendation  of  Graevius,  undertook  the 
labor,  and  supplied  a  commentary,  betraying  marks  of 
juvenility,  indeed,  but  winning  the  applause  of  the 
scholars  of  Holland.  In  a  short  time,  he  received 
letters  from  Richard  Bentley,  the  British  Aristarchus, 
commending  the  labor  bestowed  upon  Pollux,  but 
containing  emendations  on  the  passages  from  the  comic 
writers,  where  Pollux  endeavored  to  support  his  position 
by  examples.  In  correcting  these  passages,  Hemsterhuys, 
also,  had  taken  unwearied  pains,  fully  aware,  that  this 
was  the  main  point  for  inquiry.  But  when  he  had 
read  the  criticisms  of  Bentley,  he  at  once  saw,  that 
his  own  toil  had  been  thrown  away.  Excessively 
mortified,  he  resolved  to  abandon  Greek  literature 
for  ever.  For  two  months  he  did  not  touch  a  book 
in  that  language.  Subsequent  reflection,  however, 
convinced  him  of  the  injustice  of  comparing  his  juvenile 
productions  with  those  of  a  veteran  scholar,  and  he 
resumed,  with  wonted  cheerfulness,  his  Greek  studies. 
But  Bentley's  admonition  had  such  an  effect,  that  he 
determined,  before  trusting  himself  again  to  this  dangerous 


216  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

precipice,  to  compass  the  whole  circle  of  knowledge,  and, 
especially,  that  he  would  make  no  further  attempt  in 
respect  to  the  verses  of  the  comic  writers, — the  point 
where  he  had  been  criticised, — until  he  had  obtained  a 
thorough  insight  into  the  various  kinds  of  metres  employed 
by  the  writers  in  question.  As  a  guide  and  model  in 
these  investigations,  he  selected  his  great  adviser  himself, 
preferring  him  to  all  other  critics,  and  not  concealing  his 
displeasure,  if  any  one  invidiously  carped  at  the  learning 
of  a  scholar  whom  he  was  able  in  no  manner  to  rival. 

With  the  design  of  adding  to  his  stores  of  learning, 
he  studied,  with  untiring  energy,  the  ancient  writers, 
beginning  with  Homer,  the  fountain  of  genius.  Indeed, 
he  so  selected  and  disposed  of  his  various  knowledge, 
that  whatever  related  to  the  genius  of  the  two  classical 
languages,  to  history,  to  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
people,  or  to  the  wisdom  of  the  ancients,  was  put  into  a 
condition  for  ready  use. 

The  manner  which  he  pursued,  of  beginning  with  the 
earliest  writer,  and  going  on  chronologically,  he  was 
accustomed  to  recommend  with  great  earnestness  to 
others.  Proceeding  in  this  course,  we  can  determine 
more  satisfactorily,  not  only  the  age  of  particular  terms, 
but  the  significations  assigned  to  single  words  and  forms, 
an  exact  observation  of  which  is  of  great  importance  in 
all  languages.  Again,  it  is  obvious,  that  there  is  no  happy 
thought  or  expression  in  the  writers  of  antiquity, — whose 
works  we  commend  as  the  law  and  model  of  accurate 
thinking  and  writing, — which  the  ingenuity  of  later 
writers  has  not  copied  in  various  ways.  Now,  the 
felicity  of  the  imitation  cannot  be  perceived,  unless  the 
source  whence  it  is  drawn  is  known.  For  example, 
Hemsterhuys  had  become  so  familiar  with  the  profound 
reflections  and  exquisite  style  of  Thucydides,  that  he 
could  trace  Polybius,  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  Plutarch, 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN   HOLLAND.  217 

or  other  writers,  when  they  attempted  to  imitate  the  great 
historian.  It  will  thus  be  readily  seen,  that  he  was 
prepared  to  suggest  many  and  beautiful  expositions  of  the 
most  difficult  passages. 

In  ancient  times,  as  is  well  known,  mathematics  and 
the  various  branches  of  philosophy  were  included  in  a 
course  of  liberal  education.  Classical  usage,  in  this 
particular,  was  followed  by  the  restorers  of  learning  in 
the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries.  Soon  afterwards, 
however,  the  circle  of  studies  was  much  narrowed,  by  the 
exclusion  of  mathematics  and  philosophy.  The  result 
was,  that  two  parties  were  formed,  who  became  thoroughly 
inimical  to  each  other.  The  student  of  grammar,  history, 
poetry,  and  eloquence,  looked  down  with  contempt  upon 
him  who  was  plodding  with  lines  and  angles,  or  plunging 
into  the  depths  of  metaphysics.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
pursuits  of  elegant  literature  found  no  favor  with  the 
disciples  of  Euclid  and  Aristotle.  Hemsterhuys,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  had  no  sympathy  with  these  narrow 
prejudices. 

The  study  of  geometry  tends  to  withdraw  the  mind 
from  sensible  objects,  and  fix  it  upon  those  which  are 
perceived  by  reflection.  It  also  renders  the  intellect 
acute  and  discriminating.  Who  can  doubt,  but  that 
philologists,  if  disciplined  in  this  manner,  will  possess  a 
keener  perception,  than  such  as  have  never  drawn  a 
diagram  ?  Those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  writings 
or  conversation  of  Hemsterhuys,  know  how  much  benefit 
he  derived  from  geometry.  Whatever  flowed  from  his 
lips,  whatever  he  committed  to  writing,  even  in  matters 
pertaining  to  criticism,  at  once  revealed  an  intellect 
accustomed  to  the  precise  reasoning  of  exact  science. 
He  never  laid  down  his  premises  incautiously;  but,  from 
well-known  and  admitted  principles,  he  proceeded  to 
state,  in  an  orderly  manner,  the  inevitable  inferences. 
19 


218  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

There  is,  moreover,  another  branch  of  mathematics, 
with  which  it  is  discreditable  for  a  critic  not  to  be 
acquainted.  This  is  astronomy,  particularly  ancient 
astronomy,  without  a  knowledge  of  which,  neither  the 
Greek  nor  Latin  poets,  who  drew  thence  so  many  of 
their  ornaments,  can  be  fully  understood.  The  more 
thoroughly  he  endeavored  to  comprehend  this  science, 
the  less  could  he  refrain, — though  a  mild  and  charitable 
judge  of  others, — from  making  merriment  with  those 
modern  interpreters  of  the  classical  poets,  who,  when  an 
explanation  is  needed  from  ancient  astronomy,  come  to  a 
disgraceful  stand,  or  fall  into  ludicrous  mistakes. 

Hemsterhuys  was  the  more  ardent  in  his  study  of 
philosophy,  as  he  was  impelled  to  it  by  his  natural 
inclinations.  Indeed,  he  roamed  at  will  over  all  parts 
of  the  field,  now  lingering  in  the  sacred  Retreat  of 
Pythagoras,  then  in  the  Academy  of  Plato ;  at  one  time, 
in  the  Lyceum  of  Aristotle,  at  another,  in  the  Porch  of 
Zeno,  or  the  Gardens  of  Epicurus,  gazing  with  admiration 
on  many  things  which  the  vanity  of  the  present  age 
boastfully  holds  up  as  new  discoveries.  Most  students 
of  ancient  philosophy  either  take  a  sip  of  it,  or  stay  in 
the  sunnier  spots.  But  Hemsterhuys,  in  obedience  to 
the  promptings  of  genius,  investigated  metaphysics,  the 
most  difficult  branch  of  all.  Nothing  can  well  be  found 
more  abstrus  ethan  the  Parmenides  of  Plato,  where  he 
unfolds  his  doctrine  respecting  ideas.  Once  and  again, 
he  returned  to  the  study  of  this  dialogue,  not  desisting, 
till,  on  the  fourth  perusal,  he  elicited  the  hidden  sense. 
Difficulty  did  not  blunt  his  curiosity,  as  is  common ;  it 
only  stimulated  it.  Not  contented  with  the  ancient 
philosophers,  he  connected  the  study  of  Leibnitz  with 
Plato,  Locke  with  Aristotle,  and  other  modern  authors 
with  the  ancient,  so  that  one,  who  discoursed  with  him  on 
ancient  philosophy,  might  conclude,  that  his  reading  was 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  219 

confined  to  that,  but  when  modern  philosophy  was  the 
theme  of  conversation,  might  suppose,  that  he  had  read 
nothing  besides.  All  in  metaphysics,  which  is  true,  and 
which  can  be  firmly  relied  upon,  he  was  accustomed  to 
say,  may  be  found  in  the  ancient  writers.  As  he  readily 
detected  the  wire-drawn  opinions  of  modern  authors,  so 
he  pointed  out  their  empty  and  fluctuating  character,  from 
the  fact,  that  as  often  as  a  new  theorizer  springs  up,  his 
predecessor  is  ejected  from  his  chair. 

In  becoming  acquainted  with  the  various  schools  and 
doctrines  of  the  ancient  philosophers,  he  greatly  lamented 
the  hard  lot  that  had  befallen  the  history  of  philosophy. 
Though  it  supplies  copious  materials  for  the  exercise  of 
critical  sagacity,  it  had  never  yet  been  brought  to  a  severe 
critical  test.  Pillagers  had  pounced  on  the  field,  as  if  it 
were  without  owners  and  escheated.  Being  destitute  of 
talent,  and  such  bunglers  in  literature,  that  they  were  forced 
to  get  a  smattering  of  knowledge  from  faulty  translations 
of  the  ancient  philosophers,  they  made  up,  in  this  manner, 
the  stock  of  their  ideas  respecting  each  system. 

Even  general  history,  which  has  a  much  wider  range, 
appeared  to  Hemsterhuys  to  be  in  no  better  state.  The 
obscurity  which  had  been  thrown  over  the  subject, 
through  the  lapse  of  time,  the  disputes  of  writers,  and 
other  causes,  together  with  the  corruptions  which  had 
been  induced  by  party-spirit,  fraud,  and  superstition, 
were  known  and  acknowledged  by  all.  Yet  how  few 
critics  had  entered  into  this  wide  field !  How  few  had 
recognized  criticism  as  the  test  of  truth !  Joseph  Scaliger 
had  made  a  beginning  in  his  treatises  on  Chronology, 
both  works  of  imperishable  value,  yet  more  praised  than 
studied.  But  how  few  could  be  found,  who  would  share 
his  fame,  by  following  in  his  footsteps  !  On  this  account, 
Hemsterhuys  himself  took  special  pains  to  apply  the 
critical  art  to  historical  investigations,  and,  also,  to  excite 


220  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

his  pupils  to  do  the  same,  setting  before  them,  as  a 
model  to  direct  their  studies,  the  historian,  Polybius, 
the  most  severe  historical  critic  among  the  extant  ancient 
historians,  and  who  was  held  in  such  admiration  by 
Hemsterhuys,  that  he  said  he  would  give  for  a  single 
lost  book  of  his  history  a  cart-load  of  the  homilies  of  the 
fathers. 

He  applied  himself,  however,  not  merely  to  the  study  of 
the  classical  historians,  but  he  sought,  by  an  examination 
of  the  wonders  of  ancient  art,  to  sharpen  his  mind  so  as 
to  perceive  the  elegance  and  beauty  that  are  inherent  in 
them.  He  studied  nothing  more  eagerly,  or  intelligently, 
than  the  ancient  gems,  coins,  vases,  cameos,  and  statues, 
which  the  museum  of  his  relative,  James  Wild,  amply 
supplied.  Such  was  his  delicate  appreciation  of  beauty 
and  proportion,  that  he  excelled  most  scholars  in 
his  accurate  judgment  of  the  paintings,  statuary  and 
architecture  of  the  present  day.  He  often  expressed  his 
astonishment,  that  when  other  organs  of  the  body,  which 
are  inferior,  and  less  fitted  to  delight  the  mind,  are 
studiously  trained,  the  ear  being  taught  to  judge  correctly 
of  musical  sounds,  and  the  hands  and  feet  the  laws  of 
graceful  motion,  the  eye,  which  is  the  noblest  organ  of 
them  all,  is  shamefully  neglected.  This  led  him  to 
impress  on  his  pupils  the  importance  of  their  being 
skilled  in  linear-drawing,  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of 
the  arts  to  which  allusion  has  just  been  made. 

But  there  was  no  path  open  for  the  acquisition  of  this 
knowledge,  except  by  an  exquisite  acquaintance  with 
languages,  especially  with  Greek  and  Latin.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  repeat,  for  it  is  known  by  every  one,  that 
Hemsterhuys  had  attained,  by  long  and  exact  study,  a 
perfect  mastery  of  the  genius  and  laws  of  the  Greek 
language.  It  is  no  exaggeration  to  affirm,  that  he  had 
not  been  equalled  since  the  revival  of  learning.     He  far 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  221 

surpassed  Isaac  Casaubon  himself,  to  whom  the  first  rank 
had  before  been  unanimously  assigned. 

But,  in  one  of  the  marks  of  a  great  genius, — the  effecting 
of  new  discoveries, — Hemsterhuys  was  not  wanting.  We 
are  indebted  to  him  for  the  foundation  of  the  study  of  the 
Greek  language  upon  the  basis  of  analogy,  by  which 
new  light  is  shed  on  the  origin  and  meaning  of  words. 
Following  the  thread  of  analogy,  he  investigated  words 
in  their  simplest  state,  as  consisting  of  two  or  three  letters, 
together  with  the  significations,  taking  their  rise  from 
them,  and  reduced  all  the  forms  and  inflections  into  a 
systematic  order.  From  the  meaning,  as  it  lies  in  the 
root,  he  elicited  the  secondary  and  derivative  senses, 
showing,  not  only  their  relationship,  but  their  various 
divergencies,  and  exploding  the  pretended  anomalies,  by 
which  the  grammarians  had  involved  every  thing  in 
confusion,  until  he  had  so  scattered  the  darkness  which 
had  accumulated  in  the  course  of  ages,  that  no  language 
is  now  more  easy  of  acquisition  than  the  Greek,  as  there 
is  none  more  copious  in  its  words  and  forms.  The  past 
age  enjoyed  the  rare  felicity  of  seeing,  not  only  in  Greek, 
but  in  oriental  literature,  a  work  begun  and  finished, 
which  earlier  generations  rather  desired  than  expected. 
The  same  light  of  analogy,  that  Hemsterhuys  brought 
to  the  study  of  the  Greek  language,  his  fellow-student 
and  colleague,  Albert  Schultens,  carried  into  his  oriental 
researches. 

In  his  ardent  attachment  to  Greek,  Hemsterhuys  did 
not  undervalue  Latin.  He  held,  that  the  latter  is  a 
beautiful  daughter  of  a  beautiful  mother ;  that  they  are 
so  fitted  and  linked  to  each  other,  that  he,  who  tears 
them  asunder,  divides,  as  it  were,  soul  and  body.  In 
some  of  the  Latin  poets,  there  are  innumerable  graceful 
expressions,  and  witty  turns,  which  cannot  be  enjoyed  by 
him  who  is  unacquainted  with  their  Greek  origin.  He 
19* 


222  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

fully  coincided  with  the  remark  of  Muretus,  that  those, 
who  are  not  familiar  with  the  Greek  diction,  cannot  have 
a  deep  insight  into  Latin.  He  doubted  whether  the 
Roman  poets,  Horace  and  Propertius,  for  example,  who 
were  the  closest  imitators  of  the  Greek  models,  could 
be  favorites  with  those  who  are  ignorant  of  Greek.  A 
contemporary,  Justus  Lipsius,  of  Leyden,  who  was  a 
master  in  Latin,  but  only  moderately  skilled  in  Greek, 
hazarded  the  observation,  that  Greek  literature  is  an 
ornament  to  a  learned  man,  but  not  indispensable.  This 
inconsiderate  judgment,  Isaac  Casaubon,  though  a  gentle 
spirit,  most  indignantly  repelled.  Happily,  however,  an 
opinion  so  destructive  to  good  learning,  did  not  take  root. 
Joseph  Scaliger, — to  whom  the  people  of  Holland  are 
indebted  for  nearly  all  the  true  classical  improvement, 
which  had  its  origin  at  that  period, — united  the 
cultivation  of  Greek  and  Latin,  as  well  as  of  other  liberal 
arts.  The  study  of  the  two  languages  went  hand  in 
hand,  under  the  guidance  of  Grotius,  Heinsius,  father 
and  son,  John  and  James  Gronovius,  and  Graevius. 
Subsequently,  however,  the  study  of  Greek  declined, 
while  that  of  Latin  was  inordinately  cultivated.  Another 
Scaliger  was  needed,  who  should  hinder  the  Greek  muses 
from  taking  their  flight,  and  should  again  join  them  to  the 
Roman  in  the  closest  friendship.  The  author  of  their 
happy  re-union  was  Hemsterhuys.  Under  his  auspices, 
such  a  change  was  effected,  that  Athens  herself  seemed 
to  have  been  transplanted  into  Batavia,  yet  without 
occasioning  the  least  neglect  of  her  Roman  daughter. 

The  skill  of  Hemsterhuys  in  Latin  is  indicated  by  his 
style  in  writing  it,  which  was  pure,  polished,  luminous, 
fitly  framed,  and  particularly  deserving  of  praise  by  its 
propriety  and  selection  of  language.  In  one  thing  only 
was  he  deficient,  a  facility  of  expression,  which  cannot 
be   attained  without  that  long  practice  which   a  Greek 


SCHOOL    OF   PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  223 

professorship  rarely  renders  possible.  When  a  youth, 
his  style  rioted,  as  it  were,  in  a  luxuriant  field;  it  was 
chastened,  however,  by  reason  and  advancing  years. 

The  fruits  of  the  field,  which  Hemsterhuys  cultivated, 
corresponded  to  the  pains  which  he  had  expended  in 
preparing  the  soil.  His  Animadversions  on  Lucian  were 
received  with  extraordinary  favor,  the  more  so  as  the 
labors  of  Salmasius  on  the  same  author,  though  rich 
in  materials,  wanted  that  nice  selection,  that  almost 
mathematical  rigor,  which  the  pages  of  Hemsterhuys 
exhibit. 

When  he  had  laid  a  deep  and  firm  foundation,  by  the 
aid  of  genius  and  erudition,  he  proceeded  to  build  the 
superstructure  of  a  true  and  just  criticism.  First  of  all, 
he  studied  his  author  with  the  utmost  industry.  He  took 
special  pains  to  compare  the  kindred  passages  together, 
on  the  ground,  that  every  writer  knows  best  how  to 
interpret  himself,  and  that  the  critic  who  does  not  often 
read  through,  continuously,  a  work  which  he  has  in  hand, 
will  be  apt  to  fail  most  disgracefully,  when  he  comes  to 
emend  and  interpret  it.  Having  obtained  a  thorough 
insight  into  the  diction  and  sentiments  of  his  author, 
Hemsterhuys  proceeded  to  lay  down  certain  fixed  laws,  so 
that  the  scattered  parts  might  be  reduced  into  system.  In 
doing  this,  he  was  vigilant,  sharp-sighted,  and  continually 
jealous  lest  he  should  be  imposed  upon  by  some  device 
of  a  copyist  or  interpolator.  Yet  who  could  deceive  an 
understanding,  that  was  so  keen  by  nature,  and  so  wary 
by  long  practice  ?  Had  a  crafty  knave  palmed  his  own 
offspring  on  some  noble  writer,  the  critic  instantly  detected 
the  fraud  by  the  surest  marks.  Had  some  verse-maker 
covertly  foisted  his  own  productions  into  the  lines  of  one  of 
the  great  poets,  he  nailed  the  spurious  coin  to  the  counter. 
Had  a  copyist  vitiated  the  true  reading,  or  some  sciolist 
glossed  over  the  corrupt  addition,  all  the  means  of  coming 


224  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

at  the  truth  were  at  hand.  Hemsterhuys  sought  not  only 
to  lay  bare  the  foreign  admixture,  and  sift  out  the  chaff, 
but  to  supply,  by  his  rare  tact,  what  would  perfectly  befit 
both  the  sentiment  and  the  diction. 

He  endeavored  to  avoid  the  two  opposite  rocks, — 
rashness  and  credulity, — on  which  many  critics  are 
wrecked.  Some  carry  such  an  exterminating  spirit  into 
their  labors,  as  to  threaten  a  destruction  of  literary 
remains,  hardly  less  to  be  dreaded  than  that  effected  by 
the  Goths  and  Vandals.  Hemsterhuys  did  not  sanction 
the  liberties  which  Bentley  took,  in  his  edition  of 
Manilius.  On  the  other  hand,  he  was  equally  averse  to 
that  superstitious  feeling,  which  takes  a  received  text 
under  its  patronage,  however  absurd  it  may  be,  and 
resists  all  proposals  for  emendation.  There  are  those 
who  are  willing  to  admit  corrections,  which  are  supplied 
by  a  manuscript,  but  who  pertinaciously  oppose  every 
thing  which  is  suggested  by  a  critic.  Not  excelling  in 
ability  of  this  kind,  they  set  themselves  up  as  the 
defenders  of  every  passage,  in  favor  of  which  any  thing 
can  be  said  by  a  perverse  ingenuity.  To  such  obstinacy, 
Hemsterhuys  never  deferred.  No  where  is  it  more 
necessary  than  in  criticism,  to  select  the  happy  medium 
between  inveterate  prejudice  and  an  unsparing  rashness. 

Hemsterhuys  took  special  pains  to  teach  his  pupils 
the  art  of  criticism.  His  method  was  this.  He  directed 
them  to  read,  with  close  attention,  some  prominent 
paragraph  in  the  classics,  Livy's  preface  for  example, 
written  with  almost  inimitable  art,  and  then  state  to  him 
what  had  particularly  interested  them  in  the  perusal. 
After  they  had  shown  a  just  perception  of  the  meaning 
and  the  beauties  of  the  sentence,  he  pointed  out  a 
corrupted  passage,  that  had  previously  escaped  detection, 
and  directed  them  to  investigate  it.  The  obnoxious  point 
being   discovered,  which  was    sometimes   more    difficult 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  225 

than  to  supply  the  genuine  reading,  inasmuch  as  the 
faulty  addition  harmonized  tolerably  well  with  the  context, 
their  ingenuity  was  taxed  to  discover  a  fitting  remedy. 
In  order  to  aid  such  as  had  but  little  experience  in 
criticism,  he  sometimes  suggested  several  methods  of 
solving  the  difficulty.  If  any  one  hit  the  nail  on  the 
head,  he  was  sure  to  receive  the  commendation  of  his 
teacher.  If  the  solution  was  beyond  the  compass  of 
youthful  ability,  Hemsterhuys  himself  pointed  out  the 
true  reading.  In  this  way,  a  school  of  accomplished 
critics  was  formed,  of  whom  L.  C.  Valckenaer  was  an 
illustrious  member,  and  who  would  have  perpetuated  the 
critical  ability  of  their  great  pattern,  even  if  there  had 
been  no  record  of  it  in  books.  The  influence  of 
Hemsterhuys  wrought  an  entire  change  in  the  views  of 
his  colleague,  Wesseling,  a  man  of  copious  erudition, 
but  who  had  entirely  undervalued  the  critical  art. 
Hemsterhuys  convinced  him,  that  no  learning,  however 
varied  and  abundant,  could  be,  in  the  highest  sense,  true 
and  accurate,  separated  from  critical  studies. 

The  Observations  which  Hemsterhuys  wrote,  are 
characterized  by  a  certain  neat  and  happy  fulness. 
Nothing  is  strange  or  far-fetched.  Every  thing  is 
beautifully  adapted  to  its  place.  There  did  not  exist  in 
his  age,  more  perfect  specimens  of  commentary,  than 
those  which  he  published  on  Aristophanes,  Lucian, 
Xenophon  the  Ephesian,  Hesychius,  and  others. 
Notwithstanding  the  pains  with  which  he  elaborated  his 
works,  and  which  was  regarded  by  some  as  excessive,  the 
fruits  of  his  toil  are  not  scanty.  His  annotations  are 
found  on  the  margin  of  almost  every  Greek  and  Latin 
author.  The  pages  of  Aristophanes,  the  Attic  orators, 
Theocritus,  Apollonius  Rhodius,  Harpocration,  Manilius, 
and  Valerius  Flaccus,  are  full  of  emendations.     A  part  of 


226  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

these  annotations  were  afterwards  deposited  in  the  library 
of  the  university  of  Leyden. 

The  moral  and  social  character  of  Hemsterhuys  was 
not  less  worthy  of  remark,  than  his  genius  and  learning. 
He  never  sought,  in  his  writings,  to  injure  the  good  name 
of  another.  He  endeavored  to  allay  the  dissensions, 
which  sometimes  occurred  among  contemporary  scholars. 
He  was  never  forward  to  assume  the  position,  which  his 
unquestioned  merits  would  have  justified.  Even  the 
vanity  of  the  ignorant  pretender  to  knowledge,  he 
generally  passed  by  in  silence.  A  certain  individual, 
who  was  often  in  the  circles  where  he  was  present,  was 
accustomed  to  talk  very  familiarly  of  Pindar,  Sophocles, 
and  Demosthenes,  authors  whom  he  had  never  read, 
animadverting  upon  them  with  the  utmost  freedom,  and, 
as  the  Latin  proverb  has  it,  playing  the  actor  while 
Roscius  was  present.  On  one  occasion,  John  Alberti 
and  others  fastened  their  eyes  on  Hemsterhuys,  expecting 
that  he  would  rebuke  the  vanity  and  impudence  of  the 
man;  but  he  uttered  not  a  word.  "Why  should  I  not," 
he  observed,  "  let  him  indulge  his  darling  passion,  just 
as  I  do  in  the  case  of  others,  who,  with  equal  ignorance, 
make  their  boasts  from  the  pulpit,  of  acquaintance  with 
Greek  and  oriental  learning,  when  Schultens  and  myself 
are  present  ?" 

In  his  studies,  Hemsterhuys  did  not  follow  the  example 
of  some  other  scholars,  and  search  merely  for  erudition. 
He  repaired  to  these  fountains  for  true  wisdom,  for  the 
healthful  influence,  which  they  might  exert  on  his  heart 
and  life.  There  was  a  simple  beauty  in  his  discourse 
and  actions,  which  was  very  attractive.  His  words, 
though  they  might  seem,  by  their  accuracy  and  elevated 
character,  to  be  premeditated,  had  not  the  least  savor 
of  affectation.  His  conversation  was  not  destitute  of 
pleasantry  and  Attic  wit.     His  extensive  reading  supplied 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  227 

him  with  many  things  which  seasoned  and  gave  point 
to  his  observations.  Hence  his  society  was  sought  by 
eminent  men  in  civil  life. 

In  confirmation  of  his  equanimity  and  strength  of 
character,  the  following  incident  is  mentioned.  When 
he  resided  at  Franeker,  two  individuals,  belonging  to  a 
noble  family,  came  to  share  the  hospitality  of  his  house 
for  two  days.  Scarcely  were  the  happy  circle  seated, 
when  a  letter  was  handed  to  him,  communicating  the 
intelligence,  that  his  son  James,  a  youth  of  the  highest 
promise,  and  connected  with  the  navy,  had  died  in  a 
foreign  land.  He  laid  aside  the  letter,  and  successfully 
concealed  the  grief  which  was  consuming  his  spirits,  till 
his  guests  had  departed,  unwilling  to  mar  the  festivities 
of  the  visit,  by  the  outburst  of  sorrow  which  the  news 
would  occasion  to  his  family.  His  firmness  reminds 
one  of  an  incident  in  the  life  of  Xenophon,  who,  being 
informed,  in  the  midst  of  a  sacrifice,  of  the  death  of  his 
son  Gryllus,  went  through  the  solemn  service,  before  he 
gave  vent  to  his  grief. 

Hemsterhuys  was  so  simple  in  his  manners,  that 
foreigners,  who  came  to  attend  his  instructions,  could 
with  difficulty  be  persuaded  that  the  lecturer  before 
them  was  he  whose  fame  had  travelled  so  far.  To 
popularity,  in  its  common  acceptation,  he  was  wholly 
indifferent.  Like  some  others  of  the  philologists  of 
Holland,  he  was  scarcely  known  to  the  multitude  around 
him.  By  this  total  seclusion,  he  probably  erred.  In 
civil  affairs  he  never  took  any  part,  though  he  gave 
many  proofs  in  his  Lectures  on  the  History  of  Holland, 
that  he  was  among  the  last  to  be  charged  with  a  want  of 
patriotism.  In  describing  the  actions  of  the  great  men  of 
his  country,  he  appeared  more  like  Polybius  or  Tacitus, 
than  a  professor  of  literature. 


228  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

It  may  be  added,  that  Hemsterhuys  was  professor  of 
the  history  of  Holland,  at  Franeker,  from  the  time  he  left 
Amsterdam,  in  1720,  to  1738.  In  the  year  1740,  he 
went  to  Leyden,  as  professor  of  the  Greek  Language  and 
of  History,  where  he  died  on  the  7th  of  April,  1766. 
Among  his  most  important  works,  are  the  Onomasticon 
of  Julius  Pollux,  already  mentioned,  the  Select  Dialogues 
of  Lucian,  and  the  Plutus  of  Aristophanes.  From  his 
manuscripts  in  the  possession  of  the  university  of  Leyden, 
Geel,  the  librarian,  published  in  1825,  a  volume,  entitled, 
Anecdota  Hemsterhusiana. 

His  son,  Francis  Hemsterhuys,  a  philosophical  writer, 
and  an  archaeologist,  was  born  in  1720,  and  died  at  the 
Hague,  in  1790.  He  had  a  fine  classical  education,  and 
devoted  himself  particularly  to  the  philosophy  of  the 
ancients.  The  influence  of  the  Socratic  school  is  seen  in 
all  his  writings.  His  gentlemanly  character,  the  natural 
beauty  of  his  feelings,  as  well  as  his  knowledge  of  art, 
secured  to  him  the  warm  friendship  of  several  noblemen. 
His  writings  in  aesthetics  and  archaeology  are  somewhat 
numerous. 

Happily  for  the  interests  of  classical  learning,  the  effects 
of  the  labors  of  the  elder  Hemsterhuys  did  not  cease  with 
his  life.  His  grateful  pupils  made  known  his  merits 
and  developed  his  principles.  Some  of  them  became 
accomplished  scholars.  Lewis  Caspar  Valckenaer,  who 
was  born  in  1715,  and  died  in  1785,  united  great  modesty 
to  a  fundamental  and  comprehensive  acquaintance  with 
the  languages  of  antiquity  and  the  connected  subjects. 
He  studied  ancient  literature,  philosophy,  and  theology, 
at  Franeker,  where,  in  1741,  he  was  appointed  professor 
of  Greek.  He  edited,  with  valuable  commentaries, 
Theocritus,  the  Phoenissae  and  the  Hippolytus  of 
Euripides,  Callimachus,  and  the  grammarian,  Ammonius. 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  229 

His  Opuscula  were  published  in  two  volumes,  in  1808. 
His  name,  and  that  of  Euhnken,  are  still  well-known  and 
honored,  notwithstanding  the  great  advances  which  have 
been  made  in  philology  since  their  death.  Of  the  life 
and  labors  of  Ruhnken,  it  is  now  proposed  to  give  some 
account. 

David  Ruhnken  was  born  at  Stolpe,  a  village  in 
Pomerania,  January  2,  1723.  His  parents  spared  no 
expense  in  the  education  of  their  numerous  family.  His 
father  was  a  most  respectable  citizen,  and  the  principal 
magistrate  of  the  place.  David  early  manifested  such  a 
love  for  books,  that  it  was  wisely  determined  to  gratify  it. 
His  mother,  a  woman  of  piety,  and  of  great  tenderness  of 
feeling,  fondly  hoped,  that  he  would  be  attracted  to  the 
study  of  theology.  When  very  young,  he  was  placed  in 
a  school  which  was  favored  with  an  excellent  teacher,  by 
the  name  of  Kniefof.  Among  his  other  qualifications, 
he  possessed  an  accurate  knowledge  of  Latin  style,  and 
sought  to  imbue  the  minds  of  his  pupils  with  a  love  of 
that  which  with  himself  was  such  a  favorite. 

It  has  been  said,  that  no  one  can  become  eminent  in 
any  science  or  art,  unless  three  things  are  combined : 
talent,  diligent  study,  and  favorable  opportunities.  In  the 
case  of  young  Ruhnken,  all  these  were  happily  joined. 
He  possessed  the  enthusiasm,  which  is  the  unfailing 
harbinger  of  success.  At  a  tender  age,  he  began  to  lay 
a  foundation  for  the  elegant  superstructure,  which  he 
afterwards  built.  From  the  village  school,  he  went  to  a 
gymnasium  at  Konigsberg,  where  he  enjoyed  the  best 
advantages  for  pursuing  his  studies,  and  where  he  had 
Immanuel  Kant  for  a  fellow-pupil  and  an  intimate  friend. 
Kant  was,  at  that  time,  as  enthusiastic  in  his  love  of  Virgil 
and  Horace,  as  he  subsequently  was  of  metaphysical 
researches. 

20 


230  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

Having  finished  his  studies  in  the  gymnasium,  at  the  age 
of  eighteen  years,  Ruhnken  returned  home.  In  selecting 
a  university  he  was  at  no  loss.  Gottingen  was  then 
without  a  rival,  for  no  other  university  had  a  Gesner. 
His  parents  readily  consented,  supposing,  that  his  classical 
tendencies  would  lead  him  to  choose  the  sacred  profession, 
the  Greek  language  being  then  studied  at  the  German 
universities,  for  the  most  part,  only  by  theological 
students.  In  his  journey  to  Gottingen,  curiosity  led  him 
to  visit  Berlin,  and  also,  a  number  of  places  in  Saxony, 
which  were  celebrated  as  seats  of  learning.  Having 
come  to  Wittenberg,  he  called  to  see  professor  Berger, 
with  whose  works  he  was  acquainted.  Berger  received 
him  with  much  kindness,  and  introduced  him  to  his 
colleague,  professor  Ritter.  Delighted  with  their  society, 
Ruhnken  lingered  at  Wittenberg  a  number  of  days.  At 
length,  on  mature  deliberation,  he  determined  to  join  the 
university  there,  having  first  secured  the  approbation  of 
his  parents.  This  change  in  his  plan  was  not  unwise. 
Though  Gesner  had  a  far  higher  reputation  than  either 
of  the  Wittenberg  professors,  yet  his  lecture-room  was 
so  crowded,  that  he  could  devote  but  little  time  to 
individual  students.  At  Wittenberg,  Ruhnken  derived 
great  assistance  from  familiar  intercourse  with  his 
teachers.  During  two  years,  he  attended  Berger's 
lectures  on  eloquence  and  Roman  antiquities,  and 
Ritter's,  on  law  and  history.  He  published  the  fruits 
of  his  industry,  in  a  little  volume,  entitled,  De  Galla 
Placidia.  Berger  had  a  fine  collection  of  books,  also 
of  coins  and  inscriptions,  of  which  Ruhnken  had  the 
unrestricted  use.  Possessing  little  of  that  delicate  taste 
and  nice  perception  of  beauty,  which  were  so  characteristic 
of  Ruhnken,  yet  he  had  very  extensive  bibliographical 
knowledge,  from  which  his  young  friend  drew  largely. 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  231 

He,  also,  wrote  Latin  with  great  purity  and  propriety, 
though  he  knew  little  of  the  graces  of  style.  Ruhnken  paid 
some  attention,  while  at  Wittenberg,  to  logic,  mathematics, 
and  to  the  Wolfian  philosophy.  The  discipline  acquired 
by  these  pursuits,  was  no  unimportant  qualification  for 
the  study  of  ancient  philosophy,  which  he  afterwards 
pursued  so  zealously.  He  well  knew,  moreover,  that 
attention  to  the  exact  sciences  has  an  important 
influence  upon  perspicuity  and  orderly  arrangement  in 
style.  He  began  to  feel  the  need,  however,  of  more 
adequate  instruction  in  Greek  than  was  supplied  by  the 
lectures  at  Wittenberg.  He  had  often  heard  of  the  fame 
of  the  Holland  school  of  philology,  founded  by  Scaliger, 
and  now  in  its  glory  under  Hemsterhuys,  at  Leyden. 
About  this  time,  Ernesti  of  Leipsic  visited  Wittenberg, 
and  became  acquainted  with  Ruhnken.  He  was  nearly 
thirteen  years  older  than  Ruhnken,  and  had  established  a 
high  reputation,  by  his  edition  of  Cicero,  and  other  works. 
He  strongly  urged  Ruhnken  to  complete  his  philological 
studies  in  Holland,  affirming,  though  he  was  a  warm 
friend  of  Gesner,  that  Hemsterhuys  was  the  prince 
of  classical  philologists.  This  earnest  recommendation, 
seconded,  as  it  was,  by  the  advice  of  the  two  Wittenberg 
professors,  Ruhnken  determined  to  follow.  His  parents 
yielded  their  consent  with  the  greatest  reluctance,  and 
not  till  Berger  had  interposed.  He  then  proceeded  to 
Holland,  and  on  arriving  at  Leyden,  repaired  at  once  to 
the  house  of  Hemsterhuys,  and,  without  any  letter  of 
recommendation,  told  him  that  he  came  from  Wittenberg 
to  Leyden,  solely  to  enjoy  his  instructions  in  Greek. 
Hemsterhuys,  perceiving  that  he  was  no  ordinary  youth, 
welcomed  him  with  much  cordiality,  and  was  greatly 
delighted  with  his  learning,  his  elegant  Latin  diction,  as 
well  as  with  his  ingenuousness  and  modesty ;  while  the 
youthful  stranger  was  no  less  pleased  with  the  sight  of 


232  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

one,  who  had  been,  for  some  time,  his  beau-ideal  of 
excellence. 

Ruhnken  soon  won  the  esteem  of  all  with  whom  he 
came  in  contact,  by  his  open-heartedness,  by  the  sweet 
simplicity  of  his  manners,  by  an  attractive  personal 
appearance,  and  by  his  unaffected  modesty.  Though  his 
form  could  not,  perhaps,  be  pronounced  beautiful,  yet  it 
had  such  dignity  and  youthful  vigor,  there  was  so  much 
joyousness  in  his  countenance,  and  all  the  movements  of 
his  body  were  so  graceful,  that,  according  to  the  Greek 
proverb,  the  elegance  of  his  person  was  worth  more  than 
a  letter  of  recommendation.  He  was  skilled  in  those 
exercises  which  give  agility  and  strength  to  the  limbs. 
He  had,  also,  been  taught  linear-drawing  and  music. 
Such  were  his  accomplishments  in  mind  and  manners, 
that  Hemsterhuys  was  wont  to  indicate  him  to  his  pupils, 
in  no  obscure  terms,  as  a  model  of  excellence.  Parents, 
also,  sought  to  employ  him  as  a  tutor  for  their  sons, 
his  example  and  his  instructions  being  equally  salutary. 
Opportunities  of  this  kind  he  gladly  embraced,  in  order 
that  he  might  obtain  the  means  of  enjoying,  for  a  longer 
period,  the  instructions  of  Hemsterhuys.  He  was  not 
a  favorite  of  scholars  only.  His  kind  heart  so  shone 
through  his  face,  that  the  illiterate  felt  a  strong  interest 
in  him.  He  would  enter  into  conversation  with  them  as 
pleasantly  and  artlessly,  on  hunting,  and  other  subjects 
with  which  they  were  familiar,  as  he  did  on  Greek  and 
Latin  with  his  fellow-students. 

Ruhnken  brought  to  Leyden  so  high  a  reputation  for 
knowledge  of  law,  history,  antiquities,  classical  literature, 
and  kindred  subjects,  that  he  would  have  adorned  any 
chair  in  these  departments.  Still,  he  did  not  hesitate 
to  take  his  seat  with  the  other  pupils  of  Hemsterhuys, 
many  of  whom  were  mere  boys,  and  no  one  at  all  on  an 
equality  with  himself.     Determining  to  follow  the  advice 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  233 

of  Socrates,  "  to  be  learned  rather  than  to  seem  so,"  he 
laid  the  foundation  anew,  by  a  radical  study  of  the  Greek 
language.  He  fully  agreed  in  opinion  with  his  great 
teacher,  that  it  was  preposterous  to  commence  the  study 
of  the  classics  with  Latin.  He  counselled  those  who  had 
fallen  into  this  mistake,  to  recommence  their  course  with 
Greek,  and  then  proceed,  in  the  natural  order,  to  Latin. 
One  half  of  the  day  he  heard  the  lectures  of  Hemsterhuys ; 
the  other  he  devoted  to  private  study  at  home.  Beginning 
with  the  poets,  he  read  Homer  afresh,  and  with  signal 
advantage.  He  then  proceeded  in  chronological  order, 
not  neglecting  Nonnus,  Paul  the  Silentiary,  and  the  later 
Byzantine  writers,  some  traces  of  the  elegance  of  ancient 
learning  being  found  in  their  pages.  At  the  same  time, 
and  with  equal  care,  he  read  Herodotus,  Thucydides, 
Plato,  and  especially  Xenophon.  He  then  studied  the 
Latin  poets,  and  finally  Cicero,  Nepos,  and  other  prose 
writers,  whose  style  is  characterized  by  a  native  elegance, 
and  a  chaste  simplicity.  His  method  of  studying  a  Greek 
author  was  the  following.  He  first  attended  to  single 
words,  learning1  the  meaning  of  new  terms  and  those  with 
which  he  was  not  familiar,  by  means  of  etymology  and 
usage,  or  by  the  lexicons  of  Stephens,  Pollux,  Suidas, 
Hesychius,  and  others,  and  finally  fixing  upon  the  sense 
which  the  sentence  admitted  or  required.  He  then 
examined  the  composition  and  structure  of  the  entire 
passage,  and  ascertained  the  true  rendering,  in  view 
both  of  the  connection  of  the  sense  and  the  demands  of 
grammar.  The  passage  thus  investigated,  he  re-perused 
several  times,  before  he  proceeded  to  the  next.  Finally, 
he  read  the  whole  treatise,  uninterruptedly,  once  and 
again.  In  this  manner,  he  insinuated  himself,  as  it  were, 
into  the  very  spirit  and  usages  of  his  author,  as  well  as 
into  the  period  and  country  in  which  he  lived,  impressing 
on  the  memory  the  style  of  speaking,  thinking  and 
20* 


234  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

reasoning,  solving  many  things  which  before  occasioned 
difficulty,  obtaining  an  exact  perception  of  points 
previously  apprehended,  and  emending  texts  which  were 
corrupt,  since  he  could  easily  see,  in  any  doubtful 
passage,  what  sentiment  and  language  the  usage  and 
genius  of  the  writer  demanded.  Thus,  from  the 
exercise  of  grammatical  interpretation,  the  most  accurate 
emendations  of  the  text  took  their  rise,  and  the  best 
critical  habits  were  formed.  Ruhnken  spared  no  labor. 
When,  by  repeated  efforts,  he  could  not  solve  a  doubt, 
he  marked  the  passage,  and,  on  the  following  day, 
applied  himself  to  it  with  fresh  energy.  If  these 
reiterated  attempts  were  unsuccessful,  he  sought  the  aid 
of  Hemsterhuys. 

The  Holland  school  of  philologists  differed  from  the 
contemporary  German,  by  the  extent  to  which  they 
carried  the  practice  of  annotation.  Gesner  and  Ernesti, 
with  all  their  excellences,  were  not  skilful  verbal  critics. 
They  studied  the  ancient  authors  with  the  greatest 
assiduity,  but  they  failed  to  furnish  themselves  with 
that  apparatus  of  pertinent  notes,  which  are  necessary 
for  ready  proof  and  illustration.  On  the  other  hand, 
Hemsterhuys  and  his  disciples  spared  no  pains  in 
this  branch  of  classical  study.  A  passage,  worthy  of 
particular  note,  on  any  account,  was  exactly  copied,  and 
placed,  according  to  a  certain  order,  in  a  note-book, 
called  Adversaria.  The  advantages  of  this  plan,  if  it 
does  not  degenerate  into  mere  mechanical  labor,  are 
obvious.  Mutual  light  is  cast  by  a  comparison  of  similar 
passages.  The  memory  is  aided,  much  time  is  saved, 
and  a  valuable  digest  of  examples  is  prepared  against  a 
time  of  need.  It  may  be  doubted,  however,  whether  the 
Leyden  scholars  did  not  pursue  the  practice  so  far,  that  it 
became  a  burden  to  the  intellect. 


SCHOOL   OF   PHILOLOGY    IN   HOLLAND.  235 

In  1749,  Ruhnken  published  a  little  volume,  entitled, 
Epistolse  Criticae,  two  in  number,  one  respecting  Homer 
and  Hesiod,  addressed  to  Valckenaer,  and  the  other 
on  Callimachus  and  Apollonius  Rhodius,  dedicated  to 
Ernesti.  The  latter  was  then  preparing  a  new  edition  of 
Callimachus,  as  Valckenaer  was  of  Homer.  Ruhnken's 
work  was  not  confined  to  the  matters  indicated  by  its  title. 
It  embraced  remarks  on  the  Epigrams,  the  Orphic  Poems, 
on  Hesychius,  and  other  lexicographers.  It  was  written 
with  the  fulness  of  learning,  and  in  the  beautiful  Latin 
style,  which  might  have  been  expected  of  the  author.  At 
the  same  time,  he  assisted  John  Alberti  in  bringing  out 
his  edition  of  Hesychius.  He  also  accompanied  that 
theologian,  who  was  then  ill,  to  the  waters  at  Spaa,  in 
Belgium.  By  this  journey,  he  greatly  extended  the  circle 
of  his  literary  acquaintance. 

Hemsterhuys,  fearing  that  some  lucrative  offer  from 
abroad  might  induce  Ruhnken  to  leave  Holland,  was 
very  desirous  to  procure  a  professorship  for  him  in  some 
university  in  that  country.  No  place,  however,  was  vacant. 
At  Leyden,  were  Hemsterhuys,  Oudendorp,  and  Alberti ; 
at  Utrecht,  Drakenborch  and  Duker,  who  were  succeeded 
by  Wesseling  and  Saxius ;  D'Orville  was  at  Amsterdam. 
At  Franeker,  were  Valckenaer,  Burmann  the  younger,  and 
soon  after,  Schrader;  van  Lennep  was  at  Groningen.  In 
Valckenaer's  school,  Pierson  and  Koen  were  coming 
forward.  Elsewhere,  were  Hoogeveen,  Bondam,  Roever, 
Heringa,  and  Bernard.  The  most  distinguished  of  these 
scholars  were  Hemsterhuys,  Wesseling,  and  Valckenaer. 
The  fourth  place  was  unanimously  given  to  Ruhnken, 
though  but  twenty-nine  years  of  age.  On  account  of  this 
affluence  of  eminent  scholars,  he  returned,  by  the  advice 
of  Hemsterhuys,  to  the  study  of  law,  which  he  had 
commenced  under  Ritter,  at  Wittenberg.  In  1750,  he 
published  a  small   treatise  on  this  subject,  which  gave 


236  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

sufficient  proof  of  his  learned  industry.  He  then  devoted 
himself  to  the  preparation  of  a  new  edition  of  the  Platonic 
Lexicon  of  Timaeus.  This  work,  as  it  has  come  to  us,  is 
a  small  vocabulary  of  the  rarer  and  more  exquisite  words 
which  are  found  in  Plato,  grammatically  explained,  but 
not  furnished  with  any  critical  or  rhetorical  apparatus.  A 
preface  was  prefixed  by  Ruhnken,  treating  of  the  Platonic 
diction,  the  authority  of  the  text,  and  the  value  of  the 
ancient  grammarians  and  annotators  on  Plato. 

Ruhnken  had  now  been  ten  years  in  Holland.  His 
German  friends  feared,  that  he  would  never  return  to 
his  native  land.  To  the  letters  of  Ernesti  and  others, 
promising,  that  they  would  secure  him  a  professorship  in 
a  German  university,  he  replied,  that  he  did  not  wish  to 
quit  his  adopted  country ;  that  its  climate  was  agreeable ; 
that  he  had  become  strongly  attached  to  the  people, 
especially  to  his  literary  associates,  and  that  the  civil 
freedom,  which  was  enjoyed  in  Holland,  had  peculiar 
charms  for  him. 

Ruhnken  spent  the  year  1755  in  Paris,  for  the  purpose 
of  examining  the  manuscripts  in  two  of  the  public 
libraries.  Full  access  was  allowed  him  to  all  the  treasures 
which  they  contained.  He  was  even  permitted  to  carry 
manuscripts  from  the  libraries  to  his  own  lodgings.  His 
labors  were  so  extraordinary,  that  his  friends  called  him, 
laughingly,  "Hercules  Musagetes."  He  prepared  an 
account  of  many  inedited  grammarians,  scholiasts,  and 
rhetoricians,  and  collated  manuscripts  of  Homer,  Hesiod, 
Plato,  Xenophon,  Apollonius  Rhodius,  and  other  authors. 
While  in  Paris,  he  formed  an  acquaintance  with  two 
Englishmen,  who  were  eminent  classical  scholars,  the 
physician,  Samuel  Musgrave,  and  Thomas  Tyrwhitt,  a 
youth  of  elegant  learning,  and  of  independent  fortune. 

Ruhnken  had  intended  to  visit  Spain,  and  examine 
the  manuscripts  in  two  or  three  libraries,  but  the  mass 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  237 

of  notes  which  he  had  accumulated  in  Paris,  and 
which  he  wished  to  arrange,  as  well  as  the  advice  of 
Hemsterhuys,  induced  him  to  return  immediately  to 
Holland.  His  venerable  friend,  being  now  advanced  in 
life,  and  less  able  to  undergo  the  fatigues  of  teaching, 
applied  to  Ruhnken  to  assist  him.  He  complied  with  the 
request,  not  altogether  willingly,  as  he  was  aware,  that 
Valckenaer  was  expected  to  succeed  Hemsterhuys,  while 
a  short  course  of  teaching  Greek  would  not  be  specially 
connected  with  his  duties  as  professor  of  eloquence  and 
history,  should  he  succeed,  as  it  was  designed,  the  aged 
Oudendorp.  The  subject  of  his  inaugural  address  was, 
"Greece  the  mother  of  science  and  art."  His  course  of 
instruction,  as  an  assistant  to  Hemsterhuys,  included 
some  of  the  principal  Greek  authors,  and  parts  of  the 
New  Testament.  At  the  end  of  four  years,  he  was 
elected  to  the  chair  of  history  and  eloquence,  vacated  by 
the  death  of  Oudendorp.  The  elevation  of  a  foreigner  to 
this  important  post  occasioned  some  complaint,  especially 
on  the  part  of  the  younger  Burmann,  and  Schrader, 
both  of  whom  had  been  looking  with  a  wishful  eye 
to  the  Leyden  professorship.  But  the  superior  claims 
of  Ruhnken  were  well-known,  and  almost  universally 
acknowledged.  If  foreign  descent  was  an  objection,  the 
same  thing  might  have  been  urged  against  Scaliger, 
Salmasius,  Gerard  Vossius,  and  other  illustrious  scholars. 
Besides,  Ruhnken  had  now  lived  eighteen  years  in 
Holland,  and  was  strongly  attached  to  the  land  of  his 
adoption. 

He  commenced  his  labors  by  carefully  reading  all  the 
Latin  authors,  chronologically,  as  he  had  before  done 
with  the  Greek,  and  in  as  thorough  a  manner  as  if  he 
had  been  expecting  to  edit  them.  The  branches  which 
he  taught  were  general  history,  Roman  antiquities, 
and  the  interpretation  of  the  Latin  classics.     The  last 


238  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

two  were  embraced  under  the  head  of  eloquence.  He 
taught  history  by  written  lectures,  often  interspersing 
extemporaneous  illustrations,  and  imparting  much  interest 
by  his  observations  upon  the  government,  literary  progress 
and  morals  of  the  nations  that  came  under  review.  No 
one,  perhaps,  was  more  popular  in  lecturing  on  general 
history, — a  subject  most  difficult  to  treat  in  an  interesting 
manner, — than  Ruhnken,  if  we  except  Wesseling.  The 
latter  taught  his  overflowing  classes  memoriter,  walking 
among  them  with  nothing  in  his  hand,  except  a  slight 
memorandum,  containing  a  few  dates  and  proper  names. 
His  success  was  owing  as  much  to  his  manner  as  to  his 
learning.  In  Roman  antiquities,  Ruhnken  employed  notes, 
prepared  in  the  most  careful  manner,  and  comprehending 
in  respect  to  the  Roman  people  whatever  it  was  important 
to  know.  The  authors  that  were  most  frequently  read, 
were  Terence,  Suetonius,  and  parts  of  Cicero  and  Ovid. 

Hemsterhuys,  who  died  in  1766,  was  succeeded  by 
Valckenaer.  Thenceforward  Ruhnken  and  Valckenaer 
were  united  in  the  closest  intimacy.  Both  were  the 
pupils  of  the  same  master,  and  both  were  profound  Greek 
scholars.  Yet  there  were  many  points  of  dissimilarity. 
In  Hemsterhuys,  reason  was  predominant.  He  approached 
a  subject,  as  it  were,  by  calculation.  In  Valckenaer,  was 
the  rapidity  of  genius.  He  did  not  weigh ;  he  saw  by 
intuition.  He  excelled  in  powers  of  invention.  Ruhnken 
stood  midway  between  his  master  and  his  fellow-disciple. 
He  had  genius,  but  it  was  under  the  control  of  judgment. 
Valckenaer  had  a  wonderful  sagacity  in  investigating  and 
putting  in  order  the  fragments  of  poets,  scattered  and 
hidden  among  all  the  monuments  of  antiquity, — a  species 
of  criticism  in  which  Scaliger  and  Bentley  excelled.  He 
did  not  find  his  pleasure,  like  Ruhnken,  among  glosses, 
scholiasts,  grammarians,  or  inedited  manuscripts.  He 
sought  a  thorough  insight  into  the  genius  of  the  language, 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  239 

its  analogy,  origin  and  dialects.  He  was  at  home,  also, 
in  sacred  criticism  and  church  history,  having  studied 
under  Schultens  and  Venema.  Ruhnken  had  little 
knowledge  of  the  Christian  fathers,  those  excepted 
who  joined  elegance  of  taste  to  learning.  He  made 
ample  amends,  however,  by  his  acquaintance  with  the 
commentators  on  Plato,  and  Aristotle,  with  the  civilians 
and  antiquarians,  with  coins  and  inscriptions.  Either 
could  have  adorned  the  professorship  of  the  other. 
Valckenaer  had  read  all  the  Latin  writers,  but  it  was 
with  a  view  to  the  illustration  of  Greek.  Ruhnken  had 
read  both  Greek  and  Latin  for  their  own  sake.  He  had 
a  grace,  a  happy  dexterity,  which  was  not  possessed  by 
Valckenaer.  He  made  a  beautiful  arrangement  of  his 
materials.  Such  an  equal  light  is  cast  over  the  whole,  as 
greatly  to  delight  the  reader.  Valckenaer's  Latin  style, 
though  chaste  and  elegant,  did  not  possess  that  natural 
beauty,  that  simple  grace,' that  luminous  distinctness,  which 
almost  place  Ruhnken  among  the  best  of  the  Romans. 
Valckenaer,  as  Hemsterhuys  had  done,  read  a  multitude 
of  the  books  of  the  day,  Dutch  and  French.  Ruhnken 
refrained  almost  wholly,  except  from  works  which 
pertained  to  his  profession.  He  nearly  lost  the  use  of 
German.  He  employed  Dutch  and  French  for  the 
common  purposes  of  life.  All  his  care  was  expended  in 
writing  Latin,  till  he  attained  a  style  which  was  nearly 
faultless.  In  the  lecture-room,  Valckenaer  had  the 
advantage.  His  manner  reminded  one  of  what  Horace 
says  of  Pindar :  "  Fervet  immensusque  ruit  profundo 
Pindar  us  ore."  His  voice  was  deep-toned  and  sonorous ; 
his  appearance  was  grave  and  imposing ;  in  his  language 
there  was  a  happy  intermingling  of  poetical  phraseology. 
When  he  was  a  young  man,  he  had  the  gravity  of  age, 
as  was  the  case,  also,  with  Hemsterhuys  and  Ernesti. 
Ruhnken,  in  his  advanced  years,  had  the  freshness  and 


240  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

agility  of  youth.  Hence  the  common  people  thought  him 
much  less  learned  than  Valckenaer.  The  latter  was 
sometimes  melancholy.  Ruhnken  preserved  his  youthful 
feelings,  as  well  as  features,  to  old  age.  In  this  happy 
literary  companionship,  they  passed  their  lives,  till  the 
death  of  Valckenaer,  which  took  place  in  March,  1785. 

The  place  thus  vacated,  was  offered  to  Wyttenbach, 
who  was  then  at  Amsterdam,  but  was  declined.  It  was 
finally  accepted  by  I.  G.  Te  Water,  a  learned  theologian 
and  scholar,  who  is  well  known  by  his  edition  of  the 
works  of  Jabslonsky.  In  1786,  Ruhnken  published  a 
portion  of  the  Metamorphoses  of  Appuleius,  which  had 
been  edited  by  Oudendorp.  In  1788,  three  valuable 
works  appeared  from  his  pen,  a  new  edition  of  Timaeus, 
and  of  the  Eulogy  on  Hemsterhuys,  and  the  works  of 
Muretus.  The  Timaeus  was  greatly  enlarged  and 
thoroughly  corrected.  The  elegant  Latin  diction  of  the 
Eulogy  was  still  further  polished.  In  1792,  he  assisted  in 
preparing  for  schools  the  Latin  Lexicon  of  Scheller,  with 
a  preface,  which  has  received  the  highest  commendation 
of  scholars.  During  the  two  following  years,  he  was 
much  afflicted  by  personal  infirmity,  and  by  the  death  of 
two  individuals  of  the  fairest  promise.  These  were  the 
younger  Schultens,  the  grandson  of  Albert  Schultens, 
and  Nieuwland.  Schultens  was  appointed  professor  at 
Amsterdam  when  he  was  only  twenty-four  years  of  age. 
He  then  succeeded  his  father  at  Leyden.  He  had  studied 
under  Valckenaer  and  Ruhnken,  and  fully  answered  the 
high  hopes  which  they  had  formed  of  him.  Nieuwland 
was  the  son  of  a  poor  man  in  the  vicinity  of  Amsterdam, 
and  was  marked,  even  in  infancy,  by  an  extraordinary 
precocity  of  talent.  His  memory  was  so  retentive,  that 
he  often  said  he  found  more  difficulty  in  forgetting, 
than  in  remembering,  what  he  had  once  heard  or  read. 
According  to  the  statement  of  Wyttenbach,  he  was  alike 


SCHOOL   OF   PHILOLOGY   IN   HOLLAND.  241 

at  home  in  mathematics  and  poetry.  He  was  lecturer  on 
mathematics  at  Amsterdam  three  years,  and  professor  of 
mathematics  and  physics  at  Leyden  one  year.  The 
simplicity  and  modesty  of  childhood  he  retained  till  his 
death,  which  happened  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age. 

In  1795,  Ruhnken  was  highly  gratified  by  the  receipt 
of  Wolf's  Homer  from  the  editor  himself.  This  was 
doubly  pleasing,  as  it  was  also  dedicated  to  him.  By  this 
unexpected  gift,  he  was  led  to  collect  the  notes  which 
he  had  written  on  Homer  at  various  times.  Such 
testimonies  of  affection  and  respect  from  the  most  eminent 
foreign  scholars  alleviated  the  cares  of  advancing  age, 
and  drew  off  his  thoughts  from  the  horrors  of  that  stormy 
period. 

During  the  last  years  of  his  life,  though  his  bodily 
infirmities  were  constantly  increasing,  yet  his  mind 
continued  serene  and  undisturbed.     He  would  often  say, 

"  Vitae  summa  brevis  spem  nos  vetat  inchoare  longam  j" 

yet  adding,  in  reference   to  a  projected  work  on   Plato > 
"Extremum  hunc;  Arethusa,  mihi  concede  laborem." 

He  died  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  May,  1798.  Among 
the  works  which  he  published,  in  addition  to  those 
already  mentioned,  were  Rutilius  Lupus,  on  Metaphorical 
Language, — a  new  edition  of  which  was  published  at 
Leipsic  in  1831, — a  treatise  particularly  important  for 
the  students  of  Greek  and  Roman  literature ;  the  works 
of  Velleius  Paterculus,  in  two  volumes ;  and  his  own 
Opuscula,  a  second  edition  of  which,  in  two  volumes,  was 
published  by  Bergman,  in  Leyden,  in  1823.  The  letters  of 
Ruhnken,  Valckenaer,  and  others,  to  Ernesti;  the  letters  of 
Ruhnken  to  Valckenaer,  and  of  Valckenaer  to  Ruhnken ; 
and  Ruhnken's  miscellaneous  letters,  have  been  published 
since  his  death. 
21 


242  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

The  biographer  of  Ruhnken,  in  summing  up  his 
character,  compares  him  to  the  Theaetetus  of  Plato, 
calm,  gentle,  equable,  unwavering  in  his  purpose,  like  a 
perennial  stream,  not  disappearing  in  the  time  of  drought, 
not  breaking  over  its  banks  in  the  storms  of  winter.  Of 
the  two  English  critics,  Markland  and  Toup,  the  former 
was  distinguished  for  reason,  the  latter,  for  genius. 
Ruhnken  was  eminent  in  both  these  respects,  guiding  his 
genius  by  reason,  strengthening  his  reason  by  genius. 
The  learning  of  Ernesti,  though  splendid,  partook  rather 
of  the  nature  of  reason  than  of  genius,  was  expended 
more  in  the  exercise  of  judgment  than  of  invention.  His 
emendations  of  a  corrupt  text  were  numerous  and  acute ; 
but  they  were  not  original.  But  in  forming  a  judgment 
of  the  conjectures  of  others,  in  estimating  the  character 
of  writers  and  editors,  his  sound  mind  appeared  to  the 
highest  advantage.  On  the  other  hand,  Ruhnken  was 
equally  at  home  in  both  departments  of  criticism.  He 
was  keen  and  happy  in  his  conjectural  emendations,  clear 
and  convincing  in  the  opinions  which  he  expressed  of  the 
labors  of  others. 

In  erudition,  Ruhnken  has  rarely  been  excelled. 
By  confining  his  attention  wholly  to  the  two  classical 
languages,  he  became  a  master  of  almost  every  thing 
which  they  contain.  There  was  no  Greek  or  Latin  poet, 
philosopher,  historian,  orator,  rhetorician,  grammarian, 
lexicographer,  scholiast,  commentator  on  Plato  or  Aristotle, 
no  author  of  any  kind,  edited  or  inedited,  in  a  word,  there 
was  no  monument  of  ancient  classical  learning,  which 
was  not  known,  marked,  copied  or  referred  to  in  his 
note-books. 

The  perfection  of  Ruhnken's  Latin  style  has  been  before 
mentioned.  This  subject  he  had  studied  with  the  utmost 
diligence.  In  his  general  reading,  he  carefully  marked 
every  thing  which  deviated  from  the  taste  of  the  Augustan 


SCHOOL   OF   PHILOLOGY   IN   HOLLAND.  243 

age.  In  the  selection  of  words  and  phrases,  he  disliked 
to  come  down  even  to  the  time  of  Seneca.  He  followed 
no  single  model  in  his  style,  but  endeavored  to  combine 
the  gravity,  force,  copiousness  and  majesty  of  Cicero, 
with  the  gentleness,  ease,  native  and  simple  grace  of 
Nepos. 

The  literary  correspondence  of  Ruhnken  was  extensive. 
The  kindness  of  his  heart  was  exhibited  in  a  thousand 
cases  by  his  replies  to  the  inquiries  of  those  who  were 
total  strangers,  by  giving  personal  counsels  to  all  who 
applied,  and  by  the  donation  of  notes  and  papers, 
which  he  had  prepared  with  much  labor,  to  those  who 
were  publishing  classical  works.  Among  his  foreign 
correspondents  were  Gesner,  Ernesti,  Heyne,  Heusinger, 
Musgrave,  Toup,  Villoison,  Hottinger,  Schweighauser, 
Brunck,  Matthiae,  Voss,  De  Rossi,  Burgess,  Porson, 
Wolf  and  Spalding. 

Among  the  moral  qualities  of  Ruhnken  was  frankness. 
He  spoke  out  what  he  thought.  He  was  so  entirely  free 
from  vanity,  that  he  appeared  less  learned  than  many 
others,  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  had  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  his  own  capacities  and  acquirements.  In  a 
conversation  with  his  friends,  allusion  was  made  to  the 
great  merits  of  Villoison.  "  True,"  replied  Ruhnken, 
"Villoison  is  an  accomplished  young  man,  but  he  ought 
to  have  come  here,  and  attended  the  instructions  of  myself 
and  Valckenaer."  This  remark  appeared  to  savor  of  pride, 
yet  it  was  nothing  but  the  candid  expression  of  his  own 
consciousness.  It  reminds  one  of  the  saying  of  Chrysippus, 
the  Stoic,  who,  being  asked  by  a  friend,  to  whom  he  should 
entrust  the  education  of  his  son,  replied,  "  To  me,  for  if  I 
knew  any  one  better  than  I  am,  I  would  place  myself 
under  his  care." 

Ruhnken's  character  was  remarkably  consistent.  His 
gentle   feelings   shone   out   on   all  occasions.     In  social 


244  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

intercourse,  no  one  could  be  more  affable  and  urbane  than 
James  Gronovius ;  but  when  he  took  up  his  pen,  there 
was  a  total  transformation ;  like  Milton's  Moloch,  "  his 
sentence  was  for  open  war."  So  of  professor  Schrader. 
In  the  intercourse  of  daily  life,  he  was  modest  to  an 
extreme ;  but  in  emending  a  book,  none  could  wrangle 
better  than  he.  He  would  collect  the  mistakes  of 
distinguished  scholars,  even  on  the  quantity  of  syllables, 
and  show  them  off  in  triumph.  Ruhnken  did  not  think 
it  right  to  pass  in  silence  the  errors  of  great  men ;  he 
would  rather  correct  them,  on  account  of  the  greater 
injury  that  would  ensue,  through  the  celebrity  of  their 
authors.  Still,  he  grieved  at  the  necessity.  He  did 
not  divest  himself  of  the  feelings  of  a  brother,  when  he 
assumed  the  critical  office.  He  never  exulted  in  detecting 
a  mistake,  as  if  he  were  to  acquire  laurels  in  such  an 
insignificant  business. 

Yet,  though  Ruhnken  was  mild  in  his  manners, 
possibly  to  a  fault,  he  could  ill  hear  the  vanity  and 
pedantic  affectation,  which  he  was  sometimes  compelled 
to  encounter.  On  one  occasion,  he  received  a  visit  from 
a  Swede,  a  man  of  learning,  but  excessively  troublesome, 
whose  unseasonable  calls  reminded  the  Leyden  professors 
of  an  irruption  of  the  old  northern  barbarians.  Ruhnken, 
while  showing  him  the  library,  opened  a  case,  which 
contained  the  manuscripts  of  Joseph  Scaliger.  "  Hie  est  ille 
vir  expectans  judicium"  exclaimed  the  Swede,  alluding 
to  the  inscription  on  Scaliger's  tomb.  At  the  same  time, 
he  stoutly  argued,  that  Scaliger  was  no  critic.  "  Begone 
with  your  stupidity,"  thundered  Ruhnken  suddenly  in 
his  ears,  at  the  same  moment  pushing  in  the  lid  of  the 
case  of  manuscripts.  The  northman  fled  in  terror.  On 
another  occasion,  a  German  professor,  who  was  inflated 
with  self-esteem,  asked  Ruhnken  to  show  him  the  library, 
at  the  same  time  telling  him  of  some  very  learned  Germans, 


SCHOOL   OF   PHILOLOGY   IN    HOLLAND.  245 

who  had  written  books  full  of  erudition  in  their  vernacular 
language.  "  I  wish,"  said  Ruhnken,  "  that  they  had 
written  in  Latin,  as  Gesner,  Ernesti,  and  Heyne  did,  so 
that  they  might  be  more  read  by  foreigners."  "Are  you, 
then,  my  good  sir,"  rejoined  the  stranger,  "  still  involved 
in  the  error  of  supposing,  that  there  will  be  any  more 
writing  of  Latin  in  this  age  ?"  Ruhnken,  indignant  at 
his  self-complacency,  added,  "  Good-by,  Mr.  Professor, 
seek  some  other  library,  where  you  may  find  German 
books." 

Ruhnken  was  married,  when  he  was  forty-one  years 
old,  to  Mariamne,  the  youngest  daughter  of  Gerard 
Heirmans,  who  had  been  a  merchant  in  Amsterdam,  and 
a  consul  in  Italy.  She  was  a  young  lady  of  rare  mental, 
as  well  as  of  personal  accomplishments.  The  severe 
afflictions  which  befell  her,  and  her  youngest  daughter, 
are  mentioned  in  the  correspondence  of  Wyttenbach,  in 
another  part  of  this  volume.  Ruhnken  bore  these  sad 
visitations  with  much  patience  and  equanimity,  though 
when  they  first  occurred,  he  was  nearly  overwhelmed, 
and  was  obliged,  on  several  occasions,  to  leave  his 
lecture-room  in  a  paroxysm  of  grief.  His  affections 
were  of  the  gentlest  kind,  and  remarkably  fitted  to  the 
happy  scenes  of  domestic  life.  The  virtues  and  faithful 
attentions  of  his  eldest  daughter  contributed  much  to 
encourage  his  desponding  heart. 

In  concluding  these  notices  of  Ruhnken's  life,  it  may 
be  added,  that  reliance  has  not  been  placed  simply  on 
the  testimony  of  his  affectionate  biographer  and  pupil, 
Wyttenbach.  In  relation  to  his  rare  classical  learning,  as 
well  as  to  the  better  virtues  of  his  heart,  there  is  but  one 
voice.  In  Germany,  and  almost  at  the  distance  of  half  a 
century  from  his  death,  his  name  is  mentioned  only  with 
respect  and  admiration. 
21* 


246  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

The  friend  and  biographer  of  Ruhnken,  and  one  of  the 
most  celebrated  philologists  of  Holland,  was  Daniel 
Wyttenbach.  He  caught  the  falling  mantle  of  his 
master,  and  carried  to  the  study  of  antiquity  the  same 
intelligence  and  the  same  irrepressible  enthusiasm.  His 
lectures  and  his  writings  have  shed  an  enduring  lustre 
upon  the  university  where  he  taught,  and  upon  his 
adopted  country.  He  was  born  at  Berne,  in  Switzerland, 
August  7,  1746.  One  of  his  ancestors  was  a  teacher  of 
the  reformers,  Zuingle  and  Leo  Judas.  His  father  was 
professor  of  theology,  first  at  Berne,  and  afterwards  at 
Marburg.  His  early  education  appears  to  have  been 
conducted,  almost  exclusively,  under  the  paternal  roof. 
He  was  ten  years  of  age  when  his  father  removed  to 
Marburg.  At  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  was  admitted  to  the 
university  of  that  place,  where  he  spent  the  four  following 
years.  But  his  peculiar  genius  was  not  yet  developed. 
The  course  of  studies  was  very  extensive,  and  ill-fitted  to 
a  youth  of  the  peculiar  susceptibilities  of  Wyttenbach. 
The  professors,  though  estimable  men,  were  not  Gesners 
nor  Heynes.  Their  instructions  appear  to  have  been 
communicated  in  a  rigid  and  formal  manner,  and  breathed 
little  of  the  spirit  of  genuine  scholarship.  The  elder 
Wyttenbach  was  a  man  of  excellent  character,  but 
somewhat  stern,  and  without  a  particle  of  that  genius 
which  glowed  in  the  bosom  of  his  son.  In  the  treatment 
of  the  religious  feelings  of  that  son,  he  showed  but  little 
judgment  or  humanity.  No  wonder  the  youth  sighed  for 
deliverance.  His  history  at  this  period  is  thus  described, 
in  the  course  of  some  directions,  which  he  subsequently 
addressed  to  his  pupils. 

"  When  I  was  in  my  eighteenth  year,  I  had  learned 
about  as  much  Greek,  as  you  have  generally  acquired 
after  being  with  me  four  months.     I  had  attended  the 


SCHOOL   OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  247 

lectures  of  the  professors,  both  in  literature  and  in  the 
severer  sciences,  with  no  great  advantage.  I  appeared  to 
others  to  have  made  progress,  but  not  to  myself.  I  was 
weary  of  the  toil.  I  wanted  space  to  soar  higher.  I 
returned  to  my  studies,  and  began  to  review  them 
privately.  Though  I  had  advanced  somewhat  further 
than  I  had  gone  when  attending  the  lectures  of  the 
professors,  yet  it  was  in  a  manner  which  did  not  at  all 
correspond  to  my  expectations,  and  I  gave  it  up  in 
disgust.  I  proceeded  from  one  study  to  another  in  the 
course,  yet  all  were  wearisome  and  repulsive ;  and  yet, 
like  one  whose  appetite  is  disordered,  I  was  continually 
seeking  for  some  intellectual  food.  I  remembered  the 
pleasure  which  I  had  enjoyed,  when  a  boy,  in  the  study 
of  Greek.  I  searched  for  the  books  which  I  had  formerly 
read.  I  took  out  of  a  corner  Plutarch's  treatise  on  the 
Education  of  Boys,  and  read  it  once  and  again,  with 
much  effort,  but  little  pleasure.  Then  I  went  over  with 
Herodian,  which  afforded  me  a  little  more  enjoyment,  but 
was  far  from  satisfying  my  mind.  I  accidentally  found, 
elsewhere,  Xenophon's  Memorabilia,  Ernesti's  edition, 
which  I  had  before  known  only  by  name.  I  was 
captivated  with  the  indescribable  sweetness  of  that  author. 
The  grounds  of  it  I  better  understood  afterwards.  In 
studying  this  treatise,  I  made  it  a  point  never  to  begin  a 
section  without  re-perusing  the  preceding ;  nor  a  chapter 
or  book,  without  studying  the  preceding  chapter  and  book 
a  second  time.  Having,  at  length,  completed  the  work  in 
this  manner,  I  again  read  the  whole  in  course.  It 
occupied  me  almost  three  months ;  but  such  unceasing 
repetition  was  most  serviceable  to  me." 

By  the  help  of  Ernesti's  notes,  Wyttenbach  acquired 
some  skill  in  criticism,  as  well  as  bibliographical 
knowledge.  He  then  determined  to  read  the  Greek 
authors  in  chronological  order,  and  thus  lay  a  foundation 


248  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

for  the  superstructure  which  he  was  intending  to  build  by- 
means  of  other  branches  of  learning. 

"  I  began  upon  Homer.  When  a  boy,  I  had  studied 
about  a  hundred  lines  of  the  first  book  of  the  Iliad.  This 
book  I  finished  in  two  months,  reviewing  it  in  the  same 
manner  that  I  had  the  Memorabilia.  I  continued  the 
study  of  Homer  more  as  a  task  than  as  a  pleasure.  I  did 
not  yet  recognize  that  divine  genius.  Many  other  youth, 
as  I  happen  to  know,  have  had  the  same  experience.  In 
consequence,  I  read  Xenophon  in  connection  with  Homer, 
devoting  the  greater  part  of  my  time  to  his  works.  They 
were  so  easy  to  be  understood,  that  I,  as  it  were,  devoured 
them.  I  was  rarely  compelled  to  use  a  lexicon,  for  nearly 
every  thing  was  intelligible  from  the  context.  I  made  use 
of  a  Latin  version,  which  was  advantageous  to  one  of 
my  age,  but  is  never  so  in  schools.  All  the  works  of 
Xenophon,  the  Memorabilia  excepted,  I  read  four  times 
in  four  months.  I  now  thought  that  I  could  read  any 
author  with  equal  ease.  I  took  up  Demosthenes.  I  had 
a  copy  without  a  Latin  translation,  but  accompanied  by 
the  Greek  notes  of  Jerome  Wolf.  Darkness  itself!  But 
I  had  learned  not  to  be  frightened  in  setting  out.  I  went 
on.  I  found  greater  difficulties  than  I  had  ever  had 
before,  both  in  the  words,  and  in  the  length  of  the 
sentences.  At  last,  with  much  ado,  I  reached  the  end 
of  the  first  Olynthiac.  I  then  read  it  a  second  and  a  third 
time.  Every  thing  now  appeared  plain  and  clear.  Still, 
I  did  not  yet  perceive  the  fire  of  eloquence  for  which  he 
is  distinguished.  I  hesitated  whether  to  proceed  to  the 
second  oration,  or  again  read  the  first.  I  resolved  to  do 
the  latter.  How  salutary  are  the  effects  of  such  a  review! 
As  I  read,  an  altogether  new  and  unknown  feeling  took 
possession  of  me.  In  perusing  other  authors,  my  pleasure 
had  arisen  from  a  perception  of  the  thoughts  and  words, 
or  from  a  consciousness  of  my  own  progress.     Now,  an 


SCHOOL   OF    PHILOLOGY   IN    HOLLAND.  249 

extraordinary  feeling-  pervaded  my  mind,  and  increased 
with  every  fresh  perusal.  I  saw  the  orator  on  fire,  in 
anguish,  impetuously  borne  forward.  I  was  inflamed 
also,  and  carried  on  upon  the  same  tide.  I  was  conscious 
of  a  new  elevation  of  soul,  and  was  no  longer  the  same 
individual.  I  seemed  myself  to  be  Demosthenes,  standing 
on  the  bema,  pouring  forth  this  oration,  and  urging  the 
Athenians  to  emulate  the  bravery  and  glory  of  their 
ancestors.  Neither  did  I  read  silently,  as  I  had  begun, 
but  with  a  loud  voice,  to  which  I  was  secretly  impelled 
by  the  force  and  fervor  of  the  sentiments,  as  well  as 
by  the  power  of  oratorical  rhythm.  In  this  manner,  I 
read,  in  the  course  of  three  months,  most  of  the  orations  of 
Demosthenes.  My  ability  to  understand  an  author  being 
thus  increased,  I  took  more  delight  in  Homer,  whom  I 
soon  finished.  Afterwards,  I  studied  other  great  authors, 
with  far  more  profit." 

Having  completed  the  study  of  Demosthenes,Wyttenbach 
next  repaired  to  Plato,  not  only  reading  the  dialogues,  but 
writing  annotations  upon  them,  as  if  he  were  intending  to 
lecture  upon  the  subject.  As  he  strolled  along  the  shady 
walks  of  Marburg,  he  was  accustomed  to  carry,  in  his 
pocket,  leaves  of  Plato's  works,  as  his  father,  when  he 
wandered  in  his  youth,  among  the  Alps,  had  taken  scraps 
of  Xenophon.  From  his  friend,  Hassencamp,  he  procured 
Ruhnken's  Timaeus.  "  Then  I  began  to  know,"  he 
writes,  "  that  the  study  of  Plato  is  not  only  useful  in 
itself,  through  the  influence  which  it  exerts  on  the 
manners,  the  intellect,  the  moral  character,  the  style 
of  writing, — also,  by  its  promoting  an  elegant  delivery, 
and  a  thorough  acquaintance  with  Greek  literature  and 
philosophy, — but  that  it  is  far  more  useful,  from  the  fact, 
that  it  enables  all  scholars,  who  have  lived  subsequently, 
to  understand  the  Greek  and  Roman  authors  correctly, 
the  effects  of  the  study  of  Plato  being  diffused  through 


250  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

them  all,  and  even  through  the  whole  circle  of  ancient 
knowledge." 

Having  completed  the  study  of  Plato,  Wyttenhach 
commenced  reading,  in  chronological  order,  the  other 
principal  Greek  authors,  both  in  prose  and  verse.  He 
made  it,  however,  his  main  object,  to  obtain  a  favorable 
introduction  to  Ruhnken,  who  was  now  constantly  in  his 
thoughts.  Accordingly,  he  commenced  the  study  of 
Julian,  Plutarch,  and  other  philosophers  and  rhetoricians 
of  that  age,  with  the  design  of  emending  them,  by  the 
aid  of  earlier  writers,  particularly  of  Plato,  after  the 
example  of  Ruhnken  in  his  annotations  on  Timaeus. 

In  August,  1768,  Wyttenbach  went  to  Gottingen,  in 
order  to  enjoy  the  instructions  and  counsels  of  Heyne, 
and  the  literary  helps  which  were  so  abundant  in  that 
university.  In  1769,  he  published,  as  the  first  fruits  of  his 
studies,  a  "  Critical  Epistle  to  David  Ruhnken,  on  some 
passages  in  the  Works  of  the  emperor  Julian,  together  with 
Annotations  on  Eunapius  and  Aristaenetus."  Ruhnken 
returned  the  following  answer  :  "  I  have  read  your  Tract, 
and  it  far  surpasses  the  expectation  which  Heyne  had 
created  respecting  it.  For,  as  I  may  truly  say,  I  hardly 
thought  that  there  was  any  one  in  Germany  who  had 
made  so  much  proficiency  in  studies  of  this  nature,  and 
had  united  such  knowledge  of  Greek  with  true  critical 
ability.  I  admire  the  light  of  your  intellect,  which  shines 
out  in  so  many  fine  conjectures,  but  much  more  the 
accurate  judgment,  especially  in  one  of  your  age.  From 
these  not  deceptive  omens,  I  predict,  that  if  you  hold  on 
in  the  same  course,  you  will  become,  at  length,  a  great 
ornament  and  defence  of  our  literature.  You  only  seem 
to  have  a  too  humble  opinion  of  your  own  ability  in  this 
branch  of  letters.  But  remember  what  Quintilian  said 
in  a  similar  case,  '  He  has  made  much  proficiency  in 
Greek,  with  whom  Plato  is  a  favorite.' " 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  251 

Wyttenbach  now  naturally  turned  his  attention  to  the 
philologists  of  Holland,  and  examined  with  admiration 
some  of  their  principal  works.  By  the  advice  of 
Heyne,  he  read,  with  diligence  and  deep  interest,  the 
promiennt  Latin  writers,  having  formed  as  yet  but 
a  slight  acquaintance  with  them.  Proceeding  with 
Cicero,  he  read  in  order  the  poets  and  historians, 
recognizing  traces  every  where,  as  he  remarked,  of 
Greek  subjects,  sentiments,  and  idioms,  transplanted  to  a 
foreign  soil. 

About  the  same  time,  by  the  advice  of  Heyne,  he  began 
a  correspondence  with  Ruhnken  and  Valckenaer.  This 
awakened  in  him  a  strong  desire  to  visit  Holland,  which 
he  was  soon  able  to  gratify.  With  the  consent  of  his 
father,  and  the  strong  recommendation  of  Heyne,  he 
accordingly  proceeded  to  Leyden  in  1770.  He  thus 
speaks  of  his  impressions,  on  being  introduced  to  Ruhnken 
and  Valckenaer.  "  It  would  be  difficult  to  describe  my 
emotions  on  seeing  those  whom  I  had  almost  worshipped; 
but  still  more  difficult  to  describe  my  admiration,  when  I 
beheld  such  eminent  qualities,  as  they  possessed,  united 
to  so  much  humanity.  I  had  been  acquainted  with 
professors  elsewhere,  who  affected  an  air  of  gravity  and 
of  profound  wisdom,  when  in  the  presence  of  their  pupils 
and  of  the  less  educated,  and  often  when  they  were  with 
men  of  equal  or  greater  learning.  These  I  could  never 
endure.  Yet,  it  had  occurred  to  me,  that  if  such  a  style 
of  manners  is  ever  tolerable,  it  seemed  to  me,  that  I  could 
put  up  with  it  only  in  the  two  Leyden  scholars.  To 
them  I  will  concede  it.  Should  they  assume  a  haughty 
bearing,  their  merits  will  be  an  apology.  But  there  was 
nothing  of  the  kind  in  their  deportment.  There  was  not 
a  particle  of  superciliousness  or  pretension.  Every  thing 
was  sincere,  simple,  and  modest,  and  in  accordance  with 
those  terms  of  gentlemanly  equality,  of  which  no  one  is 


252  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

ignorant,  and  to  which  no  one  would  refuse  to  conform, 
who  seeks,  in  the  writings  of  the  ancients,  the  genuine 
fruits  of  wisdom.  I  spent  a  year  in  Leyden,  attending 
the  exercises  of  Ruhnken  and  Valckenaer,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  preparing  an  edition  of  the  treatise  of  Plutarch, 
on  the  Delay  of  Divine  Justice.  I  also  studied  the 
classical  authors,  that  I  had  not  already  perused,  and 
collated  some  manuscripts  which  I  found  in  the  library. 
Meanwhile,  the  Society  of  Remonstrants  sought  an 
individual  to  take  the  chair  of  literature  and  philosophy 
in  their  celebrated  school  at  Amsterdam.  Through  the 
influence  of  Ruhnken  and  Valckenaer,  it  was  offered  to 
me,  and  by  their  advice  I  accepted  it." 

Wyttenbach  entered  on  his  duties  in  Amsterdam  in 
November,  1771.  He  remained  in  that  city  twenty-eight 
years,  the  first  eight  in  the  school  of  the  Remonstrants 
or  Arminians,  and  the  remainder  as  professor  in  the 
Athenaeum,  which  appears  to  have  been  a  university  in 
all  but  the  name.  In  teaching  logic  and  metaphysics, 
he  made  much  use  of  Greek  writers  on  the  subject. 
In  company  with  de  Bosch  and  Temminck,  he  read 
Sophocles,  Euripides,  and  Aristophanes.  In  his  private 
studies,  he  included  authors  in  both  the  classical  languages, 
besides  a  daily  exercise  in  writing  Latin.  He  also  made 
ample  preparations  for  an  edition  of  Plutarch's  Morals. 
In  a  short  time,  he  became  strongly  attached  to  his  new 
residence.  His  social  feelings  were  gratified  in  the 
company  of  such  men  as  van  Lennep,  Cras,  and  de 
Bosch,  and  in  the  correspondence  and  occasional  visits  of 
Ruhnken.  The  citizens  of  Amsterdam,  likewise,  treated 
him  with  marked  attention,  viewing  the  residence  of  so 
eminent  a  scholar  among  them  as  an  honor  to  the  city. 
His  relations  to  the  overseers  of  the  Athenaeum  were  of 
the  most  honorable  kind.  A  professorship  of  philosophy 
was  established  solely  on  his  account.     When  he  declined 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN   HOLLAND.  253 

a  call  to  a  foreign  university,  a  liberal  addition  was  made 
to  his  salary. 

In  1775,  Wyttenbach  went  to  Paris,  where  he  remained 
six  months,  examining  manuscripts  in  the  royal  library. 
Among  his  other  labors,  he  collated  twelve  manuscripts  of 
Plutarch.  He  formed  an  acquaintance  with  D'Alembert, 
Sainte  Croix,  Villoison,  and  other  eminent  scholars. 
After  recovering  from  an  illness,  which  had  nearly  proved 
fatal,  he  returned  to  Amsterdam,  and  resumed  his  duties 
with  fresh  zeal.  The  critical  materials  on  Plutarch, 
which  he  had  collected  at  Paris,  he  reduced  to  order. 
He  then  carefully  reviewed  the  whole  ground,  including 
the  books  which  he  had  formerly  read,  and  his  own 
annotations.  In  1777,  the  first  two  parts  of  his  Bibliotheca 
Critica  appeared.  The  work  was  published  in  numbers, 
and  finally  reached  three  volumes,  the  last  of  which  was 
printed  in  1809.  It  included  essays,  criticisms,  notices  of 
books,  etc.,  and  somewhat  resembled  the  modern  reviews. 
He  took  a  particular  interest  in  a  course  of  lectures,  which 
he  delivered  on  the  history  of  philosophy,  comprehending, 
under  six  divisions,  the  long  period  from  the  rise  of 
Grecian  philosophy,  in  the  time  of  Thales,  to  the  death 
of  Christian  Wolff.  In  1777,  and  1782,  he  obtained  two 
prizes  for  essays  on  the  questions,  Can  the  unity  of  God 
be  demonstrated  by  reason,  and  if  so,  by  what  arguments  ? 
and,  What  were  the  opinions  of  the  ancient  philosophers, 
from  Thales  to  Seneca,  on  the  state  of  the  soul  after 
death  ? 

In  1788,  Wyttenbach  received  a  visit  from  Thomas 
Burgess,  an  eminent  English  scholar,  afterwards  bishop 
of  Salisbury,  on  behalf  of  the  delegates  of  the  Oxford 
press,  who  wished  to  print  an  edition  of  Plutarch,  under 
the  superintendence  of  Wyttenbach.  They  were  led  to 
make  this  proposal,  by  the  ability  with  which  he  had 
edited  the  tract  of  Plutarch,  that  has  been  already 
22 


254  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

mentioned.  The  Oxford  scholars  also  wished  to  retrieve 
the  character  of  their  press  from  the  injury  which  it  had 
suffered  by  the  publication  of  some  incorrect  editions  of 
the  classics,  particularly  an  edition  of  Euripides,  printed 
after  the  death  of  Musgrave,  its  editor.  An  arrangement 
was,  accordingly,  entered  into  by  Wyttenbach  for  the 
publication  of  Plutarch's  Morals.  It  appeared  at  Oxford, 
between  the  years  1795  and  1800,  in  two  forms,  quarto 
and  octavo,  the  latter  in  six  volumes.  Two  volumes 
of  Annotations,  in  quarto,  were  published  between  1810 
and  1820.  This  may  be  regarded  as  Wyttenbach's  great 
work.  The  copy,  which  he  used,  was  the  Greek  and 
Latin  edition,  folio,  of  1624.  He  first  emended  the  Greek 
text,  by  the  aid  of  manuscripts,  and  then  made  the  Latin 
translation  conform.  On  the  lower  margin,  which  is 
large,  a  recension  of  the  manuscripts  is  inserted  in  smaller 
type,  with  the  most  approved  conjectural  readings.  In 
1793,  he  published  a  valuable  book  for  schools,  entitled, 
Selections  from  the  principal  Historians. 

The  manners  and  general  habits  of  Wyttenbach,  at  this 
time,  may  be  learned  from  some  notices  of  him,  by  his 
disciple,  Philip  van  Heusde,  for  many  years  professor  at 
Utrecht,  and  well  known  as  a  zealous  Platonist.  They 
are  found  in  the  Preface  to  his  Introduction  to  the 
Platonic  Philosophy,  and  are  addressed  to  Creuzer,  of 
Heidelberg. 

"I  was  pleased  with  my  father's  plan,  that  I  should 
attend  the  celebrated  instructions  of  Cms,  at  Amsterdam, 
because  they  were  connected,  as  I  understood,  with  the 
study  of  Cicero,  and  of  ancient  philosophy;  but  the  most 
pleasing  circumstance  of  all  was,  that  it  would  furnish 
me  ready  access  to  that  prince  of  Platonic  interpreters, 
Wyttenbach,  who  had  been  in  my  thoughts  day  and 
night.  Accordingly,  when  I  called  upon  him, — it  was 
evening,  the  time  and  place  I  well  remember, — he  asked 


SCHOOL   OF   PHILOLOGY   IN   HOLLAND.  255 

me,  at  once,  about  my  studies,  and  the  proficiency  which 
I  had  made  in  them.  I  mentioned  the  writers  with  whom 
I  had  been  occupied,  particularly  the  poets.  He  gave  me 
a  book  which  was  at  hand,  and  showed  me  a  passage  to 
read  and  translate.  The  book  was  his  lately  edited 
Historical  Selections,  the  passage,  the  description  by 
Thucydides,  of  the  plague  at  Athens.  I  read  with 
embarrassment,  and  translated  in  a  bungling  manner. 
Mention  was  accidentally  made  of  Plato.  '  Have  you 
read  Plato,  then  ?'  said  he.  '  I  have  not  read  him,'  I 
replied,  'but  I  have  run  over  the  Apology  and  the 
Phaedo ;  yet  I  wish  to  read  and  understand  him,  and  I 
have  come  to  Amsterdam,  with  the  hope  of  enjoying  your 
lectures,  and,  if  permitted,  your  advice  and  conversation.' 
He  was  pleased  with  my  answer;  at  least,  his  whole 
appearance  was  at  once  changed;  the  wrinkled  brow 
became  smooth;  the  severe  aspect,  assumed  towards  a 
tyro  blundering  in  his  reading  and  translation,  vanished. 
His  countenance  became  wonderfully  mild  and  winning. 
j  Go  on,'  said  he,  '  as  you  have  begun,  for  he  is  not  to  be- 
despaired  of  who  has  begun  to  like  Plato,  as  Quintilian 
said  of  Cicero.  Do  you  know  these  authors  V  He  then 
ordered  wine.  As  we  sat  down  to  our  Socratic  cups,  as 
he  called  them,  we  chatted  most  delightfully.  Whenever 
I  recall  that  evening,  as  I  do  very  often,  I  am  filled  with 
admiration  at  his  truly  Socratic  spirit.  His  conversation, 
first  concerning  Quintilian  and  Cicero,  then  Plato,  was 
remarkably  fitted  to  elicit  whatever  thoughts  I  had.  This 
I  afterwards  understood.  At  that  time,  I  did  not  think  of 
any  thing  of  the  kind.  I  could  only  answer  his  questions. 
"  In  the  Socratic  art,  as  I  found  by  my  own  experience, 
Wyttenbach  excelled.  Hence,  it  is  not  strange,  that  his 
method  of  instruction  was  useful  to  the  young  in  a 
degree  equalled  by  few.  It  was  a  medium  between  two 
extremes,  both  of  which  it  is  difficult  to  avoid.     On  the 


256  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

one  hand,  it  was  not  harsh  or  severe,  fitted  to  repress  the 
feelings  rather  than  to  excite  them,  and  to  form  men  of 
a  melancholy  cast.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  not  of 
a  too  facile  and  compliant  nature,  adapted  to  train  men 
of  a  shallow  and  trifling  character.  He  had  the  rare 
quality  of  directing  his  energies  wholly  to  the  subject  in 
hand,  without  deviating  into  those  intricate  and  fruitless 
digressions,  where  diligence  is  almost  wholly  lost.  No 
one  ever  approved  or  defended  the  method  of  grammatical 
interpretation  more  strenuously  than  he.  Yet  he  was  not 
a  grammarian  in  the  vulgar  sense,  a  stickler  for  words 
and  syllables.  He  always  referred,  in  his  lectures,  to 
laws  and  rules  of  art,  with  their  varieties  and  exceptions. 
All  these  he  applied  at  once  to  the  writings  of  the 
ancients,  alike  in  interpreting  them  correctly,  and,  if  need 
were,  in  emending  them.  Thus  the  minuter  grammatical 
criticisms  were  of  the  same  tenor  with  the  most 
important;  for  they  did  not  pertain  to  the  feuds  and 
trifling  disputes  of  grammarians,  bitter  and  pertinacious, 
as  we  know  them  to  have  been,  but  they  served  to 
restore  and  illustrate  the  immortal  remains  of  Homer,  of 
Plato, — men  of  the  loftiest  genius,  where  we  can  hardly 
tolerate  the  slightest  stain.  This  I  perceived  whenever 
he  read  Plato  with  me,  for  I  was  accustomed,  occasionally, 
to  submit  to  him  the  more  difficult  passages,  which  I 
could  not  comprehend.  At  evening,  in  particular,  he 
gave*  himself  to  my  disposal,  in  his  library,  sitting  down, 
if  not  to  Socratic  cups,  certainly  to  those  instructions  and 
discourses  which  were  far  pleasanter  to  me.  Having 
read  the  passages  which  I  desired,  he  examined  each 
with  the  closest  attention,  that  he  might  first  ascertain  the 
structure  of  the  language,  then  the  use  and  meaning  of 
every  word  and  phrase,  not  excepting  even  the  smallest 
particles.  The  force  of  each  term  by  itself  being  thus 
unfolded,  I  did   not   need  a  translation  of  the   passage, 


SCHOOL    OF   PHILOLOGY   IN   HOLLAND.  257 

as  a  whole,  for,  under  his  guidance,  I  seemed  to  have 
comprehended  it  all  spontaneously.  The  sentence  being 
explained,  I  generally  hastened  on  to  another,  which  I 
also  desired  to  understand.  But  he  would  not  consent. 
'  We  must  hasten  slowly,  my  good  friend,'  he  would  say ; 
'we  have  not  yet  attended  to  the  Attic  dress,  or  to  that 
Platonic  form,  or  to  the  exquisite  use  of  language,  or  to 
the  rare  elegance  of  the  entire  sentence.'  Not  seldom, 
one  passage,  or  even  a  single  word,  detained  us  a  whole 
hour.  Still,  I  did  not  regret  the  delay  then,  or  afterwards, 
for,  in  explaining  single  words,  he  unfolded  and  set  off  to 
advantage,  the  wonderful  powers  of  the  Greek  language, 
the  comely  form  of  the  Attic  dialect,  the  polished  and 
beautiful  Attic  itself,  especially  the  native  eloquence, 
which  is  seen,  not  in  tropes,  metaphors,  or  other  rhetorical 
ornaments,  but  is  expressed  in  the  literal  and  skilful  use  of 
language,  particularly  as  found  in  Plato,  to  whose  diction 
and  style  all  antiquity  have  assigned  the  highest  rank. 
His  usual  advice  was  this.  'I  would  advise  you  to 
pass  by  the  later  philosophers,  who  have  written  about 
Plato  and  his  doctrines.  I  would  dispense  with  the 
Abridgements  of  his  philosophy.  These  I  would  draw 
from  Plato  himself,  because  we  ought  to  repair  to  the 
fountain  itself,  not  to  the  little  rills.  That  fountain, 
however,  is  mainly  Plato's  language  itself,  for  it  contains 
the  exact  image,  as  it  were,  of  the  spirit  and  philosophy  of 
Plato.' 

"  In  regard  to  the  rules  of  grammar  and  of  other  arts,  I 
often  heard  him  speak  thus.  '  Separated  from  those 
noble  works  of  art  from  which  they  are  drawn,  they  are 
dead.  But  when  these  works  are  appreciated,  the  rules 
are  very  useful  in  promoting  a  careful  study  of  the  works. 
I  highly  esteem,  indeed,  the  works  of  the  grammarians, 
nor  do  I  despise  the  summaries  of  an  art,  nor  the  rules 
which  are  contained  in  both  of  them  respectively;  but 
22* 


258  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

these  may  be  very  well  learned  from  the  perusal  of 
ancient  authors.  The  young  scholar  should  unite 
attention  to  the  grammar  with  the  reading  of  the  poets, 
historians,  and  orators,  and  with  the  study  of  the  liberal 
arts  themselves,  a  faithful  acquaintance  with  which 

"  Emollit  mores  nee  sinit  esse  feros." 

On  this  path,  which  is,  indeed,  most  pleasant,  they  may 
advance  readily  and  firmly  to  an  intimate  acquaintance 
with  grammar.  In  my  opinion,  no  one  ever  became  great 
in  the  grammatical  art,  who  did  not  pitch  his  tent  for  life 
among  the  writings  of  the  ancients.'  " 

In  1798,  Wyttenbach  received  an  earnest  invitation  to 
take  the  chair  at  Leyden,  which  was  just  vacated  by  the 
death  of  Ruhnken.  In  complying  with  the  invitation, 
he  illustrated,  says  his  biographer,  the  remark  of  Cicero, 
"  that  we  do  many  things  for  the  sake  of  our  friends, 
which  we  should  never  do  on  our  own  account."  He 
went  to  Leyden,  to  gratify  the  wishes  which  Ruhnken 
had  repeatedly  and  earnestly  expressed,  and  that  he  might 
be  a  solace  to  the  surviving  family  in  their  melancholy 
circumstances.  His  situation  in  the  university  was,  at 
first,  embarrassing.  His  pre-eminent  ability  furnished  a 
mark  for  the  shafts  of  malice  and  envy.  In  his 
professional  duties  at  Amsterdam,  he  had  pursued  an 
independent  course,  with  a  broad  field  open  before  him, 
which,  of  all  others,  he  delighted  to  occupy.  But  at 
Leyden,  the  sphere  of  his  labor  was  circumscribed,  as 
the  mutual  rights  and  duties  of  a  large  body  of  teachers 
were  to  be  adjusted.  Added  to  these  troubles,  were  the 
horrors  which  followed  the  French  revolution,  when 
Holland  fell  under  the  iron  yoke  of  Bonaparte,  who 
disposed  of  professors  and  universities  as  summarily  as 
he  did  of  popes  and  kingdoms.  Three  of  the  professors 
at  Leyden  were  removed  from  office,  and,  subsequently, 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  259 

the  universities  of  Utrecht,  Franeker,  and  Harderwyck, 
were  disbanded.  In  1807,  a  ship,  which  was  anchored  at 
Leyden,  containing  forty  thousand  pounds  of  gunpowder, 
exploded  within  a  few  hundred  feet  of  the  dwelling  of 
Wyttenbach.  Two  of  the  professors  were  killed,  and  one 
hundred  and  forty-eight  others.  Wyttenbach  came  near 
losing  his  life.  Many  of  his  books  and  manuscripts  were 
injured  or  lost. 

Notwithstanding  these  discouraging  circumstances,  he 
pursued  his  studies  with  great  enthusiasm,  outliving  the 
envy  which  he  first  encountered,  and  finding  in  the  genius 
and  affectionate  disposition  of  his  pupils  an  abundant 
reward  for  his  toils.  His  title  was  professor  of  eloquence 
and  history,  and  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages.  He 
was,  also,  librarian.  His  salary  was  five  thousand  florins. 
The  subject  of  his  inaugural  address  was  "  The  youth  of 
David  Ruhnken,  as  an  example  for  the  young  scholars  of 
Holland." 

Among  the  literary  labors,  which  Wyttenbach  performed, 
while  at  Leyden,  were  the  preparation  of  his  Annotations 
on  Plutarch,  the  study  of  Athenaeus,  Philo  Judaeus  and 
Plotinus,  the  publication  of  an  edition  of  the  Phaedo,  and 
the  conducting  of  an  extensive  literary  correspondence. 
His  lectures,  till  they  were  interrupted  by  the  disorders 
of  the  revolution,  were  attended  with  deep  interest  by  a 
large  auditory. 

"  Wyttenbach,"  says  van  Heusde,  "  seems  to  have  been 
born  for  the  study  of  antiquity,  and  by  it  to  have  been 
made,  as  it  were,  an  ancient  himself.  He  was  so  imbued 
with  classical  learning,  from  a  child,  that  all  which  he 
said,  all  which  he  wrote,  and  all  which  he  thought,  had 
an  ancient  coloring  about  it,  and  seemed  to  have  sprung 
from  antiquity  itself.  He  spoke  Latin  in  his  public 
lectures  as  one  does  his  native  language ;  indeed,  as  few 
are  able  to  use  it.     For  his  diction  flowed  pure,  limpid, 


260  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

harmonious,  luminous,  wholly  free  from  the  defilements 
of  a  later  age ;  it  gushed  out,  as  it  were,  spontaneously, 
so  that  he  seemed  not  to  have  premeditated  either  what 
he  should  say,  or  how  he  should  say  it.  And  yet  there 
was  nothing  to  desire  in  respect  to  propriety  and  elegance 
of  language,  or  the  arrangement  of  the  discourse.  He 
never  hesitated,  though  the  subjects  to  be  named  or 
illustrated  were  unknown  to  the  ancients,  and,  therefore, 
without  Latin  terminology  ;  nothing  presented  itself,  that 
was  not  fitly  named  and  clearly  unfolded,  so  as  to  be,  as 
it  were,  visible.  In  teaching,  he  had  the  rare  gift  of 
being  able  to  make  a  subject  perfectly  plain, — a  quality  in 
his  view  of  the  highest  value.  I  sometimes  reflected  at 
home  upon  points  which  he  had  explained  in  his  lectures, 
and  sought  to  recall  the  words  and  phrases  which 
he  had  employed,  in  illustrating  particular  topics.  But 
hardly  any  thing  recurred  to  me,  unless  it  were  some 
barbarous  epithet,  by  which  I  could  designate  an  object, 
of  which  the  ancients  were  ignorant.  Indeed,  he  had 
not  used  any  peculiar  or  favorite  term,  but  by  the  whole 
complexion  of  a  style  and  manner  that  were  ancient,  he 
unfolded  the  new  subject  just  as  the  classical  writers 
themselves  would  have  done,  if  they  had  had  a  conception 
and  wanted  language  to  express  it." 

"  His  diction,"  continues  van  Heusde,  "  was  manifestly 
Attic,  not  drawn  from  any  Latin  author,  but  breathing  the 
Socratic  sweetness,  mirth,  and  pleasantry,  as  they  are 
seen  in  the  Memorabilia.  He  wrote  Greek,  if  not  with 
the  same  facility,  yet  with  the  same  elegance  and  purity, 
with  which  he  did  Latin,  as  I  have  seen  in  letters  written 
in  Greek,  which  he  sometimes  addressed  to  his  friends, 
for  the  pleasure  of  it.  He  much  regretted,  that,  at  the 
revival  of  learning,  the  Greek  language  had  not  been 
adopted  into  the  republic  of  letters,  instead  of  the  Latin. 
It  is  a  difficult  task  for  one  to  write  in  Latin  so  as  to  satisfy 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY    IN    HOLLAND.  261 

himself  or  others.  Not,  indeed,  that  the  Latin  does  not 
possess  some  rare  qualities, — as  grace,  proportion,  gravity. 
What  can  be  more  elegant  than  Cicero's  epistles  ?  What 
more  stately  and  magnificent  than  his  orations  ?  Nothing 
like  the  epistles  is  found  in  Greek  literature.  But 
the  language  is  wanting  in  the  beauty  of  outward  form, 
in  inward  force,  copiousness,  richness.  There  is  no 
philosophy,  as  he  said,  in  it,  which  all  have  found  who 
have  tried  to  philosophize  in  Latin,  and  which  is 
demonstrated  in  the  language  itself,  as  it  borrows  even 
the  term,  philosophy,  having  no  appropriate  word  of  its 
own." 

During  the  last  ten  years  of  his  life,  Wyttenbach  was 
afflicted  by  increasing  illness,  especially  by  the  weakness, 
and,  finally,  the  almost  total  loss  of  his  eye-sight.  His 
mental  powers,  however,  did  not  appear  to  decay.  By 
the  aid  of  his  friends,  he  continued  to  prosecute  his 
favorite  studies. 

In  the  spring  of  1817,  three  years  before  his  death,  he 
was  visited  by  Frederic  Lindemann,  rector  of  a  gymnasium 
at  Meissen,  in  Saxony,  who  passed  several  months  in 
Leyden,  for  literary  purposes.  We  quote  one  or  two 
paragraphs  from  his  lively  description.  "  I  first  called  on 
Wyttenbach.  He  lived,  for  the  most  part,  at  a  villa  near 
the  city,  not  splendid,  but  very  convenient,  and  named 
De  Hooge  Boom.  But  as  he  still  had  exercises  at  the 
university,  he  often  came  to  his  house  in  the  city,  for  the 
convenience  of  those  who  wished  to  call  upon  him.  On 
being  admitted,  I  entered  his  chamber.  He  was  sitting 
at  the  fire,  with  his  wife,  whom  he  had  married  a  short 
time  before,  when  he  was  seventy  years  of  age.  He  was 
tall,  of  a  full  habit,  though  not  large,  a  youthful  bloom  on 
his  face,  his  brow  indicating  great  sternness.  But  his 
eyes  had  become  so  weak,  that  he  could  read  only  with 
the  greatest  difficulty.     In  these  circumstances,  he  used 


262  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

the  friendly  aids  of  his  wife,  who  assisted  him  as  he  rose 
from  his  seat.  Accidentally,  I  had  not  received  the 
letters  of  introduction  to  Wyttenbach,  which  Creuzer  had 
promised.  Consequently,  as  he  was  somewhat  doubtful 
in  respect  to  the  truth  of  what  I  stated,  I  showed  other 
letters  of  Creuzer,  which  contained  notices  of  the  design 
of  my  tour,  respecting  which  I  had  consulted  him.  Still, 
he  hesitated  to  promise  me  his  aid  in  obtaining  books 
from  the  library.  Age  had  made  him  a  little  harsh  and 
difficult  to  please,  which,  though  it  surprised  me  at  first, 
yet  soon  I  perceived  to  be  the  infirmity  of  advanced  life. 
We  conversed  in  Latin  and  German.  He  had,  however, 
evidently  lost  the  familiar  use  of  German,  though  he 
appeared  to  listen  to  it  with  pleasure.  He  requested  his 
wife  to  answer  for  him,  if  he  failed  to  recollect  the  fit 
Latin  terms.  Meanwhile,  he  spoke  Latin  correctly, 
though  slowly  and  cautiously.  But  he  held  out  no  hope 
of  a  free  use  of  the  library.  I  went  away  in  sadness. 
But  I  had  scarcely  reached  my  lodgings,  when  one 
of  his  servants  brought  me  a  note,  written  in  a  female 
hand,  directing  the  librarian  to  allow  me  access  to  the 
manuscripts  in  the  library,  but  giving  me  no  permission 
to  take  them  home. 

"  I  subsequently  heard  Wyttenbach  deliver  lectures  on 
the  history  of  philosophy,  which  were  the  last  exercises 
of  his  academic  life.  He  then  ceased  to  teach  publicly. 
That  golden  star  now  verged  to  its  setting,  whose  light 
had  illumined  the  whole  literary  world,  to  the  most 
remote  regions.  And  yet  how  vivid,  though  chaste,  was 
his  diction !  How  correct  and  simple  was  his  Latin 
style !  How  lucid  and  sedate  his  method  of  address ! 
He  spoke  slowly,  yet  there  "was  no  break  in  his  discourse. 
His  words  flowed  in  a  calm  and  gentle  current',  not  falling 
"  like  the  snows,"  as  Homer  expresses  it,  but  gliding  from 
his  lips,  as  a  deep  and  wide  river  wears  away  gently  the 


SCHOOL    OF    PHILOLOGY   IN    HOLLAND.  263 

banks  with  its  still  waters,  yet  bears  on,  with  irresistible 
force,  whatever  alights  upon  its  bosom.  I  could  have 
written  down  the  whole  discourse, — though  he  used  no 
notes, — his  utterance  was  of  such  a  grave  and  even  tenor. 
His  audience  were  diligent  with  their  pens.  Some  listened 
with  the  closest  attention.  None  made  any  disturbance. 
Still,  the  number  of  auditors  was  not  large." 

Though  his  eyes  and  his  trembling  hand  permitted  him 
to  write  no  more,  yet  he  retained  the  use  of  his  intellectual 
powers,  till  the  beginning  of  January,  1820,  when  he  was 
attacked  by  apoplexy,  which  deprived  him  of  the  power 
of  speech  and  motion.  He  lingered  till  the  seventeenth 
of  the  month,  tenderly  watched  by  his  wife,  and  the  object 
of  affectionate  solicitude  on  the  part  of  all  his  neighbors 
and  friends.  In  accordance  with  a  desire  which  he  had 
expressed,  his  remains  were  interred  at  the  entrance  of 
the  garden  of  his  country  villa,  where  he  had  passed  the 
last  years  of  his  life,  and  near  the  place  where  the  ashes 
of  Descartes  and  Boerhaave  repose. 

Of  the  learned  societies  of  which  Wyttenbach  had  been 
made  a  member,  were  the  Latin  Society  of  Jena,  the 
Batavian  Institute,  the  Royal  Society  of  Sciences  at 
Gottingen,  and  the  French  Academy  of  Inscriptions. 

But  the  true  glory  of  Wyttenbach  is  seen  in  his  works, 
and  in  those  of  his  affectionate  and  accomplished  scholars. 
It  is  not  possible  to  give  a  just  idea  of  the  merits  of 
Wyttenbach,  without  adverting  to  the  literary  career  of 
his  more  distinguished  pupils,  reflecting  in  their  writings 
the  purity  of  his  taste,  the  elegance  of  his  Latin  style, 
and  the  justness  of  his  criticisms.  Philologists,  divines, 
lawyers,  physicians,  who  came  under  his  influence,  reveal 
in  their  works,  that  sweet  simplicity,  that  sobriety  in 
regard  to  ornament,  and  that  rhythmical  cadence,  which 
charm  both  the  mind  and  the  ear  in  the  works  of  their 
master,  and  on  which  one  reposes  most  delightfully,  after 


264  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

being  wearied  with  the  toilsome  rhapsodies  and  barbarous 
dialect  of  those  who  fail  to  make  themselves  intelligible, 
by  not  taking  pains  with  the  language  which  they  use. 

Among  the  pupils  of  Wyttenbach,  who  have  written 
important  treatises  on  Plato,  were  de  Geer,  Groen  van 
Prinsterer,  and  Philip  van  Heusde.  The  last-named, 
who  has  lately  deceased,  wrote  in  the  beautiful  Latin 
style  of  the  school  of  Ruhnken.  The  elegance  of  his 
diction  was  owing,  in  part,  as  was  the  case  with 
Wyttenbach's,  to  his  familiarity  with  the  best  Greek 
writers.  He  moulded  his  Latin  expressions  in  accordance 
with  Greek  models,  and  thus  avoided  that  stiffness  and 
stilted  dignity  which  are  apt  to  characterize  those  who 
read,  while  forming  their  style,  the  Roman  writers  only. 
It  may  be  doubted,  whether  van  Heusde  did  not  pursue 
his  Platonic  studies  too  exclusively.  Never  did  a  child 
treasure  up  the  wishes  of  a  departed  parent  more 
reverently,  than  he  did  the  immortal  remains  of  Plato.  In 
his  early  life,  he  says,  he  was  led  astray  by  the  school  of 
Helvetius,  and,  subsequently,  by  the  opposite  philosophy 
of  Kant.  In  neither  did  he  find  rest  for  his  spirit.  Both, 
it  seemed  to  him,  were  alike  distant  from  the  true  path. 
He  then  turned,  under  Wyttenbach's  guidance,  to  the 
philosopher  of  the  Academy.  In  the  Socratic  school,  he 
found  the  golden  mean. 

The  successor  of  Wyttenbach  at  Leyden,  is  John  Bake. 
In  his  labors  as  editor,  he  has  made  much  use  of  the 
Greek  manuscripts  in  the  public  library.  Lindemann 
heard  him  lecture  on  the  Orestes  of  Euripides,  and  also 
deliver  his  inaugural  address.  He  represents  him  to  be 
a  plain  and  unassuming  man,  yet  affable  and  gentlemanly 
in  his  manners.  His  appearance  in  lecturing  was  calm 
and  thoughtful.  He  used  the  most  elegant  Latin,  with 
perfect  readiness.  He  has  devoted  his  principal  attention 
to  the  works  of  Cicero,  with  reference  to  a  new  and 


SCHOOL   OF   PHILOLOGY   IN   HOLLAND.  265 

complete  edition.  Daniel  van  Lennep,  of  Amsterdam, 
and  Peerlcamp,  and  Geel,  of  Leyden,  are  among  the 
most  eminent  living  philologists  of  Holland.  Limburg 
Brouwer  has  published  in  French  a  History  of  the  Moral 
and  Religious  Culture  of  the  Greeks,  during  the  Roman 
dominion  over  Greece,  a  work  which  is  highly  spoken  of. 

The  philologists  of  Holland  possess  facilities  for  study  in 
the  library  of  the  university  of  Leyden,  which  are  hardly 
surpassed  in  Paris  itself.  The  collection  is  composed, 
in  part,  of  the  private  libraries  bequeathed  by  the  two 
Scaligers,  Perizonius,  Warner,  and  many  others,  and,  in 
part,  of  purchases  which  have  been  effected  in  almost 
every  country  of  the  civilized  world.  It  has  a  large 
portion  of  the  manuscripts  of  Hemsterhuys,  Ruhnken, 
Bondam,  and  others.  Twenty-five  years  since,  there 
were  two  thousand  and  nine  hundred  oriental  manuscripts, 
to  which  many  have  since  been  added. 

It  may  be  doubted,  however,  whether  the  study  of 
classical  philology  has  made  much  advance  in  Holland 
since  the  death  of  Wyttenbach.  His  pupils,  if  they 
share  in  his  spirit,  do  not  possess  his  comprehensive 
learning.  No  one  of  them  has  reached  that  imperial 
sway  which  he  exercised  over  the  realm  of  letters. 
They  have  been  too  much  inclined  to  live  on  the  capital 
which  their  predecessors  earned.  Wyttenbach  was  a 
most  indefatigable  opposer  of  the  German  philosophy, 
particularly  of  the  school  of  Kant.  This  may  have  led 
the  scholars  of  Holland  to  feel  less  interest  in  the 
results  of  German  classical  learning.  The  difference 
of  languages  has  widened  the  separation;  German  has 
never  been  a  favorite  with  the  people  of  Holland.  The 
merits  of  great  German  scholars,  like  Bockh,  0.  Miiller, 
Matthiae,  Lobeck  and  Jacobs,  appear  to  have  attracted 
little  attention  in  the  Batavian  provinces.  Hermann's 
investigations  in  grammar  and  prosody  have  not  become, 
23 


266  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 


as   they  have    in  his  native    land,   common   topics   of 
discussion  in  schools  and  universities. 

Still,  the  claims  of  the  Holland  philologists  rest  on  a 
firm  foundation.     They  have  accumulated  treasures  of 
most  valuable  materials.     It  is  ,he  land  for  patient  labor 
and  inflexible    perseverance,   for  immense  digests  and 
thesauruses.     But  this  is  not  all.     The  countrymen  of 
Orrotius   have   not    been   destitute   of   fine   taste.      The 
scholars  of  other  nations  have  wronged  them  in   this 
particuar.      The    German  sometimes    understands   the 
principles  of  aesthetics  better  than  he  practises   them. 
Skill  m  the  use  of  language,  either  German  or  Latin 
does  not  always  accompany,  in  his  case,  profound  and 
varied  erudition.     But  the  scholars  of  Holland,  from  the 
days  of  Erasmus,  have  composed  their  works  in  beautiful 
L,atin.     Not  a  few  have  written  it  almost  with  the  purity 
of  the  Augustan  age.     If  ,he  use  of  this  language  has 
made  them  less  known  and  honored  at  home,  it  has 
greatly  mcreased  their  usefulness  and  reputation  abroad 
But  true  taste  in  one  branch  of  study  will  diffuse  its 
influence  over  kindred  pursuits.      It  will,  also,  confer 


VII. 


SUPERIORITY  OF   THE   GREEK  LANGUAGE 


IN    THE 


USE   OF  ITS  DIALECTS 

A  DISCOURSE, 
BY  FREDERIC  JACOBS. 


USE  OF  THE  GREEK  DIALECTS. 


We  might,  doubtless,  celebrate  this  day  in  a  manner 
wholly  suitable  to  the  occasion,  by  commemorating,  in 
this  sanctuary  of  science,  the  generous  services  rendered 
to  letters  and  art  during  the  past  year,  by  the  wise 
monarch,  whose  name  the  institution  bears.  While  all 
classes  in  the  kingdom  have  reason  to  bless  the  day, 
scholars  are  pre-eminently  called  upon  to  rejoice  in  the 
formation  of  a  society,  such  as  no  other  German  city  can 
boast,  where  the  dignity  of  science  is  acknowledged,  its 
freedom  guaranteed,  and  all  its  efforts  promoted ;  where 
all  the  means  it  requires  are  supplied ;  where  the  hearts 
of  all  its  friends  are  gladdened  by  the  sight  of  general 
prosperity,  and  each  individual  is  released  from  those 
anxious  cares,  which  might  either  withdraw  him  from 
science  altogether,  or  bring  down  his  thoughts  from  the 
lofty  regions  where  they  naturally  move.  But  the  interest 
and  wishes  of  the  monarch  seemed  to  require  somewhat 
more.  He  desires  to  see  offerings  laid,  not  upon  his 
altars,  but  upon  the  altars  of  science  and  art.  This  day, 
therefore,  seemed  to  ask  a  tribute  of  scholarship.  I  feel 
great  pleasure  in  undertaking  the  duty  of  paying  it;  but 
I  know,  too,  that  no  subject  I  can  select  will  be  likely  to 
satisfy  the  high- wrought  feelings  of  my  hearers.  Among 
23* 


270  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

the  various  themes  that  have  occupied  my  thoughts, 
none  seems  to  me  more  harmonious  with  the  spirit  of 
the  occasion,  than  one  which  carries  back  our  imagination 
to  an  age  and  people,  who  enjoy  no  ambiguous  existence 
on  the  page  of  history,  like  so  many  conquerors  of  the 
world,  but,  through  art  and  science,  bloom  in  eternal  and 
unchanging  youth,  as  the  selected  race  of  the  Muses. 

It  is  indeed  true,  that  ancient  Greece  has  disappeared, 
as  it  were,  from  the  borders  which  once  encompassed  her 
free  and  intellectual  inhabitants.  The  life  of  the  most 
excitable  of  all  nations  has  died  out.  Their  cities,  once 
the  centres  of  virtues  unsurpassed,  worthy  dwelling- 
places  of  the  gods,  and  rich  gardens  of  every  art,  have 
sunk  to  dismal  hamlets,  in  which  a  stinted  and  starveling 
race  heedlessly  build  their  huts  upon  the  ruins  of 
antiquity,  without  respecting,  and  generally  without 
even  remembering,  the  heroic  age,  to  which  the  stones 
themselves  still  bear  witness.  The  ancient  rivers,  some 
yet  called  by  their  former  names,  steal  mournfully  through 
a  desolated  land;  the  gods,  that  once  dwelt  on  their  banks 
and  in  their  grottos,  have  vanished ;  and  the  wondrous 
strains,  which  told  the  history  of  every  fountain,  hill,  and 
woodland,  to  the  listening  ear  of  a  free  and  susceptible 
people,  have  died  away.  So,  too,  their  vigorous  and 
manly,  their  delicate  and  graceful  language,  is  heard  no 
more,  save  in  harsh  discords ;  the  language,  which  once, 
almost  in  every  form,  enchanted  the  ear  and  heart,  now 
drags  itself  through  long  and  tedious  works,  with 
weakened  tones,  in  loose  constructions,  deformed  by 
foreign  mixtures.  But  what  the  ancient  land  and  its 
down-trodden  inhabitants  no  longer  supply,  is  still 
supplied  in  rich  abundance  by  the  reminiscences  of  her 
glorious  past.  The  great  deeds  of  Hellenic  antiquity  still 
bloom  in  all  hearts ;  the  remains  of  Grecian  art  are  still 
the  delight  of  the  world,  and  their  acquisition  the  pride 


USE    OF    THE    GREEK    DIALECTS.  271 

of  conquerors;  the  noblest  minds  still  draw  from  the 
inexhaustible  fountains  of  Grecian  science;  kindred  spirits 
are  still  warmed  by  the  fire  of  Grecian  intellect ;  and  as, 
whilome,  the  believing  people  sought  instruction  and 
consolation  in  the  sanctuary  of  their  oracles,  so  the  nobler 
minded  man,  when  the  present  fails  to  allay  his  longings, 
still  goes  for  solace  and  content,  to  the  quiet  asylums  of 
Grecian  wisdom.  Here,  too,  blooms  the  language  still 
with  the  eternal  charm  of  its  youthful  and  manly  beauty. 
And  as  the  spirit  of  Hellenic  antiquity  reigns  over  the 
whole  domain  of  modern  art  and  science  at  large,  so  that 
higher  perfection  still  breathes  upon  us  from  the  language, 
and  its  enlivening  breath,  wherever  it  has  been  felt,  has 
exalted  the  feelings,  opened  the  blossoms  of  beauty,  and 
ennobled  the  tones  of  speech. 

It  is  not  my  purpose,  however,  to  blazon  the  general 
renown  of  the  most  intellectual  and  noble  people,  or  to 
praise  the  excellence  of  their  language,  or  to  set  forth 
the  influence  which  the  study  of  Grecian  antiquity  may, 
and  ought  to  have,  upon  the  modern  world ;  but  I  wish 
to  touch  upon  only  one  peculiarity  of  their  language, 
which  has  been  often  sighed  over  by  youthful  learners, 
and  has  not  always  been  fully  appreciated  by  the  more 
advanced.  I  mean,  the  use  of  different  dialects  of  the 
nation,  in  elaborate  and  classical  literary  works.  This 
phenomenon  stands  alone  in  the  history  of  the  world. 
True,  indeed,  the  nations  of  modern  Europe  have  not 
utterly  scorned  the  use  of  their  dialects ;  but  this  has  been 
the  fact  only  while  the  different  races  have  maintained  an 
independent  existence,  and  no  common  bond  of  literary 
culture  has  encircled  the  whole  people ;  when  almost  all 
literary  effort  was  limited  to  the  entertainment  and 
instruction  of  small  popular  bodies,  and  only  individual 
men  of  genius,  and  not  a  whole  class,  distinguished  by 
manners  and  culture,  towered  above  the  masses ;  a  class, 


272  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

which  was  separated  from  the  multitude,  by  a  peculiarly- 
moulded  language,  as  well  as  by  other  things.  For,  the 
moment  a  centre  of  refinement  has  been  established  in 
a  nation, — the  moment  men  of  scientific  culture  have 
formed  a  union  there, — that  very  moment,  the  new 
intellectual  tendency  forms  a  new  language,  which,  though 
sprung  from  a  single  dialect,  soon  overtops  all  the  rest. 
This  noble  child  of  culture  and  intellectual  excitement  soon 
becomes  the  organ  of  all  who  possess  real  refinement,  or 
who,  like  the  fashionable  world,  flatter  themselves  with 
its  appearance ;  the  language  of  the  common  people  grows 
vulgar,  and  loses  the  right  to  make  itself  heard  in  the 
circles  of  learned  and  polished  society.  The  dialects 
are  left  to  the  multitude  alone ;  and,  as  they  soon  show 
themselves  only  in  connection  with  low-bred  coarseness 
and  rustic  awkwardness,  and  seem  to  sink  lower  and 
lower  in  usage  the  higher  the  cultivated  language 
rises,  they  speedily  come  to  be  regarded  only  as  a  means 
of  amusement,  or,  at  best,  fit  to  be  the  expression  of 
mere  simplicity  of  heart.  Thus  a  universal  language, 
belonging  to  no  province,  but  to  the  entire  nation, 
assumes  the  supremacy,  and  asserts  an  exclusive 
aristocratic  sway  over  the  realms  of  higher  culture. 
Among  many  nations,  the  part  has  thus  been  swallowed 
up  in  the  whole;  the  works  which  belonged  to  single 
provinces  have  disappeared;  a  few  only  have  remained 
in  the  hands  of  the  people ;  some,  in  the  progress  of  time, 
have  been  transformed  into  objects  of  learned  research  for 
grammarians  and  historians. 

Now,  though  the  outset  was  the  same  in  Greece,  the 
progress  of  language  was  different.  The  constitution  of 
the  individual  States  in  this  country,  each  of  which  shaped 
itself  in  its  peculiar  way,  did  not,  at  an  early  period,  give 
admission  to  a  universal  language;  and  the  glory  of 
ancient    Greece   had    already   gone   down  beneath    the 


USE    OF    THE    GREEK   DIALECTS.  273 

all-enslaving  sceptre  of  Roman  power,  when  the  most 
cultivated  of  all  the  dialects  was  alone  heard  in  the  works 
of  the  Greeks.  And  yet  even  then  not  wholly  so.  Even 
to  the  latest  times,  the  Ionic  dialect  asserted  its  rights  in 
epic  poetry,  and  the  Homeric  language  had  long  ceased 
to  be  heard  from  the  lips  of  speaking  men,  when  its 
echoes  were  still  sounding  in  the  legends  of  heroes  and 
gods.  But  as  the  Epos  had  appropriated  the  Ionic,  so 
had  Lyric  poetry  taken  the  iEolic  and  Doric,  and  the 
Drama  the  improved  Attic  dialect,  as  their  special 
organs. 

With  regard  to  this  phenomenon,  two  things  are  to  be 
considered:  first,  the  general  question,  how  it  came  to 
pass,  that  in  ancient  Greece  several  dialects  were  refined 
up  to  the  point  of  classical  excellence  ?  but,  secondly, 
the  more  important  point,  how  their  use,  in  certain 
branches  of  literature,  was  perpetuated  beyond  their 
boundaries,  and  past  the  time  of  their  actual  duration  ? 

As  to  the  first,  it  is  to  be  explained  from  the  peculiar 
constitution  of  the  Hellenic  nation.  The  races,  out  of 
which  this  nation  was  composed,  though  generally 
divided  by  language,  customs  and  political  sentiments, 
formed  at  times,  for  a  short  period,  a  bond  of  political 
union ;  but  they  never  blended  into  homogeneous  States. 
Even  among  the  individual  races,  almost  every  city  stood 
alone,  and  they  acknowledged  themselves  as  branches 
of  a  common  stock  only  in  the  general  festivals  and 
the  solemn  games.  No  lord  and  no  subject  were  to  be 
found  there ;  every  individual  freely  unfolded  all  his 
peculiar  traits  of  character ;  every  part  took  form  according 
to  its  pleasure  or  its  power.  Thus  it  happened,  that  every 
race,  valuing  itself  upon  the  exalting  consciousness  of 
independence,  jealously  guarded  its  language,  as  well  as 
other  things  peculiar  to  itself,  and  used  it,  as  a  natural 
right,  not  only  in  the  common  intercourse  of  life,  but  in 


274  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

every  form  of  communication.  The  supremacy  changed 
hands  more  than  once  among  the  States  of  Greece. 
Whether  Sparta  or  Athens,  or,  at  a  later  period,  Thebes 
stood  at  the  head  of  the  Grecian  States,  the  influence  of 
political  ascendancy  never  trenched  upon  the  rights  of 
language.  And  as  this  remained  without  effect,  so  did,  far 
stranger  still,  the  ascendancy  of  culture.  The  fame  of 
Ionian  refinement  filled  the  world ;  the  works  of  Ionian 
poetry  and  prose  filled  every  heart  of  sensibility  with 
delight ;  still,  the  free  spirit  of  the  Attic  language,  though 
connected  with  the  Ionic  by  the  strongest  kindred  ties, 
remained  unfettered.  She  entered  daringly  into  the  lists 
with  the  more  ancient  conqueror,  and  won  a  thousand 
wreaths  of  fame,  nor  withered  the  crowns  of  her  sister. 
And  when  the  glory  of  Athens  already  stood  at  its 
meridian  height,  when  the  language  of  Attica  had  already 
been  cultivated  in  various  works,  to  the  admiration  of 
the  world,  the  Pythagoreans  were  still  teaching  their 
philosophy,  in  the  Doric  dialect,  and  Archytas,  the  noblest 
of  them  all,  gave,  in  his  writings,  the  highest  perfection  to 
the  language  of  their  fathers. 

But  it  would  be  an  entire  mistake,  to  suppose,  that  the 
independence  of  the  Grecian  States  was  alone  sufficient 
to  explain  the  problem  now  proposed,  or  that  the  exclusive 
spirit  of  national  pride  alone  had  refused  admission  to 
the  more  cultivated  dialect.  Herodotus,  though  of  Dorian 
descent,  composed  his  history  in  Ionic  prose ;  and,  at  an 
earlier  period,  Cumaean  Hesiod  had  attuned  his  lyre 
to  the  music  of  Homer.  In  the  same  way,  the  Dorian 
Hippocrates  wrote  in  the  Ionic  dialect.  It  would  be 
useless  to  bring  forward  many  examples;  but  that  of 
the  Dorians  is  of  especial  weight  here,  because  the 
Dorian  was  the  haughtiest  of  all  the  Grecian  races, 
and  consequently  least  inclined  to  adopt  any  thing  from 
abroad. 


USE    OF    THE    GREEK   DIALECTS.  275 

But  before  we  investigate  the  reason  of  these  exceptions, 
we  must  revert  once  more  to  the  former  question,  which 
is  by  no  means  satisfactorily  solved,  by  noting  the  outward 
relations  that  existed  between  the  different  races. 

To  arrive  at  this  end,  we  must  consider  the  interior 
life  of  the  Greeks.  There  are  two  things  here  that  must 
be  weighed;  first,  the  internal  constitution,  the  leading 
element  of  which,  in  all  the  States,  was  freedom  and 
equality.  The  citizens  only  formed  the  State ;  all  other 
inhabitants  of  the  country  were  but  tools,  and,  taken  by 
themselves,  were  held  in  slight  regard.  But  those,  who 
formed  the  State,  were  peers.  However  some  families 
might  choose  to  claim  a  superiority  in  wealth,  or  an  older 
and  more  renowned  descent,  yet  they  never  formed  among 
the  genuine  citizens  a  separate  caste ;  and  even  the 
Spartan  kings  held  a  higher  rank  only  as  generals  and 
magistrates;  in  all  other  things,  the  least  among  the 
Spartans  was  their  equal.  Nearly  all  stood  upon  a  level, 
and  no  class  towered  above  the  rest.  All  were  educated 
nearly  alike,  and  by  the  same  means ; — by  religion, 
which  was  common  to  all ; — by  the  example  of  ancestors, 
to  which  all  looked,  and  by  the  mode  of  living.  And 
as  the  halls  and  markets,  the  temples  and  groves  of  the 
gods,  the  laws  and  rights  were  common  to  all,  the  lowest 
as  well  as  the  highest,  so,  too,  was  one  language  common 
to  all.  It  was  only  the  deeper  and  more  penetrating 
intellect,  the  greater  fulness  of  thought,  the  more  copious 
flow  of  language,  the  more  careful  choice  of  images  and 
words,  that  distinguished  the  abler  and  more  accomplished 
man  from  his  inferior,  but  the  external  form  of  the  language 
was  the  same  in  the  discourse  of  the  one  as  of  the  other. 
And,  as  in  the  republican  cantons  of  Switzerland,  at  the 
present  day,  one  language  unites  the  lord  and  his  vassal, 
and  no  man,  in  intercourse  with  the  inhabitants  of  his 
province,  deserts  the  language  inherited  from  his  fathers, 


276  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

without  losing  the  regard  of  his  fellow-citizens,  so  a  citizen 
in  the  free  States  of  Greece  would  have  been  bereft  of 
every  claim  to  confidence  and  influence,  by  adopting  a 
foreign,  though  it  were  a  more  cultivated  dialect,  as  if  it 
were  a  self-assumed  privilege.  Thus  it  happened,  that, 
as  the  most  intellectual  and  the  noblest  men  honored  the 
language  of  the  country,  and  used  it  on  all  occasions 
whatever,  every  race,  as  soon  as  it  raised  itself  to  mental 
cultivation,  was  able  to  improve  its  hereditary  language 
to  a  classical  excellence. 

The  second  point  that  must  now  be  considered,  is  the 
character  of  public  communication  in  the  Grecian  States. 
When  a  class  of  writers  sprung  up  in  the  modern  world, 
the  necessity  of  a  common  literary  language  was  at  once 
decided.  The  written  word  is  addressed  to  the  world, 
the  spoken,  to  those  immediately  around  us.  The  former, 
therefore,  requires  an  organ  of  universal  currency,  the 
latter  is  contented  with  what  is  understood  in  its  own 
neighborhood.  But  authorship  is  a  late  growth  of 
Grecian  civilization.  Almost  five  centuries  had  gone, 
before  the  poems  of  Homer  were  imprisoned  in  written 
characters ;  and  even  then,  mindful  of  their  original 
destination,  they  flowed  more  sweetly  from  the  tongue  to 
the  ear.  In  a  free  political  State,  so  long  as  the  constitution 
exists  in  its  purity,  the  communication  of  ideas  is  wont 
to  adapt  itself  to  the  character  of  the  people ;  the  man  of 
the  highest  rank  mingles  with  the  mass  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  ;  the  individual  element  blends  with  the  whole ; 
and  so,  while  every  one  likes  to  consider  his  earthly  goods 
only  as  a  fief  of  the  State,  and  all  individual  fortunes  seem 
to  make  one  common  fund,  he  considers  his  intellectual 
acquisitions  as  a  common  property,  the  revenue  of  which 
should  benefit  his  fellow-citizens  first  and  foremost.  Thus 
all  communication  was  originally  by  word  of  mouth. 
And  how  could  this  have  been  otherwise  effected  than  in 


USE    OF    THE    GREEK    DIALECTS.  277 

the  dialect  of  the  people,  whose  mind  and  feelings  were 
to  be  moved  ?  How  otherwise  than  in  the  tones  in  which 
they  had  received  their  earliest  ideas,  and  with  which 
they  had  been  accustomed  to  utter  their  deepest  feelings  ? 
Thus  the  earliest  poetry,  and  the  earliest  eloquence,  were 
not  national,  but  rather  local  and  popular.  It  is  not  every 
author,  however,  who  is  willing  to  be  popular  in  this 
sense.  The  more  oral  communication  loses  in  value 
and  dignity, — which,  however,  to  the  great  blessing  of 
civilization,  did  not  happen  until  late  in  Greece; — the 
more  the  popular  sympathies  of  the  highest  personages 
melt  away,  and  the  individual  severs  himself  from  the 
mass,  to  the  same  extent  that  popular  feeling  decays,  and 
the  number  increases,  of  those  who  fancy  themselves  too  far 
above  the  rest  of  the  world  to  talk  with  the  people  in  their 
own  way.  Writing  conquers  speaking,  and  kills  it  dead. 
The  lyre  is  silenced,  and  lives  only  as  a  figure  of  speech 
in  written  odes;  song  dies  in  the  musical  sign,  and  the 
written  precept  soars  proud  and  cold  over  the  surrounding 
scene,  away  to  a  remote  and  wide-extended  world,  and 
often  beyond  the  present,  directly  to  coming  generations. 

The  next  topic,  that  presents  itself  for  discussion,  is 
the  phenomenon  already  touched  upon,  which  seems  to 
contradict  the  observations  we  have  hitherto  made ;  I 
mean  the  fact,  that  many  modes  of  communicating 
ideas, — epic  poetry,  for  example, — depart  from  the  general 
usage,  and  among  all  the  tribes  of  Greece,  were  treated  in 
one  style,  in  the  same  dialect,  consequently  in  a  foreign 
one ;  and,  what  comes  to  the  same  thing,  that  some 
writers,  in  their  works,  exchanged  their  own  for  a  foreign 
dialect. 

The   explanation   commonly  given,   of  this   departure 

from  general  usage,  namely,   the   overwhelming  regard 

paid    to    some    writers,   which    subjected    others,    as    it 

were,   to  the   yoke,  and  compelled   them  to  speak  after 

24 


278  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

a  foreign  fashion,  is  easy  and  intelligible,  but  by  no 
means  satisfactory.  For  why  should  not  the  example  of 
Herodotus  have  been  as  effective  in  history,  as  Homer's 
example  was  in  epic  poetry  ?  Or  why  should  Pindar  have 
preferred  the  Doric  dialect  to  his  native  iEolic,  in  which 
his  teacher,  the  illustrious  Corinna,  sang,  and  the  greatest 
lyric  poets  before  him  had  sung  ?  In  other  departments 
of  the  history  of  Greek  literature,  such  an  assumption  of 
authority  were  wholly  unexampled.  If  the  unfettered 
spirit  maintained  its  rights  any  where,  it  was  here,  where 
trodden  paths  were  neither  sought  with  drudgery,  nor 
shunned  with  solicitude ;  where  men  did  not  imitate  their 
predecessors,  except  by  inventing;  where  the  standing 
form  was  what  the  nature  of  the  art,  and  each  of  its 
kinds,  demanded,  and  not  what  was  a  merely  accidental 
ornament;  where,  pre-eminently,  the  arts  of  literary 
composition,  in  their  largest  extent,  chose  the  language 
with  a  certainty  and  care,  which  refused  submission 
to  the  yoke  of  authority.  Hardly  any  where  has  the 
principle,  that  the  realm  of  art  excludes  whatever  is 
accidental,  been  so  thoroughly  recognized  as  in  Greece, 
where  even  that  which  accident  supplied,  as,  perhaps,  the 
chorus  of  the  drama,  soon  became  so  completely  fused 
with  the  other  parts  of  the  action,  that  it  seemed  to  have 
grown  up  naturally  with  them,  like  an  organic  member  of 
the  whole.  And  was  it  only  the  accident,  by  which  the 
singer  of  the  Iliad  happened  to  be  born  beneath  the  sky 
of  Ionia,  that  moulded  the  Ionian  dialect  for  ever  to  epic 
poetry,  and  a  greater  accident  still,  perhaps  the  whim  of 
the  moment,  that  moved  the  thoughtful  Herodotus  to 
prefer,  in  his  inestimable  work,  the  same  language  to  the 
Doric,  which  was  his  mother  tongue,  or  to  the  Attic, 
which  was  just  then  shooting  forth  its  fairest  scions? 
We  must,  therefore,  look  about  us  for  another  and  a  more 
satisfactory  explanation. 


USE    OF    THE    GREEK    DIALECTS.  279 

It  is  admitted  by  all,  who  have  followed  out  its  history 
with  attention,  that  civilization  in  Greece  was  more 
thoroughly  unfolded  by  a  natural  growth  than  elsewhere, 
and  that  its  crowning  blossom  opened  only  when  every 
other  portion  of  the  wondrous  plant  had  been  entirely 
matured.  The  mind  of  man,  in  Hellas,  followed  the 
most  natural  course  in  putting  forth  its  powers,  as  it 
did  in  no  other  country,  and  among  no  other  people.  It 
awoke,  like  a  laughing  infant,  under  the  soft  heaven  of 
Ionia.  Here  it  enjoyed  a  life  exempt  from  drudgery,  among 
fair  festivals  and  solemn  assemblies,  full  of  sensibility 
and  frolic  joy,  innocent  curiosity  and  childlike  faith. 
Surrendered  to  the  outer  world,  and  inclined  to  all  that 
was  attractive  by  novelty,  beauty,  and  greatness,  it  was 
here  the  people  listened,  with  greatest  eagerness,  to  the 
history  of  the  men  and  heroes,  whose  deeds,  adventures, 
and  wanderings,  filled  a  former  age  with  their  renown, 
and  when  they  were  echoed  in  song,  moved  to  ecstasy 
the  breasts  of  the  hearers.  It  was  thus  that  the  poets 
first  took  up  those  heroic  legends  here  as  the  most 
favorable  materials  for  their  art,  and  from  the  legend  by 
degrees  sprang  the  epic  poem.  The  narrative  was  clear, 
imaginative,  picturesque,  varied,  and  minute,  as  the 
youthful  feelings  of  the  age  and  of  the  listening  multitude- 
required.  That  the  deed  should  be  mirrored  in  the  song; 
that  every  form  should  stand  forth,  distinct  and  lively;  that 
even  in  single  parts,  the  whole  should  be  shadowed  out ; 
in  a  word,  that  the  glorious  world  of  heroes  should  move 
in  perfect  dignity  and  serene  poetic  splendor, — this  was 
the  aim  of  the  epic  poet,  as  of  every  one,  in  whose  fresh 
and  vigorous  fancy  a  subject  kindled  into  life  is  struggling 
for  utterance.  The  Ionic  dialect  answered  this  purpose 
the  most  completely.  As  the  hexameter  is,  and  must  be, 
the  peculiar  metre  of  epic  poetry,  so  may  the  Ionic  dialect 
also  be  regarded  as  its  peculiar  organ,  not  only  because  it 


280  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

furnishes  the  greatest  multitude  of  lively  and  picturesque 
expressions,  but  the  greatest  variety  of  forms,  in  the  most 
comprehensive  sense  of  the  term.  As  among  all  measures, 
the  hexameter  moves  most  freely  within  the  limits  of  law, 
so  the  Ionic  dialect,  even  in  its  ancient  form,  enjoys 
the  greatest  and  most  graceful  freedom  in  its  resolutions 
and  contractions,  as  well  as  in  the  loose  connection  of 
sentences,  the  free  movement  of  its  numbers,  and  even  in 
the  carelessness,  which  it  makes  use  of  as  a  natural  right. 
Its  entire  character  is  diffusive,  unfolding  its  structure 
part  by  part,  playful  and  episodical,  as  the  genius  of  epic 
poetry  itself,  which,  in  its  free  movements,  aims  at  nothing 
so  much  as  at  clear,  minute,  and  natural  representation. 
"When  this  adaptation  had  once  been  seized  upon,  in  its 
full  perfection,  by  the  lively  perception  of  the  Greeks, 
through  the  Homeric  poems,  they  never  could  have 
conceived  the  thought  of  separating  what  had  grown 
together,  or  of  exchanging  an  organic  part  for  another 
arbitrarily  put  on.  But  epic  poetry,  in  a  later  time,  and 
with  a  less  picturesque  language,  could  by  no  means  be 
re-moulded,  and  what  had  bloomed  in  the  infancy  of  the 
nation,  if  it  lasted  to  mature  age,  could  not  but  remain  in 
its  first  and  original  simplicity.  Hence,  there  neither 
was,  nor  could  be,  Attic  or  Dorian  epic  poetry,  but  it 
remained  what  it  was,  and  must  needs  be,  at  its  origin, 
Ionic  in  spirit,  melody,  language,  and  measure. 

Hence,  we  may  also  easily  explain  the  use  of  the  Ionic 
dialect  in  the  Muses  of  the  Dorian  Herodotus.  As  the 
rhapsodies  of  Homer  are  the  epos  of  poetry,  so  the 
wondrous  and  enchanting  work  of  Herodotus  is  the  epos  of 
history.  The  wanderings  of  the  much  enduring  Ulysses 
embrace  the  whole  extent  of  the  then  known  or  imagined 
world,  and  many  great  deeds  of  heroes,  the  various 
manners  of  men  and  of  nations,  countries  and  cities ;  and 
so  Herodotus  works  into  the  rich  and  lively  picture  that 


USE    OF    THE    GREEK   DIALECTS.  281 

he  unrolls  before  us,  the  deeds  of  elder  and  later  times, 
the  migrations  of  tribes  and  their  kings,  wonderful  and 
pleasant  adventures,  wise  and  significant  discourses, 
remarkable  manners  and  modes  of  life  among  the  people, 
extraordinary  appearances  of  nature,  and  products  of  the 
laborious  skill  of  man.  Here,  too,  all  is  picturesque, 
lively,  and  minute.  But  the  Doric  dialect  was  no  suitable 
organ  for  this  epic  spirit,  and  it  might  well  have  seemed 
impossible  to  shape  it  over  for  this  purpose  at  a  time 
when  its  character  was  already  firmly  fixed.  Thus  he 
adopted  what  was  ready  to  his  hands,  the  Ionic  dialect, 
consecrated  to  epic  poetry,  and  therefore  suitable  for  his 
historical  epos.  And  never  was  made  a  happier  choice. 
Who  would  read  the  Muses  of  Herodotus  in  another 
language  ?  Or  who  is  so  bereft  of  all  perception  of  fitness, 
that  he  would  have  the  Ionic  of  Herodotus,  which  pervades 
his  whole  work  from  beginning  to  end,  translated  into 
another  dialect,  the  Attic,  perhaps  ?  For  here,  too,  we  see 
what  so  nobly  distinguishes  Grecian  art  in  general,  that 
wonderful  concord  between  the  substance  and  the  form, 
that  harmony  of  inward  and  outward  music,  the  first  and 
most  indispensable  condition  of  beauty,  which  is  often 
neglected,  and  frequently  despised,  nay,  even  discarded  by 
the  moderns,  with  an  insensibility  of  feeling  only  fit  for 
barbarians.  For  the  barbarian  shows  himself  precisely 
in  this,  that  he  neglects  the  form,  and  heeds  only  the 
substance ;  that  he  severs  the  two,  and  neither  observes 
nor  appreciates  their  harmonious  union. 

When  the  period  of  the  childhood  of  Hellas  had 
passed  into  her  youth,  and  the  first  fresh  curiosity  for 
what  was  new  and  wonderful  was  silenced;  when  the 
youth  awoke,  as  it  were,  to  consciousness,  and  began  to 
reflect  upon  himself,  then  the  outward  world  was  stripped 
of  some  of  its  splendor,  by  the  strongly  excited  world  of 
his  inner  nature,  that  lay  nearer,  and  the  epic  Muse 
24* 


282  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

retreated  before  the  lyric.  Other  flowers,  of  deeper  tint 
and  stronger  perfume,  sprang  up  in  the  garden  of  poetry. 
In  the  richly  melodious  odes  of  a  Sappho,  of  an  Alcaeus, 
of  an  Erinna,  the  inmost  spirit  of  profound  feeling  was 
expressed,  the  soul  entered  into  the  external  form,  and, 
borne*on  the  waves  of  harmony,  the  inspired  word  poured 
into  the  hearts  of  the  hearers,  and  laid  open  their  inmost 
feelings,  while  it  stirred  them  to  the  lowest  depths.  As 
lyric  poetry  raises  man  above  himself,  by  turning  his 
thoughts  within,  it  needed  a  deeper,  more  compressed, 
and  more  soaring  language,  like  the  iEolic  and  Doric, 
which  thus  became  the  proper  organ  of  lyric,  as  the  Ionic 
had  been  the  organ  of  epic  poetry.  The  same  character, 
of  greater  intensive  power,  which  is  declared  by  the 
fuller  sounds,  deeper  tones,  and  harsher  verbal  forms  of 
the  Doric,  recommended  it,  as  it  appears,  in  connection 
with  its  quaintness, — for  it  had  least  deviated  from  the 
original  language  of  Greece, — to  the  Pythagorean  school, 
although  its  founder  was  an  Ionian,  inasmuch  as  the  lofty 
and  enthusiastic  style  of  this  school  corresponded  to  the 
lyric  spirit,  as  the  fanciful  theories  of  the  Ionian  philosophy 
in  physics  were  akin  to  the  epic  art. 

But  still  the  virtues  of  these  earlier  times  were  but 
a  partial  excellence.  The  manly  age  came  with  the 
flower  of  the  Attic  times,  and  with  it  the  circle  of  art  was 
finished.  Here,  the  single  rays  of  excellence  were  drawn 
to  a  focus.  The  lively  minuteness  of  the  Ionian  epic,  and 
the  deep  fulness  of  the  Dorian  lyric  poetry,  met  in  the 
drama,  in  which  the  epic  material  freed  itself  from  all 
that  was  incidental,  and  the  narrow  personality  of  lyric, 
poetry,  by  being  wedded  to  the  dramatic  material,  acquired 
a  broad  and  general  character.  As  poetry  put  forth  its 
crowning  blossom  here,  so  all  the  arts  that  embellish  life, 
having  sprung  up  in  earlier  times  and  other  regions,  were 
carried  to  perfection  in  Attica.     Prose  here  entered  the 


USE    OF    THE    GREEK   DIALECTS.  283 

lists  with  verse,  and  invented  a  peculiar  dance  of  syllables, 
by  which  the  free  speech  was  first  reduced  to  harmonious 
discourse,  and  propriety  of  language  was  transformed  into 
eloquence.  Here,  for  the  first  time,  art  became  the  centre 
of  all  the  efforts  of  genius,  and  as  the  altar  of  Vesta  united 
all  the  citizens  of  the  same  town,  so  the  altar  of  art  gathered 
together  all  the  higher  minds,  in  every  species  of 
intellectual  action.  Here  philosophy  founded  a  more 
venerable  sanctuary,  which  united  earth  and  heaven, 
where  the  graces  of  persuasion  and  of  harmony,  with  the 
sister  graces  of  poetry,  the  laughing  satyrs,  and  the  inspired 
Eros,  danced  around  the  flaming  altar  of  wisdom.  Thus, 
too,  history  grew  up  anew  on  this  classic  soil,  moulded  to 
a  form  of  greater  loftiness  and  dignity.  The  Attic  history 
of  Thucydides  bears  the  same  relation  to  the  Ionic  of 
Herodotus,  that  Attic  tragedy  bears  to  the  Ionian  Epos. 
Like  tragedy,  the  Attic  history  renounces  the  free 
episodic  movement ;  she  seeks  not  to  supply  a  pastime  for 
the  moment,  but  deep  lessons  for  all  coming  times ;  she  no 
longer  desires  to  represent  the  world,  but  man,  and  the 
Providence  that  rules  the  world.  If  the  Ionic  history  and 
Epopee  resemble  the  smooth  mirror  of  a  broad  and  silent 
lake,  from  whose  depth  a  serene  sky,  with  its  soft  and 
sunny  vault,  and  the  varied  nature  along  its  smiling  shores, 
are  reflected  in  transfigured  beauty,  the  Attic  drama  and 
history  may  be  compared  to  a  mighty  stream,  which 
noiselessly  flows  along  within  its  steadfast  banks,  sweeps 
every  obstacle  in  its  strength  away,  no  where  turns  aside 
from  its  onward  course,  salutes  with  equal  dignity  the 
flowery  and  the  melancholy  margin,  and,  after  a  long  and 
majestic  career,  mingles  with  the  ocean  at  last.  As  in 
the  earlier  periods,  so,  in  this  epoch  also  of  the  fullest 
bloom,  art  aims  at  a  perfect  harmony  between  the  outward 
form  and  the  inner  substance.     The  Attic  dialect  united 


284  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

in  itself  all  the  excellences  of  the  others,  without  sharing 
their  defects.  Having  no  less  life  than  the  kindred  Ionic, 
it  shuns  the  loose  constructions  of  the  latter,  and  shares 
the  fulness  and  strength  of  the  Doric,  without  its 
hardness  and  roughness.  With  the  culture  of  manhood 
and  the  freshness  of  youth,  rich  and  harmonious,  delicate 
and  lithe,  equally  adapted  to  seriousness  and  mirth,  it 
shapes  itself  to  every  form,  and  weds  itself,  with  impartial 
love,  to  poetry  and  eloquence.  As  the  Attic  drama  is  the 
loftiest  summit  of  ancient  poetry,  the  Attic  dialect  is  the 
flower  of  the  Greek  language,  and  alike  fitted  to  describe 
external  nature,  and  to  give  utterance  to  the  deepest 
feelings  of  the  soul.  Thus  it  became  of  necessity  the 
language  of  finished  art,  and  could  not  but  remain  so  while 
the  perfection  of  art  was  understood  and  acknowledged. 
But  lyric  poetry,  even  in  Attica,  preserved  the  Doric  form, 
so  that,  even  in  the  lyric  portion  of  the  drama,  a  softened 
Dorian  tone  evermore  prevailed.  So,  too,  the  epos,  and 
the  elegy,  which  shares  with  the  epos  the  character  of 
lingering  detail,  continued  to  be  Ionic. 

Thus,  therefore,  it  came  to  pass,  that  the  various 
dialects  of  the  Greek  language,  so  far  as  their  nature 
allowed,  were  cultivated  to  a  classical  excellence,  and 
several  along  with  each  other,  each  in  its  own  department, 
even  beyond  the  time  of  their  actual  use  in  life.  Neither 
of  these  results  was  the  work  of  chance ;  on  the  contrary, 
here  as  well  as  elsewhere  were  displayed  the  peculiar 
sense  of  the  Greeks  for  the  harmony  of  all  the  parts 
of  an  organic  whole,  and  their  scrupulous  reluctance  to 
disturb  the  old,  when  that  had  become  consecrated  by  art. 
Far  from  them  was  the  evil  habit  of  setting  the  new  above 
the  ancient,  and  the  newest  above  the  new.  Forms,  that 
once  stood  forth  in  perfect  excellence  and  beauty,  were 
immovably  fixed  for  all  time  ;  and  even  the  use  of  different 


USE    OF    THE    GREEK   DIALECTS.  285 

dialects,  in  their  proper  departments,  helped  to  make  the 
internal  character  of  each  particular  species  sacred  and 
inviolable,  as  the  outward  form  was  kept  unchanged. 

That  deep  and  delicate  perception,  which  is  so 
wonderfully  declared  in  the  phenomenon  here  explained, 
as  in  all  the  departments  of  Grecian  art,  is  one  of  the 
excellent  qualities  by  which  that  nation,  for  ever  to  be 
admired,  was  distinguished  before  all  other  people.  In 
them,  if  any  where,  is  manifested  the  highest  perfection 
of  taste,  which  is  itself  in  turn  the  last  and  purest  flower 
of  human  genius.  To  gather  this  flower,  to  sow  its  seeds 
in  our  own  minds,  the  garden  of  the  Hellenic  muses 
is  opened  before  us.  No  other  nation  holds  up  a 
like  example  of  perfection  in  such  various  forms,  nor  a 
like  harmonious  blending  and  combination  of  the  most 
diversified  elements  in  the  same  works  ;  even  the  German, 
which,  in  other  conditions  requisite  for  art,  might  vie 
among  the  foremost  with  the  Greeks,  here  falls  below 
them.  It  is  deficient  in  the  natural  development,  which 
fell  to  the  portion  of  the  Greeks ;  and,  instead  of  turning 
all  its  vigor  to  the  care  of  the  generous  natural  growth, 
it  exhausts  the  greatest  part  of  its  strength  in  guarding 
against  the  foreign  element,  that  is  perpetually  striving  to 
gain  a  foothold.  In  spite,  therefore,  of  resemblance  in 
other  particulars,  nothing  can  form  a  stronger  contrast, 
than  the  assured  career  of  Grecian,  and  the  wavering 
march  of  German  art;  while  the  former  was  only 
drawn  towards  the  goal  of  perfection,  the  latter  is  each 
moment  disturbed  in  its  career  by  every  accidental 
influence  that  approaches  it.  Hence,  it  has  hitherto  been 
impossible  to  unfold  in  Germany  the  inner  sense  of  beauty 
and  perfection  with  precision  and  certainty;  hence,  our 
neighbors,  educated  in  a  narrower  sphere,  but  on  surer 
principles,  may  be  pardoned  in  this  respect,  for  thinking 
that  we  have  not  yet  quite  outgrown  the  state  of  barbarism. 


286  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

But  if  there  has  ever  been  a  point  of  time,  when  the 
hope  might  be  entertained,  of  seeing  fulfilled  the  desire, 
so  often  disappointed,  that  a  reign  of  science  and  art  may 
be  securely  founded  in  Germany,  and  thereby  a  livelier 
sense  for  the  beautiful  and  the  great  excited,  and  firmly 
established,  that  time  is  the  present.  The  powerful 
movement,  which  shakes  to  its  centre  the  intellectual 
province  of  the  sciences,  throughout  all  its  borders ;  the 
mutual  attraction  of  its  various  elements,  once  so  divided ; 
the  ever-growing  ardor  of  the  aspiration  felt  by  the  best 
minds  after  something  higher ;  the  universal  diffusion  of 
a  love  for  art ; — these,  and  other  causes,  lead  us  to  look 
to  the  future  for  a  more  finished  intellectual  education. 
We  may  also  add,  that  the  various  misfortunes  which  the 
people  have  suffered,  have  increased,  instead  of  weakening, 
the  elasticity  of  their  character,  and  have  inflamed  their 
desire,  by  rallying  them  closer  around  the  banner  of  their 
language,  to  gain  those  laurels  in  the  intellectual  world, 
which  have  been  torn  from  them  in  the  struggle  for 
temporal  possessions. 


VIII. 


HISTORY  OF  THE   ORIGIN  AND  PROGRESS 


LATIN  LANGUAGE. 


ABRIDGED  FROM  FERDINAND  G.  HAND 


HISTORY  OF  THE  LATIN  LANGUAGE. 


Persons,  who  have  undertaken  to  write  upon  this 
subject,  have  generally  entertained  us  with  the  history  of 
Roman  authors,  rather  than  of  the  Latin  language.  It 
will  be  our  object,  to  trace  the  internal  changes  of  the 
language  in  regard  to  style  of  composition.  But  since 
there  are  some  periods,  of  which  no  literary  monuments 
have  come  down  to  us,  the  history  of  the  language  must,  of 
necessity,  always  remain  incomplete.  Many  expressions, 
which  appear  to  us  as  singular,  or  peculiar  to  later  writers, 
may  have  been  in  common  use  in  some  of  those  periods 
whose  literature  is  lost. 

The  language  of  the  Romans  grew  out  of  common  life ; 
but  in  the  assemblies  of  the  people,  it  acquired  perspicuity 
and  precision,  as  well  as  dignity  and  grace.  Its  form  was 
moulded  not  less  by  the  fortunes  of  the  Roman  people, 
than  by  its  own  original  elements.  It  is  not,  like  the 
Greek,  the  product  of  a  single  germ,  which  gradually 
unfolded  by  natural  growth,  but  there  are  traces  of 
foreign  elements,  varying  so  much  in  different  periods, 
as  to  present  striking  contrasts.  There  were  differences, 
too,  in  the  condition  of  the  people,  which  could  not 
fail  to  leave  their  impress  on  the  language.  A  free  and 
high-minded  nation,  discussing  grave  questions  in  their 
25 


290  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

public  councils,  must  employ  a  language  and  style  widely 
different  from  those  of  an  extravagant  imperial  court,  with 
foreign  manners.  The  figurative  representations  of  the 
successive  periods  in  the  history  of  the  language, — the 
golden,  silver,  brazen,  iron  ages,  or  the  infancy, 
youth,  manhood,  old  age  of  the  language,  are  arbitrary 
distinctions,  exhibiting  no  philosophical  and  exact  views 
of  the  subject. 

The  Latin,  as  a  living  language,  is  naturally  divided 
into  two  periods,  that  which  preceded,  and  that  which 
followed,  the  subversion  of  the  Republic.  The  distinction 
between  these  two  periods  was  produced,  not  so  much  by 
mere  political  changes,  as  by  the  new  intellectual  character 
of  the  people.  But  for  the  purpose  of  nicer  discrimination, 
we  may  divide  the  history  of  the  language  into  six  shorter 
periods. 

The  first  period  extends  from  the  earliest  times  to  the 
age  of  Livius  Andronicus,  B.  C.  240,  or  to  the  first  Punic 
war,  in  which  the  language  was  formed  from  various 
dialects,  and  consolidated  into  the  language  of  a  whole 
people.  At  this  late  age,  it  is  impossible  to  trace  out 
accurately  the  way  in  which  the  original  elements  of  the 
language  were  combined,  but  the  elements  themselves 
may  be  made  out  with  a  high  degree  of  certainty. 
These  are,  the  language  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants,  or 
the  Latin  in  its  most  limited  sense,  which  was  cognate 
with  the  Oscan ;  the  Oscan,  which,  was  diffused  over  the 
south  of  Italy,  and  received  considerable  culture,  and 
continued  to  exist  till  the  time  of  the  emperors;  the  Sabine; 
the  Etrurian  or  Tuscan,  an  independent  language,  which 
was  spoken  in  the  time  of  Aulus  Gellius,  but  which  cannot, 
as  some  would  have  us  think,  have  been  the  principal 
ingredient  of  the  Latin  language ;  the  early  Greek,  or 
Pelasgic,  which  was  so  early  blended  wTith  the  Latin, 
enriching  it,  if  not  otherwise  changing  its  character,  that 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LATIN   LANGUAGE.  291 

we  are  unable  to  point  out  its  peculiar  forms.  The 
ancient  writers  themselves  regarded  the  iEolic  dialect 
as  the  original  of  the  Latin ;  according  to  this  view,  the 
Greek  furnished  the  basis  of  the  language.  "Whether 
we  are,  with  Grotefend,  to  consider  the  Umbrians  as  those 
who  spoke  this  dialect  of  Greek  in  Italy,  or,  with  Miiller, 
the  Siculi,  cannot,  in  this  remote  age,  be  determined. 
The  last  element  to  be  mentioned,  is  the  Celtic,  which 
must  not  be  confounded  with  the  German,  which  had  no 
influence  whatever  in  forming  the  Latin. 

We  must  not  imagine,  that  there  was,  in  this  first 
period,  a  Latin  language  common  to  all  the  people  of 
Italy.  There  were  various  popular  dialects  existing 
together,  and  reciprocally  influencing  each  other,  out  of 
which  the  Latin  finally,  by  superior  culture,  became 
predominant.  There  was  not  even  a  common  language 
of  books  at  first,  though,  at  a  later  period,  the  Greek  dialect 
of  Italy  prevailed  and  became  the  language  of  literature. 
After  it  began  to  be  cultivated,  the  older  unpolished  forms 
of  speech  fell  into  disuse  and  oblivion.  Of  this  whole 
period,  however,  nothing  but  fragments  remain ;  and 
these  go  to  prove,  that  the  language  was  rude  in  character 
and  irregular  in  form. 

The  second  period,  which  is  the  interval  between  the 
first  Punic  and  the  first  civil  war,  B.  C.  88,  presents  to 
our  view  the  Eomans  in  a  state  of  internal  prosperity, 
enjoying  a  well-settled  and  free  government,  directing  all 
their  energies  to  practical  life,  and  to  affairs  of  State,  and 
holding,  after  the  termination  of  the  disquietudes  of  war, 
a  lively  intellectual  intercourse  with  other  nations.  Their 
connection  with  the  Greeks,  after  the  second  Punic  war, 
in  particular,  aroused  their  mental  activity,  and  contributed 
much  to  the  improvement  of  the  language.  This  was  the 
commencement  of  literary  effort  among  the  Romans  ;  and 
their  enthusiasm,  when  once  awakened,  urged  them  on  to 


292  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

imitate,  and  even  emulate,  the  Greeks  in  every  species  of 
composition.  Greek  grammarians  and  rhetoricians  were 
found  in  Rome  at  this  time  ;  Greek  models  were  held  up 
to  the  Romans  for  imitation ;  and  soon,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  histories  of  Lucius  Lucullus,  Aulus  Albinus,  and 
Scipio  Africanus,  works  designed  for  the  educated  classes 
were  written  in  Greek.  The  earliest  improvements  in 
the  language  were  made  by  the  epic  and  the  dramatic 
poets.  But  still  greater  advances  were  subsequently 
effected  among  the  people  at  large,  upon  whom  statesmen 
and  orators  exerted  a  strong  influence  in  regard  to  prose 
composition,  enstamping  indelibly  upon  it  the  character  of 
earnestness  and  practical  intelligence.  A  distinction  came 
to  be  made,  at  length,  between  the  lingua  vulgaris  and  the 
lingua  Latina.  From  the  vulgar  dialect  of  the  populace 
in  the  city  and  the  adjoining  country,  was  distinguished 
the  more  correct,  refined,  and  polished  language  of  the 
educated,  which  was  employed  by  the  poets  and  the 
orators,  and  which,  through  their  influence,  finally  became 
universal.  Certain  families  of  rank,  as  Cicero  informs 
us  respecting  Scipio,  cultivated  this  language  more  by 
elegant  domestic  usage,  than  by  studying  it  as  an  art. 
The  same  author  informs  us,  that  the  language  of  this 
period  was  not  characterized  by  those  peculiar  forms 
which  were  afterwards  designated  as  archaisms,  but  by 
that  correct  and  elegant  choice  of  words,  and  construction 
of  sentences,  which  was  observed  in  the  conversation  of 
refined  society. 

The  language  of  the  Romans,  in  its  improved 
form,  did  not  originate  in  the  rules  of  art;  it  was 
the  natural  product  of  a  vigorous  national  character. 
Hence,  Quintilian  compares  the  writings  of  Ennius  to 
an  ancient  sacred  grove  of  primeval  trees,  with  their 
stately  trunks.  After  the  second  Punic  war,  Krates 
Mallotes  first  introduced  the  study  of  grammar.     By  the 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LATIN   LANGUAGE.  293 

influence  of  the  Greek  models,  to  which  the  language 
was  conformed,  it  was,  indeed,  rendered  flexible  and 
various ;  but  it  also  became  constrained  by  imitation  in 
translations,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  Odyssey  of  Livius 
Andronicus,  and  the  versions  of  Naevius  from  iEschylus 
and  Euripides.  When  no  convenient  word  could  be 
found  in  the  Latin,  the  original  word  was  transferred ; 
and  in  this  way  the  language  was  enriched  to  such  an 
extent  by  Naevius,  that  Ennius  could  borrow  many 
expressions  from  him.  Thus  the  latter  employed  the 
word,  sophia,  as  having  a  different  shade  of  meaning  from 
the  Latin  word,  sapientia.  Great  liberties  were  taken  in 
the  formation  of  compound  words,  particularly  those  with 
prepositions,  as  in  the  words,  exlex,  extorris.  Cicero 
mentions  Marcus  Cornelius  Cethegus,  as  the  first  to 
whom  Ennius  accorded  eloquence  of  diction.  Even 
Cato,  notwithstanding  his  Roman  partialities,  was  finally 
compelled  to  admit  the  necessity  of  refining  the  Roman 
language,  and,  at  last,  himself  resorted  to  the  Greeks,  as 
models  of  composition.  Still,  his  style,  though  energetic 
and  animated,  remained  stiff  and  unpolished. 

Ennius,  who  died  in  the  year  of  the  city  505,  may 
be  considered  as  forming  a  second  epoch  in  this  period. 
Notwithstanding  the  truth  of  Ovid's  remark,  that  he  was 
"  great  in  genius,  though  rude  in  art,"  he  had  a  decided 
influence  in  the  formation  of  the  language.  His  genius 
was  fertile  in  the  invention  of  new  words,  and  he  had  the 
Greek  and  Oscan  languages  perfectly  at  his  command; 
but  he  was  less  skilful  in  the  construction  of  sentences. 
Still  he  preserved  the  genuine  character  of  the  Latin, 
softened  its  asperities,  and  transformed  its  loose  and 
abrupt  style  into  one  more  compact  and  flowing. 
Pacuvius  is  represented,  by  some  writers,  as  excelling 
Ennius,  in  accuracy  of  expression  and  skill  in  composition. 
In  Plautus,  we  find  a  complete  mastery  of  a  pure  and 
25* 


294  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

graceful  Latinity;  though  it  is  in  Terence,  that  a  direct 
aim  at  elegance  of  language  first  becomes  observable. 
This  last  poet,  in  his  delineation  of  polished  manners, 
selected  with  care  the  most  expressive  words,  and  such 
as  were  authorized  by  the  best  usage.  His  fine  taste 
preserved  him  from  falling  into  a  mannerism,  and  while 
he  borrowed  from  the  Greek,  he  studiously  maintained 
what  was  characteristic  in  the  Latin. 

The  aim  of  the  writers  of  this  period  to  perfect  the 
Latin  by  means  of  the  Greek,  was  not,  of  itself,  a  fault,  so 
long  as  the  independence  of  the  former  was  maintained ; 
and  had  this  method  been  prosecuted  farther,  both  vigor 
and  flexibility  might  have  become  the  characteristics  of 
the  Roman  language.  But  soon  these  bounds  of  propriety 
were  overstepped,  and  an  affectation  of  Greek  became 
general.  The  flood  of  effeminacy  and  daintiness  became 
so  great,  as  nearly  to  overpower,  for  a  time,  the  efforts  of 
the  few  who  strove  to  maintain  the  original  and  natural 
energy  of  the  language.  The  orators  who  addressed  the 
assemblies  of  the  people,  were  longest  preserved  from  this 
false  taste,  and  it  was  chiefly  through  their  influence,  that 
a  strong  barrier  was  raised,  which  stayed  the  progress  of 
degeneracy  and  corruption.  They  adopted  a  language  of 
simple  earnestness  and  dignity,  which  was  in  keeping  with 
the  old  Roman  character.  Seriousness  and  composure 
are  the  most  obvious  qualities  which  mark  the  style  of 
this  period. 

During  the  third  period,  from  the  time  of  Sylla  to  that 
of  Augustus,  B.  C.  29,  the  language  of  intercourse  and 
of  books,  called  by  way  of  distinction,  the  Roman,  was 
formed.  The  progress  of  its  formation  was  rapid,  and 
under  the  care  of  the  erudite  men  who  cultivated  it,  the 
Roman  style  quickly  shot  forth  into  full  bloom.  It  grew 
up  under  the  two-fold  influence  of  the  usage  prevailing  in 
families  of  rank  and  refinement,  and  of  the  scientific  labors 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LATIN    LANGUAGE.  295 

of  men  of  learning.  Rome  was  the  political  centre,  from 
which  went  forth  the  power  that  governed  the  conquered 
provinces,  and  the  city  with  its  environs  formed  a  contrast 
to  the  rest  of  Italy.  This  Roman  language,  in  distinction 
from  the  Latin,  was  "  the  refined  language  of  the  city, 
containing  nothing  which  could  offend,  nothing  which  could 
displease,  nothing  which  could  be  reprehended,  nothing 
of  foreign  sound  or  odor."  Thus  Pollio  represented  the 
language  of  the  city  and  the  language  of  the  country  as 
clearly  distinguishable  from  each  other.  The  number  of 
Latin  dialects  was  as  great  as  the  present  number  of  Italian 
dialects.  Wherever  in  the  municipal  towns  of  upper 
Italy  and  in  the  provinces  there  was  a  literary  activity,  it 
was  always  with  a  view  to  Rome  as  the  seat  of  culture 
and  of  good  usage.  Lucilius  censured  the  language  of 
Vectius  for  its  betraying  the  dialect  of  Praeneste.  Cicero, 
while  he  admitted  that  the  Latin  towns  had  literary  men, 
insisted  that  the  most  cultivated  among  them  were  far 
removed  from  Roman  refinement,  and  that  there  was,  in 
the  language  of  the  best  provincial  orators,  a  want  of  the 
Roman  coloring.  They  had  to  acquire  by  study  what 
was  naturally  learned  by  practice  in  the  capital.  But  we 
must  not  suppose,  that  it  was  in  the  power  of  a  few  writers 
in  Rome  to  give  law  to  language  :  nothing  short  of  the 
current  usage  of  refined  society  was  recognized  as  having 
that  power. 

"  To  speak  Latin,"  did  not  now,  as  in  the  former  period, 
mean  to  speak  according  to  the  established  laws  of  the 
language,  but  to  speak  the  Roman  dialect  in  its  purity, 
without  the  corruptions  of  the  rustic  language,  or  the  help 
of  the  Greek.  Hence  Quintilian's  rule,  "  Let  every  word, 
and  every  sound,  if  possible,  indicate  an  origin  in  this 
city,  that  your  language  may  appear  to  be  perfectly 
Roman,  and  not  that  of  adopted  citizenship."  A  principal 
source  of  culture,  but,  at  the  same  time,  of  an  artificial 


296  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

style,  was  the  Grecian  influence  in  the  schools  and  in 
general  literature.  In  the  schools  of  eloquence,  the  first 
exercises  were  in  the  Greek  language ;  the  study  of  the 
Greek  models  preceded  the  study  of  the  Latin ;  and  the 
Greek  was  regarded  as  the  language  of  fashionable  life. 

The  changes  wrought  in  the  language,  during  this  period, 
were  not  inconsiderable.  Anomalies  were  reduced  to  rule; 
foreign  materials  were  brought  in  and  assimilated;  and 
every  thing  was  conformed  to  the  reigning  taste.  There 
was  now  a  broad  distinction  between  the  old  Latin  and 
the  new,  and  the  former  was  rejected  by  the  abettors  of  the 
new  taste.  Not  only  did  style  become  a  particular  object 
of  attention,  but  the  study  of  oratory  was  so  connected 
with  efforts  to  bring  out  all  the  powers  of  the  language, 
that  prose  composition  was  carried  to  a  higher  state  of 
perfection  than  the  poetical.  A  servile  imitation  of  the 
Alexandrian  taste  weakened  and  impoverished  the  poetry 
of  this  period.  Three  causes  conspired  to  produce  the 
improvement  just  named ;  advancing  knowledge  made  the 
poverty  of  the  Latin  language  more  and  more  perceptible, 
and  stimulated  to  efforts  to  enrich  it ;  the  universal  demand 
for  strict  accuracy  in  language  led  to  great  advances  in 
the  grammatical  science ;  and,  finally,  the  growing  taste 
for  elegance  required  more  attention  to  style,  in  general. 
The  language  was  made  a  subject  of  special  investigation 
by  such  men  as  Varro  and  Caesar. 

"While  laboring  to  increase  the  affluence  of  the  language, 
those,  who  were  masters  of  Greek  literature,  introduced 
so  many  new  words  from  that  language,  as  to  excite  the 
opposition  of  the  lovers  of  the  national  literature,  whence 
a  warm  controversy  arose  between  the  corrupters  of  the 
language,  as  the  former  were  styled,  and  the  purists.  But 
in  this,  as  in  all  similar  controversies,  which  usage,  in 
spite  of  literary  legislation,  will  retain  what  is  already 
in  general  currency,  went  on  in  a  middle  course,  neither 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LATIN    LANGUAGE.  297 

receiving  all  nor  rejecting  all  that  is  of  foreign  extraction. 
Thus  Cicero,  when  speaking  of  the  word,  aer,  said,  "It  is 
Greek,  indeed,  but  it  is  in  general  use,  and  passes  for 
Latin."  In  the  formation  of  new  words,  such,  for 
example,  as  were  proposed  by  Sisenna,  some  few  were 
finally  adopted,  while  others  were  rejected  with  scorn. 
Latin  compounds,  also,  on  account  of  their  stiffness, 
which  rendered  them  so  different  in  this  respect  from 
those  of  the  Greek  language,  were  not  favored  by  the 
Romans.  Through  the  entire  course  of  these  changes,  the 
spoken  language  took  the  lead,  and  written  composition 
followed  in  the  train. 

Thus  a  usage  was,  at  length,  established,  which  could 
pass  the  ordeal  of  criticism.  The  principles  of  the 
language,  settled  in  this  manner,  were  universally 
recognized.  Accuracy  of  expression,  according  to  usage, 
favored  accuracy  of  thought;  and  this,  in  turn,  contributed 
to  perspicuity  and  precision  in  language.  Aulus  Gellius 
represents  Caesar  as  saying,  "  Shun  a  new  and  unusual 
term,  as  you  would  a  reef;"  and  Cicero  even  makes  him 
say,  "A  happy  choice  of  words  is  the  source  of  eloquence." 

Connected  with  accuracy  of  expression,  was  an  increased 
attention  to  elegance  of  style ;  this,  too,  resulted  from  the 
prevalence  of  a  Grecian  taste.  The  language  of  popular 
eloquence  became  more  and  more  rhetorical,  while  the 
study  of  philosophy,  now  coming  into  vogue,  made  it 
necessary  to  have  a  philosophical  language,  in  the 
formation  of  which  Cicero  rendered  a  valuable  service. 
He  rightly  insisted  on  a  characteristic  difference  of  style  in 
oratory  and  philosophy  ;  and  thus  the  language  gradually 
acquired  a  high  degree  of  delicacy  and  flexibility. 
Harsh  and  inharmonious  sounds  were  avoided,  and  in  the 
construction  of  sentences,  a  certain  rhythm  was  observed. 
The  language  had  thus  reached  a  high  state  of  perfection; 
and  now  that  foreign  influences  were,  to  a  great  extent, 


298  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

withdrawn,  a  pure  taste  could  find  scope  for  its  exercise 
in  the  native  literature,  without  resorting  to  the  Greek 
masters. 

The  names  of  Varro,  Csesar,  and  Cicero,  may  be 
mentioned  as  among  those  who  contributed  most  to  the 
improvement  of  the  language.  The  name  of  Hortensius 
is  also  mentioned  by  modern  writers,  but  we  possess  no 
means  of  ascertaining  what  his  influence  on  the  language 
was.  The  style  of  Varro,  who  was  a  good  collector,  and 
a  good  critic,  though  often  vigorous,  was  nevertheless 
deficient  in  smoothness  and  equality.  Julius  Coesar, 
according  to  Cicero's  testimony,  not  only  investigated  the 
principles  of  the  language,  but  was  himself  a  master  of 
style,  skilfully  combining  beauty  and  grace  with  the 
the  greatest  simplicity.  Cicero's  merits  in  perfecting 
the  language  have  always  been  acknowledged.  He 
employed  the  Roman  language,  as  above  described,  in 
all  its  richness,  and  even  rendered  it  still  more  copious, 
partly  by  reviving  what  the  old  poets  had  introduced,  and 
partly  by  the  formation  of  new  words  after  the  analogy 
of  the  Greek.  He  was  the  framer  of  a  philosophical 
and  scientific  language  for  the  Romans.  He  increased, 
among  his  countrymen,  the  stock  of  abstract  ideas,  by 
introducing  into  the  Latin  language  the  speculations  of 
the  Greeks,  and  then,  with  a  nice  regard  to  logical 
accuracy,  he  formed  for  himself  and  others  a  corresponding 
nomenclature.  His  influence  is  particularly  observable  in 
the  multiplication  of  abstract  nouns,  especially  such  as  the 
words,  incitatio,  and  moderatio. 

While  he  enlarged  the  boundaries  of  the  language,  he 
was  a  steady  supporter  of  its  independence,  and  decidedly 
opposed  to  unnecessary  innovations.  However  great  the 
number  of  ideas  and  words  borrowed  from  the  Greeks, 
the  construction  of  his  sentences  is  always  Latin.  Very 
few  Grecian  idioms  can  be  found  in  all  his  writings.     He 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LATIN    LANGUAGE.  299 

was  also  very  accurate  in  his  grammatical  and  rhetorical 
principles,  and  is  almost  entirely  free  from  faults  of 
negligence.  His  leading  principle  in  composition  was 
clearness  of  conception,  and  great  selectness  in  the  choice 
of  words.  The  principles  of  grammar, — I  do  not  mean 
the  grammar  of  our  schools,  but  that  of  the  Roman 
usage, — can  be  learned  from  no  Latin  writer  so  well  as 
from  Cicero.  His  language  is,  as  might  be  expected, 
singularly  perspicuous  and  definite ;  confused,  imperfect, 
indefinite,  and  pompous  expressions,  which  so  abound  in 
the  later  Latin,  are  never  detected  in  him.  After  his 
residence  in  Rhodes,  where  he  enjoyed  the  instructions 
of  Molon,  he  carefully  avoided  every  thing  that  was 
far-fetched  and  declamatory.  But  his  solicitude  and 
effort  for  perspicuity  frequently  carried  him  away  into 
amplifications,  and  a  diffuseness,  which  robbed  his 
language  of  pregnancy  and  power.  Hence,  Asinius 
Pollio,  and  others,  could  justly  complain  of  this  habit,  and 
represent  it  as  an  Asiatic  verbosity.  In  the  proper  use  of 
figurative  language,  in  which  the  later  Latin  writers  were 
so  deficient,  Cicero  is  a  perfect  model.  His  elevated  and 
delicate  taste,  and  strict  sense  of  propriety,  secured  him 
against  the  most  distant  approach  to  grossness  and 
vulgarity,  while  his  rhetorical  skill  enabled  him  to  give 
every  word  its  most  advantageous  position.  In  this  latter 
respect,  he  did  much  towards  settling  the  laws  of  the 
language  in  respect  to  collocation  of  words.  Nor  is  he 
to  be  regarded,  in  a  less  degree,  as  the  inventor  of  a 
rhythmical  cadence  in  the  structure  of  sentences,  in 
which  he  is  without  a  rival.  His  sentences  are  skilfully 
moulded ;  their  parts  are  so  distributed  and  adjusted,  as  to 
combine  unity  and  variety.  But  he  was  more  practised, 
and  consequently  more  successful,  in  the  oratorical, 
than  in  the  philosophical  style,  in  the  latter  of  which, 


300  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

notwithstanding  all  his  care,  he  is  sometimes  too  much 
the  orator. 

There  were  two  classes  of  writers  opposed  to  Cicero ; 
the  one,  in  their  artless  simplicity,  falling  into  carelessness 
and  looseness  of  expression ;  the  other,  affecting  the  Attic 
salt,  and  becoming  epigrammatic,  while  accusing  him  of 
diffuseness  of  style  and  emptiness  of  thought.  Calvus, 
one  of  the  latter  class,  by  an  excess  of  art,  became  affected, 
quaint,  and  stiff;  and  Pollio,  by  his  overstrained  efforts  to 
be  energetic,  made  himself  obscure,  and,  while  aiming  to 
be  rhythmical,  became  poetical.  Sallust,  although  living 
in  this  period,  belongs,  by  the  character  of  his  style,  to  a 
later  age.  In  thought,  he  abounded  in  subtleties ;  in 
language,  he  employed  antiquated  forms,  combined 
heterogeneous  words,  and  sought  effect  in  antitheses. 
He  is  widely  distinguished  from  Cicero  by  his  Greek 
constructions,  the  want  of  rhythm  in  his  sentences,  and 
by  the  poetical  coloring  of  his  language. 

The  fourth  period  in  the  history  of  the  Latin  language 
extends  through  the  reign  of  Augustus  to  the  time  of 
Claudius,  or  to  A.  D.  54.  The  language  of  this  age  has 
been  characterized  as  the  lingua  elegans.  A  change 
in  the  taste  of  elegant  society  at  Rome,  and  in  the  spirit 
of  the  age  generally,  caused  new  modifications  in  the 
language.  The  struggle  for  liberty  had  died  away,  and 
a  narrow  spirit  of  selfishness  and  a  love  of  display  had 
succeeded.  The  public  calamities,  which  had  plunged  so 
many  families  into  wretchedness,  had  broken  their  spirit, 
and  men  were  glad,  after  such  a  protracted  suffering  and 
disquiet,  to  return  to  the  comforts  of  life,  under  almost 
any  conditions.  The  administration  of  public  affairs 
being  now  limited  to  the  emperor  and  his  ministry, 
men  of  refinement  led  a  life  of  leisure,  and  yielded 
themselves    a    prey    to    the     luxury    generated     by    a 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LATIN   LANGUAGE.  301 

splendid  and  extravagant  court.  Sensual  delights  took 
the  precedence,  and  the  public  taste  could  endure  nothing 
which  did  not  amuse  and  charm.  Musings  and  revery 
took  the  place  of  intellectual  culture  ;  the  thinking  faculty, 
if  exercised  at  all,  did  nothing  but  brood  over  the  feelings. 
Thus  a  voluptuous  sentimentality  came  to  be  the  basis  of 
the  Roman  character,  which,  in  this  respect,  presented  a 
striking  contrast  to  that  of  ancient  times.  By  an  easy 
transition,  the  imagination  passed  from  grave  and  solemn 
realities  to  the  wildest  fancies,  in  which  there  was  not 
even  a  lingering  recollection  of  the  earlier  days  of 
prosperity  under  the  old  republic.  Eloquence,  which 
had  begun  to  be  neglected  as  early  as  Cicero's  last  days, 
now  found  support  only  in  private  life.  Its  nourishing 
period  had  disappeared,  and  even  those  older  productions, 
which  had  formerly  been  held  up  as  models  of  oratory, 
were  now  unsatisfactory,  and  appeared  insipid.  In  the 
universal  passion  for  dainty  phraseology,  excellence  in 
prose  composition  could  not  be  expected.  Louder  than 
ever  was  the  complaint  of  the  poverty  of  the  language, 
now  rendered  the  more  palpable  by  the  influx  of  foreign 
ideas,  mostly  Grecian.  Lucretius  says,  "  The  poverty  of 
our  language  makes  it  impossible  to  explain  the  human 
constitution;"  and  Seneca  remarks,  in  a  similar  strain, 
"  How  great  the  indigence,  or  rather  the  abject  poverty 
of  our  language,  is,  I  have  never  felt  more  sensibly  than 
now.  When  we  speak  of  the  doctrines  of  Plato,  a 
thousand  ideas  present  themselves  for  which  we  have 
no  name,  and  of  those  for  which  we  have  corresponding 
words,  many  are  lost  to  us  on  account  of  the  fastidiousness 
of  our  taste."  To  supply  this  deficiency  of  terms,  very 
little  was  done ;  but  considerable  labor  was  bestowed  upon 
polishing  and  adorning  those  words  which  already  existed. 
Of  ancient  words,  many  were  preserved  by  the  poets,  but 
26 


302  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

many  were  entirely  lost.     Some,  as  the  word  cicur,  never 
occur  after  the  time  of  Cicero. 

Though  genius  was  thus  cramped,  and  the  vigor  of 
thought  weakened,  there  still  remained  a  solicitude  for 
accuracy  and  for  elegance,  which  preserved  the  language 
from  any  perceptible  decay,  and,  in  some  respects,  even 
contributed,  though  by  partial  views,  to  its  improvement. 
Elegance  and  grace  of  diction  were  particularly  cultivated. 
But  the  old  works  of  the  language  were  pretty  much 
forgotten,  and  the  attempts  of  the  lovers  of  antiquity  to 
revive  them  were  ridiculed.  This  we  learn  from  Horace, 
who  professed  to  hold  the  golden  mean,  but  who,  while 
he  despised  the  insects  of  the  day,  still  wanted  the 
firmness  to  adhere  to  what  was  excellent  in  the  old 
authors,  and  to  build  upon  their  foundation.  The  more 
sensible  scholars  and  acute  grammarians  undertook  the 
defence  of  the  older  productions,  and  it  was  easy  for  them 
to  show,  that  the  new,  fashionable  mode  of  polishing  and 
coloring  in  style,  would  produce  an  artificial  manner, 
ruinous  to  poetry  itself.  But  the  reigning  taste  was 
against  them, — a  taste,  which  refused  to  recognize  the 
substantial  excellence  of  the  old  authors,  under  their  plain 
dress,  and  the  rust  of  age  that  was  upon  them.  This 
new  style  was  termed  elegans,  or  nitida.  Seneca  calls  it 
hanc  recentem  polituram.  Great  labor  was  now  bestowed 
upon  exquisiteness  and  purity  of  language,  and  the 
more  distinguished  poets  and  amateurs  submitted  their 
productions  to  the  verbal  criticism  of  public  and  social 
circles,  composed  of  competent  judges.  It  was  in  view  of 
such  care  and  pains,  that  Horace  said,  operosa  carmina 
Jingo.  What  was  formerly  mere  rusticity,  was  now 
called  barbarism.  The  cultivation  of  the  language  was 
chiefly  in  the  hands  of  the  poets,  and  it  is  to  them  that  we 
are  to  look  for  proper  specimens  of  the  language  of  this 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LATIN    LANGUAGE.  303 

period.  Certain  words,  which  were  once  current,  were 
rejected  by  them,  as  inelegant ;  etsi,  for  example,  is  never 
used  by  Horace  or  Virgil. 

The  prevailing  taste  for  elegance  degenerated,  in  not 
a  few  writers,  into  what  was  artificial  and  far-fetched. 
"  Some  writers,"  says  Seneca,  "  are  so  fond  of  what  is 
striking,  that  they  carefully  break  up  easy  sentences, 
which  were  naturally  formed,  so  that  the  reader  may  fall 
upon  something  unexpected."  Others,  to  appear  original, 
affected  a  quaint  style,  and,  by  a  studied  omission  of 
conjunctions,  and  by  loose  constructions,  were  betrayed 
into  an  unnatural  obscurity.  Even  Augustus  expressed 
his  aversion  to  this  "  odor  of  recondite  words."  The 
faulty  style  of  Sallust  was  absurdly  imitated  by  L. 
Arruntius,  who  used  such  phrases  as  exercitum  argento 
fecit,  and  totus  hiemavit  annus. 

In  Livy,  we  find  the  first  traces  of  a  new  age,  not, 
indeed,  introduced  by  him,  but  first  made  known  to  us 
through  his  writings.  Formed  not  so  much  under  the 
teachers  of  rhetoric,  as  by  an  unusual  familiarity  with  the 
classic  productions  of  a  former  age,  he  fixed  upon  natural 
representation  as  the  fundamental  law  of  composition. 
His  language,  which  was  enriched  by  reviving  from  the. 
older  writers  much  that  had  gone  out  of  use,  and  by 
introducing  much,  also,  from  what  was  current  in 
social  life,  was  constructed  with  particular  reference  to> 
picturesque  description ;  and  while  he  gave  himself  free 
scope  in  regard  to  the  formation  of  his  sentences,  he 
aimed  more  at  a  complete  and  natural  expression  of 
character,  than  at  external  regularity  and  exactness.  He 
is,  therefore,  pre-eminently,  a  delineator  of  the  heart,  and 
is  the  first  Latin  author  who  particularly  excels  in  drawing 
character.  Not  that  he  altogether  overlooked  accuracy, 
but  he  made  it  subordinate  to  pictorial  effect.  His 
constructions  are  sometimes  hard  and  imperfect,  and  it 


304  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

cannot  be  denied,  that  he  sometimes  seeks  for  what  is 
unusual.  From  his  time,  we  meet  with  new  words, 
new  modes  of  connection,  a  less  delicate  regard  to  the 
collocation  of  words,  accidental  forms  of  construction, 
Greek  imitations,  and  a  revival  of  old  words. 

During  this  period,  the  boundaries,  within  which 
eloquence  had  been  confined,  were  enlarged,  so  as  to 
include  every  species  of  prose  composition,  not  less  than 
oratory.  The  useful  arts  were  now  the  subject  of  written 
compositions,  in  which  the  technical  terms,  employed 
in  common  life,  were  adopted.  Vitruvius  wrote  on 
architecture,  in  the  common  language,  adapted  to  the 
comprehension  of  the  ordinary  mechanic.  Columella, 
Pomponius  Mela,  and  Celsus,  wrote  with  skill,  and  not 
without  elegance,  on  scientific  and  practical  subjects. 

Cicero  had  long  before  predicted  the  downfall  of 
eloquence ;  and  Seneca  referred  to  the  effeminacy  and 
luxury  of  the  times,  as  the  cause  of  the  corruption  of  the 
language,  and  from  this  drew  the  general  inference, 
"  wherever  you  perceive  that  a  corrupt  taste  pleases,  be 
sure  that  the  morals  of  the  people  have  degenerated." 

The  fifth  period  embraces  the  interval  from  the  reign 
of  Claudius  to  the  death  of  Trajan,  in  A.  D.  117.  The 
language  of  this  period,  which  has  been  termed  lingua 
tumida,  was  an  exact  image  of  the  times.  It  was  no 
longer  an  instrument  of  popular  eloquence,  but  was 
confined  to  literature  and  to  books.  On  the  one  hand, 
the  prevailing  love  of  pleasure  gave  the  imagination  an 
unbridled  licentiousness,  and  the  language  was  overloaded 
with  gorgeous  images  and  tropes ;  and,  on  the  other, 
learning  and  philosophic  observation  imparted  to  strong 
minds  a  greater  affluence  of  thought,  which  they  wrought 
into  labored  forms  of  artificial  beauty,  or  condensed  into 
energetic  and  pointed  language.  Few  had  any  simplicity 
or  naturalness  of  style.     The  oratorical  style  degenerated 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LATIN    LANGUAGE.  305 

into  empty  declamation.  Hence  Tacitus  and  Quintilian 
came  forth  with  their  inquiries  into  the  causes  of  the 
decline  of  eloquence,  and  ascribed  it  to  a  want  of  general 
culture,  though  Seneca,  as  we  have  seen,  imputed  it  to 
moral  causes.  Roman  Latinity,  as  distinguished  from 
provincial,  no  longer  existed;  and  the  language  passed 
from  the  safe-keeping  of  a  few  privileged  families  into 
the  hands  of  the  learned  in  all  parts  of  the  empire.  The 
inventive  powers  of  learned  men  took  an  entirely  new 
direction.  Hence,  Quintilian  observed,  "We  have  totally 
changed  the  character  of  our  language,  and  indulge 
ourselves  unduly  in  innovations.  We  are  not  so  much 
inferior  to  our  ancestors  in  talent  as  in  steadiness  of 
purpose."  Hence,  too,  Aulus  Gellius  could  say,  "Most 
Latin  words  have  lost  their  native  significations,  and 
received  others,  adopted  from  habit  or  from  ignorance." 
But  it  should  be  remembered,  that  the  improvements 
made  in  the  language  in  the  preceding  period,  were 
artificial,  being  adapted  only  to  the  learned  and  refined, 
instead  of  growing  naturally  out  of  the  character  and 
habits  of  the  people.  The  old  tree  put  forth  new  shoots. 
The  people,  however,  were  no  longer  the  old  Romans, 
but  an  entirely  new  race.  There  was  no  longer  at  Rome 
a  circle  of  accomplished  men,  giving  law  to  language,  but 
in  all  parts  of  the  immense  empire,  a  motley  mixture  of 
men  of  various  kinds  and  degrees  of  culture,  flocked 
together  in  the  large  towns.  Simplicity  of  character  and 
of  style  disappeared.  The  intellectual  resistance,  made  to 
the  corrupting  tendencies  of  the  times,  was  too  feeble  to 
be  successful;  and  thus  the  good  and  the  bad  were 
indiscriminately  thrown  together  in  one  mass. 

The    insufficiency    of    the    language    to    express    the 

increasing   stock   of  abstract   ideas,   was   unhesitatingly 

obviated    by    the    formation    of    new    words.      So,    for 

example,    the    idea    of   possibility,    required    the    word, 

26* 


306  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

possibile,  for  which  the  earlier  writers  were  obliged  to 
use  the  circumlocution,  quod  fieri  potest;  —  "a  harsh 
term,"  as  Quintilian  observes,  "  but  the  only  one  for  the 
idea."  Thus  originated  such  words  as  corporalis,  such 
substantives  as  detractor,  abolitio,  prodigentia,  advectus, 
placamentum.  The  language  inclined  more  to  abstracts, 
for  which  adjectives,  even  in  the  singular  number,  were 
used,  as  in  the  case  of  desertum,  and  obscurum  noctis, 
with  Tacitus.  New  phrases  and  constructions,  contrary 
to  established  usage,  if  not  to  analogy,  were  introduced. 
The  signification  of  single  words  was  either  limited,  as 
in  cegritudo,  used  of  the  body  only;  or  the  signification 
was  extended,  as  in  rigor,  applied  to  the  mind.  In 
grammatical  usage,  genitives,  infinitives,  and  participles, 
were  much  more  frequent  than  formerly. 

In  regard  to  the  fine  writing  of  this  period,  two  things 
are  to  be  remarked; — first,  that  in  consequence  of  a 
diminished  regard  for  correctness  in  idiom  and  manner, 
the  old  standard  authors  were  no  longer  carefully  studied 
for  the  formation  of  a  good  style,  but  were  hastily  read 
for  purposes  of  compilation.  In  the  second  place,  the 
greatest  pains  were  taken  to  multiply  ornaments,  so  that 
nature  and  simplicity  were  almost  wholly  sacrificed. 
The  studied  sententiousness  of  ambitious  writers  led  to 
obscurity,  to  quaint  antitheses,  to  a  play  upon  words,  and 
to  a  mixture  of  the  prose  and  poetic  styles.  This  decline 
of  taste  is  clearly  perceptible  in  Velleius  Paterculus. 
Even  such  an  independent  writer  as  Tacitus,  is  not 
wholly  free  from  these  faults.  He  was  also  fond  of 
blending  incongruities  in  his  diction,  and  often  brought 
uncongenial  words  together,  for  the  sake  of  rendering  his 
style  pointed  and  energetic.  Composition  assumed  the 
form  of  apothegms ;  sentences  were  detached  and  abrupt. 
The  language  became  adapted  to  writing  compounds, 
and   lost   its  free,  and   sonorous,  and   swelling   periods 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LATIN    LANGUAGE.  307 

Quintilian  describes  the  language  0f  his  time  as  "  vitiated 
and  corrupt;  licentious  in  the  use  of  words;  wantonly 
indulging  in  sententious  puerilities;  immoderately  inflated; 
pompous,  without  meaning;  brilliant  with  flowers  just 
ready  to  fall ;  substituting  boldness  for  sublimity,  and  the 
madness  of  disorder  for  freedom." 

The  sixth  and  last  period  begins  with  the  reign  of 
Hadrian,  and  terminates  with  the  extinction  of  the 
language  in  the  fifth  century.  The  interval  between 
Hadrian  and  the  Antonines,  is  the  transition-period,  or 
the  preparation  for  a  total  downfall.  After  the  reign  of 
Trajan,  the  proper  development  of  the  language  ceased; 
all  the  subsequent  changes,  instead  of  being  organic  in 
their  nature,  were  arbitrarily  assumed.  In  the  fourth 
century,  the  process  of  corruption  was  even  more  rapid. 
Still,  such  works  as  those  of  Ammianus  Marcellinus, 
Apollinaris  Sidonius,Boethius  Fronto,Lactantius,  Solinus, 
and  Symmachus,  prove  the  incorrectness  of  the  common 
representation,  that  there  was  at  this  time  a  total 
corruption.  The  truth  is,  that  the  pure  Latin,  in  this 
century,  was  a  dead  language,  formed  exclusively  by 
the  reading  of  the  old  authors,  and  possessed  only  by  a 
few  learned  men,  who  wrote  the  better  for  being  retired 
from  common  and  public  life.  In  the  fifth  century, 
the  greater  part  of  the  language  was  either  foreign  or 
provincial. 

To  the  foregoing  sketch  of  the  history  of  the  language, 
it  will  be  in  place  to  add  a  word  respecting  its  character. 
Every  nation  leaves  its  own  image  stamped  on  its 
language,  and  consequently  the  latter  can  possess  only 
such  powers  and  such  refinement  as  the  character  of  the 
people  would  naturally  originate.  Every  language  has, 
however,  two  kinds  of  principles,  the  one  resulting  from 
the  universal  laws  of  thought,  and  common  to  all  nations, 
the   other  from  those  modes  of  thought  and  conception 


308  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

which  are  peculiar  to  one  people.  To  the  former  belong 
the  essential  forms  of  speech ;  and  though  the  Latin  has 
no  article  nor  optative,  yet  we  know  it  has  a  way  of 
making  up  these  deficiencies,  and  must  have,  in  order  to 
satisfy  the  laws  of  the  human  mind.  The  second  kind 
of  principles  is  as  much  the  result  of  peculiar  modes  of 
feeling  as  of  thought.  Connected  with  the  latter  are  some 
peculiarities,  which  seem  to  be  accidental, — for  which,  at 
least,  we  are  unable  to  give  a  satisfactory  account. 

One  of  the  most  obvious  peculiarities  of  the  Latin 
language  is  its  deficiency  in  abstract  terms,  and  its 
prevailing  use  of  concrete  forms.  Even  abstract  subjects 
were  viewed  under  concrete  images ;  and  many  words, 
which  are  correctly  translated  into  the  modern  languages 
by  abstracts,  suggested  to  the  Romans  a  more  living 
conception.  But  it  does  not  hence  follow,  that  the  Latin 
failed  in  precision.  On  the  contrary,  it  seized  upon  the 
exact  form  of  the  perception,  and  gave  it  out  as  it  was. 
Instead  of  stripping  it  of  all  individuality,  and  giving  it  a 
vague  generic  representation,  it  painted  the  specific  form 
like  an  image  on  the  retina  of  the  eye.  It  had  no  words, 
for  example,  to  express  the  first  terms  of  the  following 
phrases,  "  the  feeling  of  joy,  "  the  objects  of  nature,"  but 
it  had  an  abundance  of  words  to  express  the  various  kinds 
of  joy  and  the  individual  objects  of  nature. 

This  deficiency  is  apparent  in  the  small  number  of 
nouns  compared  with  the  number  of  verbs  in  the  language. 
Substantives  themselves  are,  in  some  sense,  abstractions, 
whereas  verbs  are  to  a  greater  extent  the  living  images  of 
reality.  The  later  Roman  writers  perceived  this  peculiarity 
of  their  language.  Seneca,  in  replying  to  a  friend,  says 
in  one  of  his  letters  ;  "  Of  what  use  is  that  facility  of  which 
you  speak,  so  long  as  there  is  no  way  in  which  I  can 
express  this  word  (essence)  in  Latin,  on  account  of  which 
I  have  complained  of  the  poverty  of  the  language  ?     Still 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LATIN   LANGUAGE.  309 

more  clearly  would  you  perceive  our  difficulties,  if  you 
were  aware,  that  there  was  one  single  term  for  which  I 
can  find  no  equivalent.  What  is  it  ?  you  will  ask.  It  is 
to  bv.  I  may  seem  to  you  to  be  too  fastidious,  and  you 
may  insist  that  it  can  be  rendered  by  quod  est.  But  the 
difference  is  very  great,  since  I  am  obliged  to  introduce  a 
verb,  which  would  encumber,  if  not  utterly  prevent  the 
use  of  the  word  in  many  constructions."  At  a  later 
period,  new  substantives  were  introduced  to  supply  such 
deficiencies ;  but  the  difficulty  of  forming  compounds  in 
Latin,  always  sets  limits  to  the  number  of  abstract  nouns. 
Hence  Livy  remarked ;  "  The  common  people,  by  resorting 
to  the  Greek,  which  more  easily  admits  of  compounds, 
call  these  persons  androgyni."  Seneca  says,  "This 
practice  more  becomes  the  Greek  language  than  ours,  for 
while  we  admire  such  words  as  avqiavxeva^incurvicervicum 
would  be  laughed  at."  Still,  such  awkward  compounds 
did  subsequently  find  their  way  into  the  Latin. 

The  Romans  resorted  to  various  expedients  for  supplying 
the  place  of  abstract  nouns.  They  used  doctus  vir,  for 
scholar ;  honor e  judicioque,  for  honorable  decision ;  nullum 
esse,  for  nonentity;  eos  quibus  praesis,  for  your  subjects; 
labor anti,  for  in  one's  trouble.  Many  words  are  so 
dependent  on  others,  that  they  cannot  stand  alone.  Thus 
auctor  cannot  be  used  by  itself,  for  a  writer,  nor  finis  for 
the  end  of  a  thing,  as  of  a  book.  Though  the  Latin  was 
deficient  in  the  expression  of  metaphysical  subtleties,  it 
was  a  good  instrument  for  logical  reasoning. 

Again,  the  Latin  language  is  better  adapted  to  the 
representation  of  real  objects  than  to  the  utterance  of 
impressions  and  feelings.  The  Romans  directed  their 
attention  more  particularly  to  affairs  of  active  life,  in 
which  the  perceptive  faculties  were  more  exercised  than 
the  speculative.  Hence  they  were  mainly  anxious,  in  their 
language,  to  give  true  pictures  of  whatever  presented  itself 


310  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

as  an  object  of  perception.  They  were  more  concerned 
about  the  substance  than  the  form  in  their  representations, 
and,  therefore,  did  not,  by  peculiar  forms  and  constructions, 
modify  their  words  by  nice  shades  of  meaning,  as  the 
Greeks  did.  Words,  with  them,  had  a  fixed,  current 
import;  their  ideas  were  taken  directly  from  real  life, 
without  passing-  through  such  a  refining  mental  process 
as  with  the  Greeks. 

A  third  peculiarity  of  the  language  is  its  plainness 
and  precision,  as  seen  in  its  prevailing  use  of  positive 
and  explicit  affirmation.  The  character  of  the  old 
and  pure  Latin  is  remarkably  assertatory.  Hypothetical 
representations  were  not  common  till  a  later  period, 
when  the  Greek  influence  prevailed  in  Roman  literature. 
Consequently  the  language  did  not  possess  that  nice 
tracery  of  fugitive  thoughts  and  feelings  with  which 
the  Greek  abounded ;  a  language  which  by  means  of  its 
dialects,  its  particles,  and  its  general  flexibility,  could  so 
color  and  shade  the  subordinate  parts  of  a  sentence,  as  to 
insinuate  in  a  thousand  ways  what  it  did  not  directly 
assert.  The  etymological  meaning  of  words  can  be  more 
easily  traced  by  direct  logical  consequence  in  the  Latin 
than  in  the  Greek.  Almost  every  signification,  even 
when  accidental  in  its  origin,  can  be  accounted  for,  by 
reason  of  the  straight-forward  course  of  thought  peculiar 
to  the  Roman  people.  Every  thing  appears  to  spring 
naturally  out  of  a  sound  exercise  of  the  understanding. 
Many  Latin  constructions  indicate,  that  the  writers 
drew  their  materials  directly  from  practical  life,  where 
established  customs  controlled  alike  the  act  and  its 
delineation  in  writing. 

That  the  language  of  the  Romans  was  distinguished 
for  perspicuity  and  simplicity,  might  be  inferred  from 
what  has  already  been  said.  It  was  formed  for  the 
popular  eloquence  of  a  calculating  people;    it  was  the 


HISTORY    OF    THE    LATIN    LANGUAGE.  311 

language  of  deliberation,  and  its  powers  were  developed 
in  the  form  of  plain,  intelligible  prose  composition. 
There  was  little  room  here  for  the  fancy  to  play 
with  indefinite  and  half-formed  images.  Csesar  is 
characteristically  described,  as  "holding  up  well-drawn 
pictures  in  a  clear  light."  Loose  constructions,  carrying 
sentences  into  forms  arbitrarily  protracted,  were  avoided, 
as  unfavorable  to  definiteness  of  aim,  and  energy  of 
expression.  The  Latin,  more  than  any  other  language, 
was  subject  to  fixed  usage.  In  the  better  periods  of  its 
history,  no  one  could,  with  impunity,  go  beyond  the  limits 
of  established  general  usage ;  authority  was  acknowledged 
as  in  no  other  language.  Peculiarities  are  found  only  in 
certain  ages,  or  in  particular  kinds  of  composition ;  and 
there  they  form  the  exception,  not  the  rule. 

Furthermore,  a  manly  considerateness  and  gravity, 
peculiar  to  the  Roman  character,  are  visibly  enstamped 
upon  the  language.  It  is  regular  and  temperate  in 
movement.  "  It  may  have  great  power,  but  not  violence ; 
a  strong  and  perpetual  current,  but  not  the  dashing  of  a 
torrent."  Seneca,  the  author  of  these  words,  adds,  a  little 
further  on,  "  The  Roman  language  is  circumspect,  and 
addresses  itself  to  the  judgment  of  sober  and  calculating 
minds," — a  description  which  perfectly  agrees  with  the 
Roman  sense  of  dignity,  and  aversion  both  to  vulgarity 
and  to  finery.  There  is,  accordingly,  something  heavy 
in  its  expression  of  sentiment,  a  want  of  easy  movement 
and  playfulness,  presenting  a  contrast  of  "  Roman 
power"  with  "Attic  grace."  "The  more  delicate  hues  of 
language,"  observes  the  same  writer,  "seem  to  be  denied 
us,  and  conceded  only  to  the  Greeks.  We  have  not  the 
Attic  grace,  but  we  have  superior  power ;  we  are  excelled 
in  subtilty,  but  not  in  weightiness."  A  jest,  in  Latin,  is 
generally  heavy  and  astringent,  and  not  light  and  playful, 
as  in  Greek. 


312  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

The  Latin  language,  having  received  its  culture 
chiefly  in  social  intercourse,  and  in  popular  assemblies, 
before  being  extensively  used  in  books,  early  became 
pre-eminently  the  language  of  oratory.  All  language 
formed  more  for  the  ear  than  for  the  eye,  gives  greater 
scope  to  rhythmical  expression.  The  arrangement  of  the 
thought,  the  position  of  the  words,  and  the  construction  of 
the  sentences,  are  all  directed  to  a  single  object, — to 
readiness  of  apprehension.  It  cannot  be  denied,  that 
the  Latin  language,  and  the  whole  body  of  its  literature, 
have  a  rhetorical  character,  a  circumstance  which,  when 
no  precautions  were  taken,  exposed  it  to  the  faults  of 
difFuseness. 


IX. 


EDUCATION  OF  THE  MORAL  SENTIMENT 

AMONG 

THE   ANCIENT   GREEKS. 

A  DISCOURSE, 
BY   FREDERIC   JACOBS. 


27 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS. 


When,  once  upon  a  time,  as  the  ancients  relate, 
Pythagoras,  the  Samian,  had  maintained  a  long  and 
ingenious  conversation  with  Leon,  the  prince  of  the 
Phliasians,  the  prince,  surprised  at  the  variety  of  his 
knowledge,  and  the  sagacity  of  his  views,  asked  him 
what  art  he  chiefly  practised ;  the  sage  replied,  that 
he  practised  no  art,  but  was  a  lover  of  wisdom.  When 
Leon,  marvelling  at  the  novelty  of  the  term,  inquired  its 
meaning,  the  Samian  answered,  that  he  thought  the  life 
of  man  might  be  compared  to  the  public  mart  which  was 
associated  with  the  fairest  and  most  sacred  festivals  of 
Greece.  For,  as  at  Olympia,  some  aspired  to  fame  and 
distinction  by  bodily  strength,  others  toiled  for  gain  in 
the  occupations  of  business,  while  others,  finally,  and 
those  the  best  of  all,  regardless  of  admiration  and  profit, 
only  observed  and  weighed  attentively  the  conduct, 
character,  and  manners  of  the  rest ;  just  so,  in  the  great 
mart  of  life,  some  were  striving  for  fame,  others  for 
wealth ;  but  that,  besides  these  classes  of  persons,  there 
still  existed  a  small  number,  who,  caring  little  for  other 
objects,  had  turned  their  thoughts  to  the  nature  of  things, 
and  their  essential  character  alone ;  and  that  these  were 
the  men  whom  he  called  lovers  of  wisdom,  philosophers ; 


316  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

and  as  there,  it  was  the  most  liberal  and  exalted  part  to 
be  a  looker-on,  without  regard  to  personal  gain,  so,  too,  in 
life,  the  contemplation  of  things,  and  the  understanding  of 
them,  should  be  set  above  all  other  human  endeavors. 

In  this  decision  of  one  of  the  wisest  men  of  antiquity 
upon  the  order  of  precedence  among  the  labors  of  man, 
which  we  see  to  have  been  recognized  in  later  times,  also, 
by  the  best  of  the  Greeks,  there  is  shown  a  sharp  contrast 
between  the  mode  of  thinking  of  this  nation  and  the 
sentiments  of  barbarous  tribes.  By  them  this  order 
is  reversed.  They  only  admit  the  claims  of  gainful 
occupation,  which  has  its  gaze  fixed  on  earth,  and 
makes  use  of  earthly  materials,  for  earthly  ends;  they 
will  barely  endure  the  free  play  of  the  powers,  which 
aims  at  nothing  but  to  satisfy  itself;  they  enjoy  it,  if  it 
fills  the  time  agreeably,  but  never  hold  it  in  high  regard; 
the  leisurely  spectator,  however,  who  only  observes  what 
is  going  forward,  and  how  things  come  to  pass,  they 
are  hardly  willing  to  tolerate,  regarding  him  as  a  parasitic 
member  of  the  community.  Most  certainly  they  will 
discover  nothing  exalted  in  such  an  occupation ;  and  as, 
according  to  their  view,  this  mark  of  honor  belongs  not 
even  to  the  first  class  of  the  Samian  sage,  and  the 
second,  by  universal  consent,  has  no  claim  whatever 
thereto,  so,  among  the  barbarians  in  the  open  mart  of 
life,  as  Pythagoras  calls  it,  no  place  will  any  where  be 
found  for  lofty  excellence. 

Now,  however,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  a  nation  rids 
itself  of  the  stigma  of  barbarism,  just  in  proportion  as  it 
not  merely  respects,  but,  in  comparison  with  selfish 
pursuits,  holds,  as  pre-eminently  generous,  liberal,  and 
exalted,  the  disinterested  effort  for  the  acquisition  of 
knowledge,  which  shows  itself  in  contemplation,  and  the 
free  play  of  mind,  which  is  brought  to  light  in  the 
production  and  representation  of  the  beautiful. 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        317 

We  are  acquainted  with  no  nation  of  the  ancient  world, 
among  whom  this  strain  of  thought  was  so  controlling, 
or  among  whom,  in  the  whole  tendency  of  their  political 
life,  and  of  the  festal  assemblies,  it  stood  forth  so  real  and 
lively  as  among  the  Greeks.  It  was  not  here  a  specious 
opinion,  but  a  deeply-rooted,  though  often  obscure  belief, 
which  pervaded  the  whole  civilization  of  Greece,  and  even 
stamped  upon  it  the  characteristic  seal  of  a  spirit  nobler 
and  loftier  than  common.  Or  is  there  aught  that  would 
fain  make  a  stronger  claim  to  this  superior  excellence,  than 
that  religious  tone  of  feeling,  which  pays  homage  only  to 
the  beautiful  and  the  lofty ;  esteems  naught  highly,  that 
is  not  great,  but  holds  naught  great,  unless  it  soar  beyond 
the  sphere  of  earth  ?  Or  could  one  doubt,  the  existence 
of  such  a  tone  of  feeling  among  the  Greeks,  where  what 
is  greatest  and  most  beautiful  is  revealed  to  us,  in  the 
domain  of  art,  by  countless  noble  works,  and  in  the 
province  of  political  life,  by  just  as  many  examples  of 
great  renunciation,  sublime  self-sacrifice,  and  illustrious 
deeds ;  nay,  where  even  whole  communities,  like  the 
Spartan  State,  founded  on  belief  in  the  might  of  the 
idea,  knew  no  greater  blessing  than  freedom,  and  sacrificed 
life  itself  with  delight  for  the  preservation  of  this  blessing, 
which  was  purchased  by  a  joyless  existence  ? 

We  may  venture  unhesitatingly  to  appeal  to  the  voice 
of  history,  as  well  as  to  the  feeling  of  every  man,  who  has 
taken  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  deeds  and  works  of 
the  Grecian  world  in  connection  with  their  political 
institutions,  their  internal  and  external  relations,  their 
legislation,  science  and  art,  for  confirmation  of  the  fact, 
that  among  them  breathes  the  breath  of  a  beautiful  morality 
as  among  no  other  people,  and  that  the  magical  splendor 
which  yet  pours  around  them,  after  so  many  centuries,  is 
nothing  else  than  the  reflection  of  a  purer  nature  and  of 
a  superior  excellence  of  character.  What  the  ancients 
27* 


318  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

declared  of  the  Indian  kings,  that  they  were  much  statelier 
and  nobler  than  their  subjects,  may  be  affirmed  of  the 
Greeks,  in  comparison  with  other  nations.  And  as, 
according  to  the  belief  of  antiquity,  the  gods  selected  but 
a  few  from  the  mass  of  men,  whom  they  thought  worthy 
to  be  instructed  by  themselves,  and  even  adorned  the 
life  of  those,  whom  they  desired  to  render  truly  happy, 
so,  also,  they  seem  to  have  chosen  the  Greeks  from 
the  mass  of  nations,  in  order  to  hold  them  up  as  their 
special  favorites  to  future  ages.  For  even  now,  after 
such  manifold  changes  of  time  and  circumstances,  Greek 
antiquity  appears  to  us  not  merely  as  an  object  of 
admiration,  in  many  points  of  view,  but  also,  taking  into 
consideration  the  infirmity  of  man,  as  endowed  more  than 
any  other  nation,  with  an  exquisite  refinement  of  moral 
feeling.  Where,  indeed,  could  a  compensation  be  found 
for  the  European  world, — moulded  as  it  has  been  the  last 
four  hundred  years,  in  its  highest  relations, — were  it 
possible  suddenly  to  snap  asunder  the  threads  that  bind 
it  to  antiquity ;  or,  if  its  works  could  be  annihilated,  and 
even  the  memory  of  their  greatness  and  excellence  sunk 
in  the  waves  of  oblivion  ?  Whither  could  the  European 
world  turn,  to  find  in  deed  and  in  truth  another  model  of 
exalting  virtue,  in  the  relations  of  men  and  of  citizens, 
if  the  gods  and  heroes  of  this  earthly  Olympus  were 
withdrawn  from  our  gaze,  and  for  us  were  overthrown 
the  frame  of  this  wondrous  world,  in  which  the  loftiest 
greatness  seems  not  impossible  of  belief,  because  all  there 
stands  so  high?  this  world,  full  of  mighty  vigor,  as  of 
grace  and  charm,  in  which  beauty  seems  moral,  and 
morality  looks  beautiful,  and  both  appear  as  a  peculiar 
growth  of  nature,  and  in  this  phenomenon  give  an 
example  of  a  concordant  union  of  qualities,  which  singly 
beget  applause  or  reverence,  but  only  in  their  harmonious 
blending  can  enchant  the  soul  and  raise  it  above  itself. 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        319 

Now,  if  it  should  here  be  asked,  what  the  nations  of 
modern  times,  with  the  numberless  advantages  which  the 
measureless  increase  of  knowledge  of  every  sort,  and  the 
multiplication  of  the  means  for  attaining  what  we  call 
culture,  and,  finally,  the  correction  of  so  many  conceptions 
of  God,  and  of  divine  things,  that  influence  the  moral 
feelings,  which  we  owe  to  Christianity,  have  undeniably 
supplied;  if  it  be  asked,  what,  as  far  as  regards  the  use 
made  of  such  important  advantages,  they  have  yet  to  set 
off  against  antiquity,  a  more  complete  reply  to  this  very 
comprehensive  question  may  be  left  for  others ;  but  we 
choose  to  confine  ourselves  to  an  investigation  of  the 
sources  from  which  flowed  the  superiority  of  the  Greeks, 
we  have  mentioned  before.  Did  they  both  stand,  with 
regard  to  morality,  in  an  inverted  relation;  had  the 
Greeks  been  enlightened  and  warmed  by  the  revelations 
of  Christianity,  and  were  the  modern  world  sunk  in 
polytheism  and  heathenism,  the  solution  of  the  latter 
problem  would  be  extremely  easy.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  is  undeniable,  that  the  teaching  of  virtue,  so  far  as 
that  is  comprehended  in  words  and  doctrines,  was 
defective  among  the  most  of  the  Greeks;  but  the  mythical 
religion,  instead  of  giving  life  and  purity  to  the  idea  of 
morals,  rather  darkened  and  confounded  them ;  while  the 
Christian  world,  as  it  should  seem,  is  not  only  guarded 
by  the  light  of  religion  from  error,  but  guided  by  her 
commands  along  the  path  of  a  generous  and  moral 
culture,  and  invited  to  a  virtuous  and  godly  life. 

Now  what  may  be  drawn,  by  way  of  reply  to  the 
question  proposed,  from  outward  and  accidental  influences, 
has  indeed  passed  unnoticed  by  but  few  who  have  written 
upon  this  nation ;  but  yet  the  real  efficacy  of  these 
influences  has  been  sometimes  estimated  quite  too  highly. 
It  is  certainly  true,  that  where  morality  is  to  unfold  its 


320  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

fairest  blossoms,  nature  must  have  bestowed  her  gifts 
with  no  step-mother's  niggard  hand ;  but  these  gifts, 
which  of  themselves  are  neither  moral  nor  the  opposite, 
require,  like  a  vigorous  soil,  in  order  to  bear  fruit,  sound 
seed,  and  the  sunshine  of  a  wise  and  wholesome  fostering 
care.  As  the  sky  of  Hellas  surpasses  nearly  all  other 
climates  in  brightness  and  elasticity,  so,  also,  has  nature 
dealt  most  lovingly  with  the  inhabitants  of  this  land. 
Through  the  whole  being  of  the  Greek  there  reigned 
supreme  a  quick  susceptibility,  out  of  which  sprang  a 
gladsome  serenity  of  temper  and  a  keen  enjoyment  of  life; 
acute  senses,  and  nimbleness  of  apprehension;  a  guileless 
and  childlike  feeling,  full  of  trust  and  faith,  combined 
with  prudence  and  forecast.  These  peculiarities  lay 
so  deeply  imbedded  in  the  inmost  nature  of  the  Greeks, 
that  no  revolutions  of  time  and  circumstances  have  yet 
been  able  utterly  to  destroy  them  ;  nay,  it  may  be  asserted, 
that  even  now,  after  centuries  of  degradation,  they  have 
not  been  wholly  extinguished  in  the  inhabitants  of  ancient 
Hellas.  They  are  stamped,  like  an  Hellenic  signet,  upon 
their  greatest  and  noblest  deeds,  as  well  as  upon  their 
worst  crimes ;  and  the  earnest  temper  of  the  historian  is  not, 
perhaps,  quite  just,  when  he  pours  out  his  wrath  upon  an 
inflammability  of  character,  which,  like  the  heat  of  a 
volcanic  soil,  sometimes  lays  waste,  and  sometimes  kindly 
fosters ;  or,  upon  the  childlike  temper,  that  hastily  takes 
up,  and  quickly  throws  aside,  easily  commits  a  crime,  and 
easier  still  repents ;  breaks  out  with  wrath,  to  its  own 
harm,  and  loves  with  equal  violence ;  pursues  sport  with 
seriousness,  and  often  deals  sportively  with  matters  of 
serious  weight.  This  is  not  the  proper  subject  for  just 
anger.  As  in  most  of  the  affairs  of  earth,  evil  is  here 
mingled  with  good,  and,  like  mirth  and  melancholy, 
spring  from  one  and  the  same  root.     The  same  power, 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        321 

which  clothes  the  earth's  surface  with  healing  plants,  and 
giveth  increase  to  the  most  generous  wines,  brings  forth 
also  the  multitude  of  useless  and  poisonous  weeds. 

But  the  more  vigorous  the  powers  of  nature  were  in 
that  people,  the  more  urgent  becomes  the  question,  what 
it  was  that  tempered  their  violence,  and  made  that  which 
threatened  to  act  destructively  in  them,  beneficent.  What 
was  it  that  so  triumphantly  opposed  sublime  abstinence  to 
wild  impulse,  the  cool  contempt  of  death  to  the  glowing 
joy  of  life,  and  a  sacred  and  pious  respect  for  moderation 
and  discipline  to  unbridled  desire  ?  Whence  came  that 
self-control,  which  takes  such  mighty  hold  of  us,  just  when 
contrasted  with  surpassing  power  ?  that  reverence  for  the 
majesty  of  law  ?  that  temperance  in  enjoyment,  along  with 
the  most  fiery  temptations,  and  the  richest  abundance  of 
its  objects  ?  the  tendency  to  the  ideal,  in  the  very  midst 
of  a  subduing  reality  ?  And  if  these  phenomena  are  not 
to  be  attributed  to  a  blind  force  of  nature,  what,  then,  did 
so  wondrously  strengthen  and  wing  the  moral  freedom 
of  man's  exalted  nature,  precisely  among  this  people  ? 

If  morality  is  the  inward  health  of  man,  and  health 
consists  in  the  harmonious  accord  of  all  his  powers,  so 
that  even  his  baser  part,  the  chaos  of  his  impulses  and 
desires,  obeys  the  free  principle  of  his  higher  nature,  not 
merely  with  a  slavish  fear,  but,  pervaded  by  this  principle, 
itself  assumes  the  character  of  freedom ;  it  is  manifest, 
that  such  a  harmony  cannot  be  the  result  of  force  and 
compulsion.  Morality  is  inward  beauty ;  but  beauty  is 
the  flower  of  freedom.  Severe  law  makes  the  useful 
slave,  but  the  moral  man  should  be  the  very  image  of 
freedom.  True,  indeed,  above  the  warring  elements 
of  manifold  powers,  impulses  and  inclinations,  which 
primarily  toss  and  billow  in  the  soul,  hovers  the  imperial 
will,  as  an  austere  Nemesis,  with  her  measure  of  right, 
or  as  inexorable  Justice,  to  check  the  wild  uproar,  and  to 


322  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

enforce  the  majesty  of  law.  Certainly,  this  power, 
certainly,  the  god  in  man,  must  enjoin  reverence  upon 
the  lower  nature,  and  fright  it  back  within  its  banks, 
when  it  breaks  through  the  barriers ;  but  he  who  restores 
the  lost  equipoise,  is  not  therefore  its  author  and  creator. 
As,  according  to  a  profound  opinion  of  the  ancient  sages, 
the  stormy  rage  of  the  yeasty  elements,  and  their  wild 
discord,  were  dissolved  and  reduced  to  order  by  the  power 
of  love,  so,  too,  is  it  the  magic  of  beauty  in  the  human  soul, 
which  curbs  its  passions  with  gentle  rein ;  it  is  the  breath 
of  love,  that  unites  like  to  like,  and  reconciles  the  jarring 
elements ;  that  unfolds  the  hidden  germ  of  the  inner  man, 
until  it  blossoms,  and  works  the  miracle  of  a  harmony, 
by  which  unruly  accident  is  pervaded  with  the  law  of 
necessity,  and  necessity  itself  is  transfigured  to  the  shape 
of  freedom. 

Hence  it  has  long  been  acknowledged,  that  human 
nature,  in  order  to  be  trained  to  morality,  requires  a 
mediator,  who  shall  reconcile  the  severity  of  unbending 
law  with  the  wantonness  of  wildly-stirring  impulses ; 
purify  and  exalt  them ;  soften  by  love  the  former,  without 
abasement  of  its  majesty;  and  it  has  been  acknowledged, 
too,  that  this  mediator  is  no  other  than  the  idea  of  beauty 
and  sublimity,  in  which  the  divine  nature,  as  the  source 
and  origin  of  the  moral  law,  reveals  itself  in  the  earthly. 
This  is  the  sun  of  the  heaven  within  us,  around  which 
the  elements  of  our  being  gather  in  regular  and  freely 
moving  dance ;  pervaded  by  whose  beams,  every  impulse 
is  transfigured,  and  when  the  time  for  action  is  at  hand, 
comes  forth,  like  the  son  of  Tydeus,  with  glory  blazing 
round  it,  kindling  admiration  and  emulous  delight. 

Hence  it  follows,  as  the  first  demand  upon  an  education 
which  is  to  form  the  morals,  that  it  set  up  in  the  soul,  and 
inspire  with  life,  the  idea  of  the  beautiful  and  the  great, 
along  with  imperative  law.    That  the  stream  of  unbridled 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        323 

caprice,  and  of  the  selfish  despotism  of  the  passions,  may- 
re  tire  within  safe  banks,  and  that  blind  impulse  may 
freely  fall  in  with  the  order  of  a  legislating  government  of 
the  intellect,  unshackled  force  must  be  encountered  by 
the  idea,  which,  because  it  comes  down  from  God,  is 
mightier  than  every  earthly  influence;  as  law,  imperative; 
but,  as  beauty,  and  veiled  under  the  ethereal  disguise  of 
an  image  recognizable  by  the  senses,  kindly  chiming  in 
with  the  inclinations  of  the  heart.  For,  in  man's  inward 
economy,  none  of  the  priceless  powers  of  his  nature 
should  be  lost ;  each  should  keep  the  place  in  which  it 
can  work  with  the  best  and  most  salutary  effect;  and, 
inasmuch  as  they  all  tend  towards  his  godlike  part,  his 
inmost  being  should  be  moulded  to  a  whole,  of  the  purest, 
holiest,  and  most  enchanting  harmony. 

For  the  attainment  of  such  an  end,  even  the  most 
complete  and  profound  instruction  is  insufficient ;  nor  can 
an  education  promote  it,  which,  instead  of  freely  and 
harmoniously  unfolding  the  powers  of  the  soul,  only 
aims  to  establish  the  supremacy  of  the  understanding, 
and  for  this  purpose,  exhausts  itself  in  the  invention 
and  application  of  methods  and  mechanical  means.  An 
education  of  this  kind  is  much  more  likely  to  destroy  the 
germ  which  it  should  waken  into  life,  because,  instead  of 
leading  the  mind  to  freedom,  it  subjects  it  to  habit,  which 
is  essentially  different  from  virtue,  and  would  fain  barter 
moral  freedom  for  an  instinct  which  befits  only  the  beast. 
Mechanism  has  never  given  birth  to  greatness  in  the 
moral  world.  Nature,  which  never  makes  one  flower  like 
another,  multiplies  the  variety  of  her  forms  the  higher 
she  ascends ;  but  she  reaches  her  greatest  variety  in  the 
realm  of  morals.  And  would  it  not  be  a  sin  against  her 
laws  to  resist  this  tendency?  to  aim  at  uniformity,  where 
she  seeks  the  greatest  variety?  and  so,  were  it  possible, 


324  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

to  dwarf  the  hardy  growth  of  the  cedar  down  to  the 
measure  of  the  dottard  ? 

No  nation,  that  believed  in  the  force  of  education 
generally,  has  ever  kept  itself  freer  from  this  error  than 
the  Greek.  The  exuberance  of  inbred  vigor,  which  they 
were  conscious  of  possessing,  early  moved  them  to  look 
round  for  the  means  of  over-mastering  it.  But  while 
they  recognized  the  principle  of  the  maxim,  "  nothing  to 
excess,"  and  the  rule  of  moderation  as  the  great  law  of 
culture,  they  never  forgot  that  overflowing  fulness  might 
be  arrested  without  drying  it  up,  and  that  the  excess  of 
power  should  be  curbed,  but  not  crippled.  They  educated 
the  youth  according  to  this  conviction;  according  to  it, 
they  trained  themselves  until  they  reached  the  years  of 
maturity;  and  the  vigorous  morality,  which  delights  us 
in  them,  was  the  work  of  this  education.  We  shall, 
therefore,  have  to  speak  here,  not  merely  of  that  education 
which  was  marked  out  for  childhood,  but  of  the  means  of 
moral  culture  at  large,  which  were  found  in  Greece ;  a 
subject  which  will  most  easily  fall  into  the  proper  order, 
if  we  first  consider  the  peculiarities  of  the  Grecian  mode 
of  youthful  education,  and  then  the  springs  from  which 
the  men  of  ripened  years  continually  moistened  the  plant 
of  mental  and  moral  culture. 

As  the  education  of  the  Grecian  youth  has  been 
described  by  many,  we  shall  confine  ourselves  to  the 
attempt  to  trace  its  spirit  according  to  the  principles  that 
have  been  already  intimated.  But  it  will  not  be  useless 
to  remark,  in  this  place,  that,  although  we  are  here  to 
speak  of  Grecian  culture  in  general,  we  nevertheless 
give  our  attention  chiefly  to  Attica,  not  only  because  we 
possess  the  most  complete  knowledge  of  this  country,  but, 
also,  because  the  subject  of  our  observations  is  here  shown 
in  its  greatest  perfection. 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        325 

With  a  great  diversity  of  details,  Greek  education  was 
chiefly  limited  to  two  things,  Gymnastics  and  Music. 
All  that  served  for  the  improvement  of  the  body  was 
comprehended  under  the  first,  and  what  was  adapted  to 
unfold  the  mind,  under  the  second.  One  was  intended  to 
complete,  nay,  to  pervade  the  other,  and,  from  the  union 
of  the  two,  should  proceed  that  tone  of  feeling  which 
ennobles  the  enjoyment  of  the  life  of  the  senses,  endures 
hardships  for  the  sake  of  higher  objects,  scorns  danger 
and  death  for  freedom  and  country,  and  bears  prosperity 
and  leisure  with  easy  grace  and  dignity.  An  education, 
that  wanted  either  the  one  or  the  other,  would  have  been 
rejected  as  illiberal ;  hence,  even  the  Spartan  discipline, 
strongly  as  its  objects  tended  to  a  partial  and  imperfect 
cultivation  of  the  powers,  did  not  neglect  the  musical 
education.  On  this  two-fold  path,  the  youth,  as  soon  as 
he  had  outgrown  the  women's  care,  was  led  on  towards 
a  moral  goal.  But  how  this  was  done,  and  how  even 
gymnastics  had  a  decided  bearing  upon  the  morals,  it  is 
incumbent  on  us,  above  all  things,  to  show. 

Here,  that  our  judgment  may  not  be  led  astray,  by 
confounding  together  different  though  closely-connected 
subjects,  we  must  be  careful  not  to  confound  gymnastics 
with  athletic  exercises.  The  former  only  was  considered 
a  means  of  culture  for  freeborn  youths,  while  athletic 
training  was  deemed  a  mechanical  trade,  that  often 
disfigured  the  body,  and  either  left  the  mind  vacant, 
or  else  led  it  into  a  savage  and  unruly  state.  For, 
while  the  athletic  art, — being,  in  its  degeneracy,  closely 
connected  with  the  art  of  the  tumbler, — was  occupied, 
not  in  developing  the  whole  body,  but  only  in  carrying 
this  or  that  of  its  powers  to  the  highest  perfection,  nay,  to 
a  wonderful  degree,  gymnastics  aimed,  by  the  uniform 
development  of  every  part  of  the  body,  to  promote  its 
health,  and  to  make  it  prompt  and  vigorous  for  every 
28 


326  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

service.  It  is  an  erroneous  idea,  to  limit  the  aim  of  these 
exercises  to  war  alone,  for  the  hardships  of  which,  they 
were,  indeed,  a  preparation,  but  no  more  than  they  taught 
the  proper  enjoyment  of  the  repose  of  peace.  For  what 
gymnastics  aimed  at,  independently  of  all  practical  use, 
was,  to  procure  for  the  mind  the  most  befitting  repose,  by 
the  consciousness  of  dominion  over  the  body  in  its  healthy 
state,  and  by  the  harmony  between  the  obedient  and  the 
ruling  part,  and  to  set  forth  the  inward  harmony  of  the 
free  spirit,  by  the  outward  appearance.  Hence,  the  want 
of  that  becoming  address,  which  gymnastics  secured,  was 
censured  as  the  distinguishing  mark  of  a  barbarian,  and  a 
baseborn  man,  inasmuch  as  it  betokened  either  vulgar 
strength  of  body,  or  feebleness  and  incapacity,  an  offensive 
want  of  equipoise. 

Now,  while  the  blooming  youth,  under  the  eyes  of 
their  teachers  and  of  the  gymnastic  masters,  who  were 
appointed  and  watched  by  the  magistrates,  and  in  whom 
correct  sentiments  and  morals  were  required,  no  less  than 
a  knowledge  of  their  business,  in  a  spot  consecrated  and 
protected  by  the  gods,  engaged  in  a  toilsome,  but  delightful 
sport,  after  a  strict  method  and  the  most  precise  laws, 
they  became  not  only  accustomed  to  submit  with  pleasure 
to  law,  which  is  the  foundation  of  civic  discipline,  but 
learned,  at  the  same  time,  what  deserves  no  less  attention, 
to  guard,  inviolate  and  pure,  sacred  modesty,  the  root  of 
all  morality.  The  asceticism  of  a  later  age,  revolutionized 
in  all  its  elements,  has  unjustly  taken  offence  at  the  nudity 
of  the  Grecian  youth  in  their  gymnasia,  and  seen  a  slough 
of  the  most  infamous  moral  corruption,  where  dwelt  at  first 
innocence  and  order.  All  is  not  to  be  called  immoral  that 
offends  the  rules  of  modern  decency,  which  is  often  made 
to  serve  as  a  veil  to  the  deepest  corruption.  For,  that  false 
shame,  which,  under  the  show  of  decency,  secretly  fosters 
licentiousness,  which,  like  a  hidden  fire,  wastes  away  the 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        327 

bloom  of  youth,  and  often  makes  a  richly  gifted  nature 
incapable  of  every  great  and  noble  effort,  is  the  very 
antipodes  of  innocence.  Who  was  ever  more  modest  than 
the  Grecian  youth  in  the  common  intercourse  of  life  ? 
Where  was  innocence  ever  more  anxiously  guarded,  and 
sacred  shame  fostered  with  greater  wisdom  ?  Unharmed, 
they  practised  their  exhilarating  employment,  robed 
beautifully  in  the  peculiar  sanctity  of  youth.  The  delight 
and  enthusiasm  they  felt  in  the  hardy  exercises  which 
absorbed  them,  were  a  sufficient  safeguard  against  the 
poisonous  breath  of  impure  desire.  Thus  gymnastics, 
like  art,  affected  the  moral  feelings.  As  in  the  latter,  the 
weight  of  the  material  substance,  pervaded  by  the  living 
idea  within  it,  seems  to  vanish  from  the  eye  of  the  body, 
and  only  the  image,  as  the  symbol  of 'the  idea,  remains  in 
the  soul,  so,  also,  in  the  gymnasia,  all  other  thoughts  and 
feelings  were  lost  in  the  delight  inspired  by  the  nature  of 
the  occupation  and  its  exalted  aims. 

The  moral  influence  of  the  gymnasia  was  felt  through 
the  whole  life  of  the  Greeks,  and  far  from  being  schools 
of  profligacy,  they  rather  accustomed  the  pupils,  not  only 
to  distinguish,  but  to  honor  beauty.  Hence,  too,  among 
no  other  people,  has  art  managed  the  nude  with  more 
chasteness,  nor  kept  itself,  in  the  representation  of 
human  and  divine  beings,  more  aloof  from  those  impure 
suggestions,  to  which  modern  art,  regardless  of  the 
demands  of  morals  and  religion,  has  only  too  often  been 
degraded.  It  was  also  in  the  gymnasia,  that  the  friendship 
of  beautiful  young  men  grew  up  most  frequently,  which 
seemed  to  prolong  the  heroic  age,  and,  as  it  sprang  from 
virtue,  so  it  produced  virtue.  This  kind  of  friendship,  in 
which  the  glow  of  feeling  was  refined  into  the  noblest 
enthusiasm,  was  so  favored  by  the  political  institutions 
of  the  Grecian  world,  that,  even  were  the  ancients 
silent  upon  it,  it  must  have  been,  almost  of  necessity, 


328  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

pre-supposed.  True,  indeed,  the  female  sex  were, 
through  its  influence,  withdrawn  somewhat  more  into  the 
privacy  of  the  women's  apartment ;  but  how  could  this  be 
otherwise,  in  a  democracy  which  tolerates  no  half-way 
condition,  but  can  only  nourish  through  men  and  lofty 
manhood?  But,  although  here  and  there,  the  women 
themselves  were  cultivated  up  to  a  certain  point  of 
greatness,  as  in  Sparta,  or  though  some  raised  themselves, 
by  their  own  efforts,  above  the  ordinary  measure  of 
womanhood,  still  the  last  case  too  seldom  occurred,  to 
make  any  material  difference,  and  the  former  was  not 
without  its  disadvantages ;  so  that  the  citizen,  who  was 
formed,  not  for  the  narrow  sphere  of  domestic  life,  but  for 
public  affairs,  felt  the  need  of  a  companion,  in  whose  early 
vigor,  sustained  and  elevated  by  the  virtue  of  the  older 
friend,  he  loved  to  look  upon  the  prolongation  of  his  own 
youthful  bloom.  That  this  generous  and  moral  affection 
often  degenerated  into  infamous  vice  is  readily  admitted. 
Far  oftener  it  seems  great  and  sacred ;  a  source  of  noble 
deeds  and  glorious  sacrifices;  free  from  all  effeminacy;  a 
parent  of  manly  strength,  and  a  rich  source  of  that  divine 
enthusiasm  which  subdues  fear,  defies  death,  and  can  live 
and  die  for  country,  right,  and  law. 

Further,  it  is  not  unimportant  to  remark,  that  the 
gymnasia,  as  schools  of  emulation,  served  to  purify  the 
passion  for  distinction.  To  kindle  ambition,  as  well  as 
to  keep  it  within  proper  limits,  is  one  of  the  most  difficult 
problems  of  modern  education;  and,  for  the  ancient  States, 
its  solution  was  perhaps  of  the  more  importance,  because, 
for  want  of  a  centralizing  political  force,  the  effects  of 
a  bad  ambition  must  have  been  more  pernicious,  than 
in  a  monarchy,  where  the  distribution  of  power  among 
many  members  seldom  allows  individuals  to  run  into 
any  great  excess.  Aside  from  this  view,  however,  for 
the  individual  all  ambition  is  pernicious,  which,  without 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        329 

virtue,  aspires  to  virtue's  rewards,  and  struggles  to  gain, 
by  mere  deception  and  varied  hypocritic  fraud,  that 
consideration  which  belongs  to  worth  alone.  This  is 
the  rock,  that  threatens  that  kind  of  emulation  which  is 
directed  only  to  the  acquisition  of  knowledge,  as  it  can,  in 
this  case,  never  be  known  whether  it  has  set  up  a  worthy 
goal  for  the  aspirations  of  the  mind,  inasmuch  as  it  easily 
happens,  that  even  the  low  seems  high  when  encompassed 
with  the  cloud  of  deception.  The  gymnasia  of  the 
ancients,  on  the  contrary,  were  a  centre  of  the  most  open 
and  honest  endeavor ;  and,  as  this  endeavor  was  noble  in 
itself,  and,  without  the  least  reference  to  further  use  or 
future  reward,  was  directed  to  an  agreeable  object,  so  no 
deception  was  to  be  thought  of  in  the  case,  but  the  contest 
was  every  way  honorable,  and  the  reward  deserved  by 
the  strict  fulfilment  of  the  legally  prescribed  conditions. 
Whenever  the  contrary  happens,  a  retrograde  movement 
in  moral  education  is  unavoidable,  since  either  vanity  or 
self-interest,  or  both  together,  are  nourished  and  fostered ; 
while  he,  who  exercised  the  powers  of  his  body  in  the 
palaestra  according  to  the  law,  advanced  by  every  victory 
over  a  rival,  in  that  kind  of  culture  which  was  sought 
here  alone,  and  could  here  alone  be  won. 

The  kindred  nature  of  the  subject  brings  us  to  the 
solemn  games,  which,  with  their  differences  in  other 
respects,  yet,  like  the  gymnastic  exercises,  cherished  a 
respect  for  voluntary  and  disinterested  efforts  of  strength 
and  the  sacrifice  of  wealth.  It  was  with  reference  to  this 
effect,  that  those  games  were  held  as  sacred.  In  them, 
more  perhaps  than  in  any  other  stated  solemnity,  they 
believed  that  they  felt  the  presence  of  the  gods,  who 
gathered  for  their  own  glory  a  whole  people,  in  the 
shade  of  a  hallowed  grove,  by  sacred  rivers,  and  led  those, 
who,  with  long  practised  strength,  entered  upon  the  race- 
ground,  through  peril  and  toil,  to  a  goal,  where  a  speedily 
28* 


330  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

withering  crown  was  the  reward,  or  rather  the  symbol 
of  the  reward,  of  victory.  Every  body  knows  how  high 
such  a  victory,  which  led  to  nothing  further,  stood  in  the 
eyes  of  the  people,  and  what  a  glory  it  shed,  not  only  on 
the  person  of  the  victor,  but  even  on  his  country  and  his 
whole  race.  Neither  must  we  here  think  of  any  bearing 
it  had  upon  war.  The  ancients  expressly  declare,  that,  of 
a  great  number  of  Athletes,  who  had  gained  the  prizes, 
only  a  very  few  distinguished  themselves  in  war ;  and, 
even  were  athletic  exercises  admitted  to  be  available  in 
war,  how  could  this  consideration  have  kindled  that 
enthusiasm,  in  which  it  was  fancied  that  the  highest 
degree  of  earthly  happiness  had  been  gained  by  the  victor, 
and  his  future  care  must  be,  not  to  forget  his  self-command 
while  standing  on  this  giddy  height.  This  enthusiasm 
must  have  flowed  from  another  and  a  purer  source.  The 
vigorous,  disinterested,  and  heaven-favored  game,  was  to 
them  a  joyous  image  of  the  life  of  great  men,  who 
struggle  through  the  long  career  of  severe  duties,  in  order 
to  enjoy,  at  the  high  goal,  the  quickening  breath  of  future 
immortality. 

Now,  also,  in  order  to  speak  of  the  second  part  of 
education,  the  musical,  which  embraced  all  that  seemed 
requisite  for  the  cultivation  of  the  mind,  we  must  first 
consider  music  in  its  more  restricted  and  peculiar  sense. 
The  modern  world  has  by  no  means  weighed,  according 
to  its  importance,  the  fact,  that  music  is  not  only  an  object 
but  a  means  of  education,  and  can  promote  or  hinder 
moral  culture  ;  nay,  widely  as  the  power  of  enjoying  it  is 
extended,  still  it  seems  to  but  few  of  sufficient  importance 
to  be  an  object  of  attention  to  the  State,  the  government, 
and  the  laws.  Music  is  to  the  modern  world,  as  well  as 
other  arts,  but  music  pre-eminently,  a  means  of  recreation 
after  the  toils  of  the  day  are  over,  or  a  delightful  occupation 
for  vacant  hours,  which  may,  at  the  same  time,  serve  as  a 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        331 

social  amusement,  perhaps,  only  more  deeply  and  tenderly 
to  move  the  heart  by  its  varied  charms.  But  that  this 
emotion  may  have  a  moral  influence,  may  be  wholesome 
or  injurious,  is  but  seldom  remarked,  although  it  cannot 
be  denied,  that  whatever  has  the  power  of  seizing  upon 
the  heart,  can  both  exalt,  and  lower  and  degrade  it.  But 
this  art  is  abused  in  more  ways  than  one,  in  the  education 
of  the  young;  it  is  practised  only  as  an  amusement, 
and  with  no  thought  of  its  serious  purposes ;  then,  in 
order  to  reach  the  maximum  of  artifice,  difficulties  are 
accumulated,  without  regard  to  sense  or  substance,  and  it 
is  turned  into  a  school  of  vanity ;  finally,  because  released 
from  the  accompaniment  of  words,  it  is  converted  into  an 
unmeaning  display  of  enervating  fascinations.  For  in 
this,  its  unfettered  form,  it  is  almost  inevitable,  that  the 
wonderful  art,  by  the  endless  abundance  of  ideas  guided 
by  it,  shapeless  and  undeveloped  to  the  soul,  should 
breed  a  melancholy,  which,  often  indulged,  unmans  the 
mind.  To  the  unsteady  and  wavering  spirit  of  youth  so 
vague  a  pleasure  should  be  offered,  least  of  all.  Hence 
no  music  is  really  healthy  to  them,  except  that  which 
clothes  noble  words  in  tones  of  like  character,  and  lends 
to  lofty  thoughts  its  ethereal  wings. 

The  ancients  understood  themselves  perfectly  on  these 
principles.  Among  them,  music  was  united  with  poetry, 
and  inherited  from  the  earliest  times  and  their  heroes. 
In  the  camp  of  the  Greeks,  and  while  the  battle  was 
roaring  in  the  distance,  the  son  of  Peleus  touched  the 
strings  of  the  lyre,  and  unburdened  his  heart  of  its 
sorrow,  while  he  sang  the  glory  and  the  deeds  of  former 
times.  Chiron,  the  wise  centaur,  was  also  a  singer,  and 
the  sons  of  heroes,  trained  in  his  school,  learned  of  him 
the  inspiring  art.  Wherever  we  meet  it,  it  stands  in 
league  with  poetry ;  at  times,  also,  they  both  clasp  the 
band  of  the  graces  around  the  sister  dance  in  the  festivals 


332  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

of  the  gods.  In  this  communion,  it  guided  the  hearts 
of  men  to  the  loftiest  aims,  and  seemed  to  work  miracles. 
For  not  without  historical  foundation,  like  phantoms 
floating  in  the  clouds,  are  those  old  legends  of  a  Thracian 
Orpheus,  an  Amphion,  and  other  singers  of  hoary  eld, 
who,  not  by  exceeding  art,  but  by  the  wise  use  which 
they  knew  how  to  make  of  the  simple  means  of  their  art, 
moved  to  their  inmost  depths  the  hearts  of  mankind,  just 
awakening  to  consciousness,  and  seemed  to  breathe  a  soul 
into  nature  herself,  by  the  living  strength  of  their  inspired 
songs.  Thus,  too,  was  music  handed  down  to  after 
generations.  Long  time  remained  she  true  to  her  olden 
form  in  the  schools  of  youth,  where,  wedded  to  the  simple 
and  inspired  words  of  ancient  songs,  she  seemed  like  the 
voice  of  the  past.  All  was  here  harmonious  and  united. 
The  words  were  earnest,  pious  and  instructive ;  the 
rhythms  were  magnificent  and  solemn,  the  melody  simple 
and  appropriate,  so  that  she  encompassed  the  body  of  the 
words  only  with  the  mist  of  a  delicate  veil,  and  enlivened 
the  strong  outlines  of  the  poem  by  a  few  softly  tinted 
colors.  While  the  art,  in  this  manner,  took  a  strong  hold 
of  the  heart,  to  bear  it  upwards  with  itself  into  the 
atmosphere  of  the  gods,  from  which  its  spirit-voice  seems 
to  resound,  it  contributed  essentially  to  the  purification 
of  the  feelings ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  by  displaying 
lofty  figures,  through  the  means  of  poetry,  guarded 
against  the  danger  that  the  feelings  would  dissolve  in  the 
voluptuousness  of  unmanly  enjoyment.  On  this  effect  of 
music  only  one  opinion  prevailed  among  the  ancients. 
As  it  is  well  known  to  every  one,  says  Aristotle,  that  the 
whole  tone  of  the  feelings  is  changed  by  the  varieties 
of  music,  so,  too,  it  is  impossible  to  doubt,  that  song  and 
rhythm  can  form  the  soul  to  morals ;  and  that  between 
the  nature  of  the  soul,  and  the  nature  of  rhythms  and 
of  harmony,  a  close  relation  seems  to  exist;  and  hence 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        333 

many  philosophers  affirmed,  that  the  soul  was  either 
harmony  itself,  or  contained  harmony  in  itself.  Plato 
also  declares,  in  more  than  one  passage  of  his  works, 
that  rhythm  and  harmony,  by  deeply  penetrating  and 
seizing  upon  the  soul,  introduces  morality,  propriety  and 
dignity;  and  wholly  in  accordance  with  these  views  is 
the  opinion,  that  the  corruption  of  morals  among  many 
nations  resulted  from  the  neglect  of  these  principles,  and 
that  the  decline  of  entire  States  was  the  consequence  of 
the  changes  which  music  had  undergone. 

By  this  view  of  music,  it  was  decided  how  and  to  what 
extent  the  art  was  to  be  applied  in  education.  The 
striving  for  an  excess  of  artificial  execution  was  rejected 
as  illiberal;  hence,  also,  it  was  enjoined  to  carry  the 
study  of  the  art  only  so  far  as  was  necessary  to  recognize 
the  beautiful  in  song  and  rhythm.  For  this  reason,  the 
most  intelligent  among  the  ancients  disapproved  of 
instruction  upon  such  instruments  as  were  very  difficult 
to  manage ;  accordingly,  the  Boeotian  flute,  for  example, 
was  rejected  in  Athens,  because,  besides  this,  instead  of 
producing  a  moral  tone  of  mind,  it  was  rather  a  disturber 
of  the  calmness  and  serenity  of  the  soul.  Thus,  also,  in 
the  instruction  of  youth,  all  kinds  of  rhythm  were  not 
indiscriminately  allowed,  but  only  those  which  were 
believed  to  purify  the  passions;  and  the  Dorian  mood 
was  accordingly  preferred  to  all  other  melodies,  because 
it  most  completely  represented  dignified  repose,  and, 
more  than  any  other,  bore  stamped  upon  it  the  character 
of  courage  and  manliness. 

If  these  and  similar  reflections,  which  can  here  be 
merely  indicated  by  us,  but  are  wont  to  be  set  forth  by 
the  ancients  with  the  greatest  earnestness,  as  upon  one  of 
the  weightiest  subjects,  are  either  strange,  or  indifferent, 
or  ludicrous  to  the  modern  world,  this  fact  does  not 
prove  their  unreasonableness,  but  rather,  that  among  the 


334  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

ancients  the  moral  sense  was  more  exquisite,  and  the 
respect  for  its  sacred  character,  and  for  all  the  means  by 
which  it  may  either  be  fortified  or  violated,  was  more 
deeply  grounded.  The  modern  world,  filled  with  the 
delusive  dream,  of  sufficiently  forwarding  the  aims  of 
humanity  by  theories  and  sermons,  has,  for  the  most  part, 
left  the  rest  to  accident;  and  then  accident  has  never 
ceased,  in  what  we  call  culture,  to  break  up,  by  the 
intermingling  of  hostile  elements,  its  inward  unity.  Thus 
in  our  age,  by  the  excess  of  artificiality,  after  which 
modern  music  strives,  its  moral  efficacy  is  almost  destroyed, 
and  in  its  place  an  admiration  for  difficulties  overcome  has 
succeeded,  which,  if  it  ever  rises  to  enthusiasm,  is  fruitless, 
perhaps  even  ruinous,  to  moral  culture.  The  further  art 
follows  this  tendency,  the  less  will  it  accomplish  for  that 
on  which  the  ancients  set  the  greatest  value ;  and  it  is 
probable,  that  it  will  pursue  this  path,  until  the  abuse, 
when  it  has  reached  the  highest  summit,  shall  perish  by 
its  own  excess. 

The  next  thing  we  have  to  do  is  to  speak  of  poetry,  as 
that  which,  among  the  musical  means  of  culture,  takes 
the  first  rank  along  with  music  proper.  As  this  art,  in 
which  the  ancients  rightly  saw  a  gift  of  the  gods,  and  a 
token  of  their  love  to  the  human  race,  contributed  most, 
during  the  youthful  period  of  the  aspiring  Grecian  world, 
to  draw  out  the  delicate  blossom  of  moral  feeling,  its  rank 
remained  inviolate,  even  through  the  following  times,  in 
the  education  of  the  young,  and  the  continued  culture  of 
the  more  advanced.  In  this  way,  the  first  and  greatest 
benefactors  of  the  Greeks  were  those  highly  gifted 
interpreters  of  the  muses,  who  grew  up  in  Greece  like  a 
miracle  of  nature,  and  as  they  first  kindled  on  the  altars  of 
the  genius  of  a  higher  humanity  the  sacred  flame  which 
glowed  and  burned  within  them,  have  filled  with  light 
and  heat  a  long  succession  of  ages.     As  the  state  of  the 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        335 

heavens  in  early  morning  mostly  determines  the  weather 
of  the  whole  day,  so  the.  ruddy  dawn  of  the  Grecian  sky 
decided  the  course  of  culture  among  this  people.  From 
the  twilight  of  their  antiquity,  gleamed  upon  them, 
through  an  interval  of  gloomier  times,  and  perhaps  only 
the  more  brightly  on  that  very  account,  encircled  with  the 
radiant  crown  of  heroic  poesy,  the  deeds  of  great 
forefathers,  and  a  mighty  race,  the  kindred  of  the  gods. 
A  wondrous  world,  peopled  with  lofty  shapes,  filled  their 
popular  songs;  and  this  world  was  their  own;  it  was  the 
heads  of  their  families,  the  founders  of  their  States,  the 
kings  of  their  cities,  who  moved  in  this  lustre,  and,  with 
intelligible  voice  summoned  every  Grecian  heart  to 
admire  and  imitate.  With  these  voices  the  soul  of  the 
boy  was  made  familiar,  as  soon  as  his  powers  began  to 
awaken ;  and,  as  Homer's  poems  were  the  rich  source  of 
all  art  in  Greece,  so  were  they  also  a  school  of  morality, 
in  which  the  old  as  well  as  the  young  were  taught.  A 
work  like  this,  no  other  nation  of  our  quarter  of  the  globe 
has  possessed;  a  work,  in  which  the  perfection  of  the 
form  stands  in  such  equipoise  with  the  wealth  of  the 
national  material  unfolded  by  the  poet,  with  equal  calmness 
and  love,  that  one  may  doubt  whether  the  Greeks 
learned  more,  or  enjoyed  more  pleasure,  or  derived  more 
cultivation  from  it.  This  school  of  heroic  poetry,  which 
likewise  possessed  the  advantage  of  an  olden,  and,  as  it 
were,  consecrated  language,  seemed  to  people  the  young 
man's  soul  with  friendly  gods  and  guardian  spirits ;  and, 
as  Athena  stands  at  the  side  of  the  son  of  Tydeus,  in  the 
battle's  din,  and  with  nimble  hand  turns  off  the  hostile 
shaft,  so  the  imperishable  glory  of  those  high  forms  attended 
the  Grecian  youth,  in  order  to  shield  or  rescue  his  better 
nature  amidst  the  turmoil  of  life.  Thus,  therefore,  the 
gods,  whose  friendly  presence,  according  to  the  ancient 
faith,  had  adorned  the  life  of  the  heroes,  had  not  vanished 


336  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

even  from  the  later  race.  And,  as  their  image  had  stood 
before  the  soul  of  the  poets,  so,  through  the  mediation  of 
these,  their  favorites,  did  they  appear  to  others  also,  and 
spake  to  them,  through  the  mouths  of  the  poets,  who 
were  looked  upon  by  the  wisest  and  best,  as  the  favored 
darlings  of  the  immortals,  and  sometimes  as  their 
interpreters  among  men. 

Considered  from  this  point  of  view,  the  custom 
established  by  antiquity,  of  making  the  poets,  and  Homer, 
particularly,  the  basis  of  moral  education,  is  perfectly 
justified.  True,  indeed,  the  Homeric  poems,  like  every 
work  of  such  ancient  times,  contain  a  great  deal  that  will 
not  stand  the  test  of  a  severe  morality;  a  circumstance 
that  led  the  ancients  themselves  sometimes  into  error, 
when  they  fixed  their  view  too  closely  on  particulars,  and 
thereby  weakened  the  impression  of  the  moral  grace 
which  surrounds  the  whole.  But  still  on  this  point  it  is 
well  understood,  that  a  poem  does  not  always  teach  best 
by  that  which  is  expressly  designed  to  convey  instruction, 
and  that  the  wisest  thing  is  not  always  that  which  runs 
over  with  wisdom.  The  true  wisdom  of  a  poem  lies  in 
its  inmost  essence,  as  the  germ  lies  hidden  in  the  deepest 
bosom  of  the  flower,  and  its  morality  is  the  reflection  of 
the  lofty  and  divine  that  lies  at  the  foundation  of  the 
human  soul.  From  this  source,  and  from  this  alone, 
springs  the  moral  pleasure  we  take  in  every  genuine 
work  of  art,  whatsoever  its  subject  may  be ;  and  the 
delight,  with  which  its  contemplation  fills  the  heart, 
what  else  is  it  than  the  joy  we  feel  in  the  divine  portions 
of  human  nature ;  in  the  harmony,  purity,  innocence, 
greatness,  and  disinterestedness  of  which  it  is  capable  ? 

This  heavenly  atmosphere  of  morality,  with  a  full 
measure  of  sublime  power,  striking  truth,  and  deep 
reflection,  is  poured  over  the  Homeric,  as  well  as  over  all 
the  Grecian  poetry.     Although  originally  the  daughter  of 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.       337 

a  fair  and  happy  nature,  she  yet  gives  token,  at  her  first 
appearance,  of  that  wonderful  self-control,  which  applies  a 
measure  to  the  abundance  of  the  materials,  just  as  it  creates 
in  the  soul  of  the  inspired  singer  himself  that  equipoise 
which  reveals  itself  through  his  works  like  unconscious 
wisdom.  But  it  is  the  excellence  of  great  works  of  art, 
that  the  noble  and  the  elevated,  which  they  embrace,  pass 
out  of  them  into  the  souls  of  the  hearers ;  and  that  the 
lofty  repose  and  divine  life,  in  which  they  are  conceived, 
are  re-produced  in  the  spectator;  and  so  the  spirit  of  ancient 
poetry  passed  into  the  succeeding  generations ;  and,  even 
during  a  degenerate  age,  a  delicate  moral  sense  was  thus 
perpetuated  in  the  judgment,  and  mostly,  also,  in  the 
works  of  the  Greek  nation. 

The  refined  taste,  for  which  the  Greeks  have  ever  been 
extolled,  was  nothing  else  than  a  delicate  moral  sense. 
Hence  was  found  in  Athens,  the  common  centre  of  all 
refinement,  the  crowning  flower  of  taste,  together  with  the 
full  bloom  of  morality ;  and  while  poets  and  artists  were 
creating  the  most  finished  works,  there  was  also  found  the 
highest  susceptibility  to  what  was  most  excellent  in  them. 
This  taste,  therefore,  was  no  more  acquired  by  learning, 
than  art  was  acquired  by  study ;  and  it  was  any  thing  but 
the  result  of  theoretic  views,  which  as  yet  they  troubled 
themselves  but  little  about.  Once  alone,  in  the  history  of 
the  world,  as  far  as  we  know,  once  alone,  this  concord, 
this  harmony  of  life  with  art  and  morals,  has  appeared; 
not  an  accidental  fact,  but  the  result  of  the  free  unfolding 
of  a  happily-endowed  nation,  within  the  limits  which  their 
educators  had  prescribed  to  them.  Hence  the  art  of  the 
Greeks  is  mirrored  in  their  life,  and  the  life  of  the  nation 
in  their  art,  inasmuch  as  the  one  blooms  from  the  other ;  and 
thus  they  are  created  and  moulded,  acting  and  re-acting  on 
each  other.  True,  the  morals  of  an  age  can  never  wholly 
disguise  their  influence  on  the  entire  character  of  its  art. 
29 


338  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

But  where  they  do  not  correspond  to  the  demands  of  art, 
the  artist  will  often  find  occasion  to  vary  from  the  morals 
of  the  times,  by  making  himself  at  home  in  another  age, 
and  under  another  sky.  Who  sees  not,  however,  that  the 
truth  of  his  works  is  hereby  greatly  endangered ;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  their  moral  efficacy  is  partly  weakened, 
partly  turned  in  a  false  direction,  by  the  want  of  truth  ? 
Why  does  the  ancient  poetry,  with  few  exceptions,  so  far 
surpass  the  modern  in  essential  truth,  except  because  it 
dared  to  take  men  and  manners  as  they  were,  without 
disguising  them  under  a  foreign  costume  ?  and  why  did  it 
wield  a  mightier  influence,  except  for  the  same  reason  ? 
In  it  the  Greek  always  found  his  world ;  and  the  true  shape 
and  the  firm  outline  of  a  genuine  Grecian  nature  never 
faded  away  in  the  poetic  radiance  which  shone  around  it. 
But  how  many  works  of  creative  genius  are  there, 
throughout  the  wide  province  of  modern  art,  which  can 
make  the  same  boast  through  all  their  parts  ?  Are  not 
many  of  the  higher  and  nobler  species  the  works  of  a 
fantastic  caprice,  or  the  reflection  of  a  foreign  world? 
nay,  often  only  the  reflex  of  the  reflection  ?  And  how 
often  the  shapeless  ugliness  of  surrounding  reality 
triumphantly  intrudes  upon  this  toilsome  construction 
of  foreign  materials ;  like,  for  instance,  the  frosty 
representation  of  a  regal  court  thrusting  itself  upon  the 
Roman  world  of  a  French  tragedy;  or  the  theological 
controversies  of  the  age,  working  their  way  into  the  epic 
poem  of  a  Milton ;  or  the  witty  and  sententious  gallantry 
of  an  Arcadian  Academy  into  a  Jerusalem  Delivered? 
But,  like  the  plastic  art  of  modern  Europe,  its  poetry, 
also,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  beauty,  has  often 
been  obliged  to  desert  the  truth,  in  the  representation  of 
the  near  and  the  real,  and  to  borrow  from  antiquity  a 
fair  falsehood,  not  without  danger  of  an  insecure  and 
uncertain  foothold  on  the  foreign  soil  of  poetry. 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        339 

The  voice  of  national  poetry,  which,  like  a  mild  and 
heavenly  teacher,  opened  the  minds  of  the  Grecian  youth 
to  all  that  is  fairest  and  highest  in  man's  nature,  was  not 
dumb,  when  he  reached  his  maturity.  Nor  did  she 
appear  to  him,  chained  to  the  dead  letters  of  writing,  as 
an  occasional  pastime  for  vacant  hours,  but  in  the  fairest 
moments  of  life  came  she  to  him,  with  all  her  festal 
bravery  on,  inspired  and  inspiring.  As  she,  though  born 
in  the  dwelling-place  of  the  gods,  had  descended  to  the  life 
of  men,  to  gladden  them  with  the  most  exalted  pleasures ; 
so  among  them,  also,  she  loved  best  to  appear  at  the 
games  and  festivals  of  the  gods,  and  lured  the  gaze  of 
mortals  upward  to  a  higher  world. 

The  passion  for  the  drama,  which  possessed  the  citizens 
of  Athens,  has  not  unfrequently  been  made  a  matter  of 
reproach  to  them.  The  economical  grounds  of  this  censure 
we  may  here  allow  to  rest  on  their  own  merits ;  but  the 
delight  in  a  high  and  earnest  entertainment  like  the  Attic 
tragedy,  will  always  deserve  admiration  and  applause, 
when  considered  by  itself  alone.  To  this  entertainment, 
Athens  was  indebted  for  the  purest  and  most  uncontested 
portion  of  her  renown.  With  respect  to  art,  it  showed 
perfection,  not  to  be  surpassed;  with  respect  to  morals, 
it  was  a  school  of  wisdom.  And  as  it  was  designed  for 
the  festal  celebration  of  the  gods,  so  it  guided,  by  its 
subject-matter,  to  a  pious  worship  of  them.  In  it,  the 
richest  abundance  of  materials  was  displayed  under  the 
wisest  limitations,  and  the  freest  nature  was  most  closely 
united  to  the  severest  law.  In  Melpomene's  chalice,  it 
mingled  what  could  stir  and  calm,  rouse  and  temper  the 
feelings;  and,  while  it  exhibited  the  human  character 
in  its  highest  dignity  and  its  greatest  dependence,  it 
resisted  the  impulse  of  selfishness,  and  purified  the  heart 
by  a  wholesome  agitation  of  its  inmost  depths.  By  this 
admirable   entertainment,  which  never  lowered  itself  to 


340  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

an  equivocal  alliance  with  vulgarity  of  moral  feeling,  the 
souls  of  men  were  filled  with  fear  of  the  gods,  abhorrence 
of  guilty  arrogance,  and  deep  reverence  for  the  laws, 
through  the  strong  representation  of  great  events;  and  the 
distress  of  the  mighty,  which  it  set  forth,  most  fondly 
and  most  frequently,  was  not,  as  many  have  supposed, 
designed  to  gratify  the  democratic  rabble,  but  was  meant 
to  be  an  appeal  to  the  strong  and  the  proud,  in  favor  of  wise 
moderation,  and  a  demand  on  them  to  yield  allegiance, 
by  the  barriers  set  to  human  caprice,  to  the  infinite 
power  of  moral  freedom,  and  to  the  eternal  law  of 
righteousness,  whose  enforcers  are  the  gods. 

Greek  tragedy  reached  its  highest  perfection  in  the 
works  of  Sophocles.  As,  with  reference  to  the  rule  of  art, 
the  equipoise  of  perfection  is  disturbed  in  the  tragedies 
of  iEschylus,  by  the  struggle  for  excessive  vigor,  so  is  it 
sometimes  in  Euripides,  the  third  of  the  great  masters 
of  tragedy,  by  an  altogether  too  visible  effort  after  soft 
emotion,  and  manifold  theatrical  effects.  In  him  we  first 
miss  that  beautiful  self-forgetfulness  of  the  ancient  poets, 
inasmuch  as  in  him  the  quiet  greatness  and  original 
nobleness  of  the  tragic  stage,  ever  and  anon,  seem  to 
have  been  violated  by  the  utterance  of  personal  feelings, 
and  the  intrusion  of  peculiar  views.  Hence,  although  he 
scatters  instruction  on  every  occasion ;  and,  to  make  up, 
it  may  be,  for  what  he  wants  in  the  wisdom  of  art,  by 
the  wisdom  of  the  school,  every  where  runs  over  with 
useful  saws;  his  poetry,  nevertheless,  stands  below  that 
of  Sophocles,  not  only  in  poetic  vigor,  but  even  in  moral 
perfection.  In  his  works  much  has  been  justly  censured 
with  respect  to  the  demands  of  art;  but  in  respect  of 
morals,  also,  the  luxuriance  of  the  accumulated  materials, 
the  vehemence  with  which  the  passions  are  poured  forth, 
the  want  of  moderation  in  the  excitement  of  the  melting 
mood,  and  some  other   features,  are   liable   to   censure. 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        341 

But  it  deserves  to  be  remarked,  that  it  was  comedy 
which  exposed  and  reprobated  the  moral  defect  of  the 
Euripidean  manner ;  and  that  this  defect,  which  has 
frequently  been  deemed  an  excellence  by  the  modern 
world,  was  most  inexorably  lashed  by  that  same  man, 
whose  morality,  if  we  take  the  general  opinion,  is  held 
in  the  lowest  estimation. 

But  as  we  are  here  treating  of  the  influence  which 
poetry  exercised  upon  the  formation  of  Grecian  morals, 
comedy  should  be  the  less  passed  over ;  since  it  might 
easily  be  opposed  to  our  assertions,  as  an  example  of  the 
greatest  immorality,  both  of  the  Greek  nation  at  large, 
and  of  their  poetry  in  particular.  But  it  suits  neither 
the  purpose  of  the  present  discourse,  nor  our  allotted  time, 
to  analyze  the  whole  wonderful  character  of  this  species ; 
and  we  must  content  ourselves  with  vindicating,  by  a  few 
remarks,  the  morality  of  this  kind  of  poetry,  of  which 
Aristophanes  is  our  only  accredited  representative. 

Above  all  things,  we  must  here  consider,  that  the  ancient 
comedy,  conceived  in  the  intoxication  of  the  Dionysiac 
festivity,  was  originally  designed  to  give  free  scope  to  the 
innocent  love  of  frolic,  the  gratification  of  which  is  one  of 
the  indispensable  wants  of  human  nature.  The  festival  of 
Bacchus,  like  many  festivities  which  sprang  from  the  same 
want,  in  the  vigorous  Middle  Ages,  and  were  fostered 
in  the  bosom  of  the  Christian  church  without  danger, 
allowed  the  people  from  time  to  time  a  brief  respite  from 
the  heavy  yoke,  with  which  either  necessity  or  arbitrary 
power  had  burdened  the  work-day  world ;  and  the 
original  freedom,  which  no  other  law  but  the  moral  law 
acknowledges,  under  the  guise  of  a  boisterous  but 
harmless  joy,  broke  through  the  arbitrary  barriers,  which 
had  been  set  up  for  the  preservation  of  order,  by  the 
enlightened  understanding,  in  the  ordinary  intercourse  of 
life.  Now,  while  the  ancient  comedy  masters  this  passion 
29* 


342  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

for  licentious  freedom,  it  purines  it  by  poetry ;  for  it  sets  an 
ideal  show  in  the  place  of  vulgar  reality,  and  unites  what 
is  lawless  of  itself,  to  the  law  of  art ;  at  the  same  time  it 
can  by  no  means  dispense  with  reality  itself;  for  it  must 
start  from  this  as  from  a  firm  and  stable  ground,  to 
soar  aloft  from  the  realm  of  uncouth  ribaldry,  into  the 
high  poetic  sphere. 

But  the  wanton  disposition,  out  of  which  this  gayety 
springs,  is  purified,  not  by  teachings,  which  glide  over 
the  inattentive  ear,  but  by  turning  its  exhibition  into  a 
sprightly  play  of  wit,  and  by  changing  the  direction  which 
the  love  of  frolic  takes.  Hence  the  wit-intoxicated  muse 
of  Aristophanes  is  chaste  in  the  midst  of  licentiousness ; 
and  through  all  the  wild  revel  of  an  apparently  unbridled 
wantonness,  she  shows  on  her  earnest  countenance  the 
deep  significance  of  her  gayety.  To  this  earnestness, 
which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  his  character,  witness  is 
borne,  by  the  precision  with  which,  even  during  the 
Bacchic  uproar,  to  which  he  seems  to  have  surrendered 
himself,  while  his  imaginative  faculty  creates  it,  this  poet 
follows  the  narrow  path  of  the  severest  principles  of  art 
carried  out  to  their  highest  completeness;  and,  what  is 
more  important  to  us  here,  the  profoundest  reverence 
for  exalted  worth  and  excellence  is  the  groundwork  of 
the  wanton  mirth,  with  which  he  pursues  frivolity  and 
baseness,  and  where  occasion  offers,  breaks  out  into  scorn. 
This  scorn  alone  would  have  led  only  to  invectives  and 
satires ;  wit  alone  would  have  poured  amusing  colors 
only  over  the  surface;  but  as  both  are  here  united  to 
strengthen  the  wings  of  the  liveliest  fancy,  the  comic 
muse  of  this  incomparable  poet  pierces  into  the  most 
mysterious  depths  of  life,  and  brings  with  seeming  sport 
its  enigmas  to  the  light.  Like  the  nude  in  the  plastic 
arts,  the  hardy  coarseness  of  the  animal  nature  in  comedy 
is  not  immoral,  if  it  is  the  material  of  a  truly  intellectual 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        343 

play  of  art;  for  that  alone  is  immoral,  which  so  employs 
the  bestial  impulse,  that  it  sinks  the  mind,  enslaved  and 
chained,  into  the  depth  of  passion ;  but  that  which  frees  it 
from  such  bondage  is  not  so.  It  is  indeed  true,  that  the 
display  of  the  appetites,  in  the  comedies  of  Aristophanes,  is 
too  rude  for  modern  eyes,  which  do  not  easily  forget  the 
matter  in  the  form ;  to  him,  perhaps,  it  was  indispensable, 
and,  with  his  mode  of  treatment,  certainly  exempt  from 
danger.     He  never  aimed  to  excite  impure  desires. 

Now  these  things  are  not  of  themselves  obscene,  but  the 
use  they  are  put  to  may  be  so ;  and  the  representations 
of  many  modern  poets,  who,  when  they  have  thrown  the 
thin  veil  of  decency  over  immorality,  and  introduced  it 
thus  disguised,  into  good  society,  under  the  guidance  of  an 
accommodating  virtue,  mean  to  pass  for  pure,  with  a  keen 
and  lively  zest  for  sin,  stand  not  only  in  other  respects 
beneath  the  witty  Bacchanals  of  Aristophanes,  but  are 
thoroughly  immoral,  enfeebling,  and  bewildering.  As  in 
sacred  solemnities  rude  emblems  were  borne  by  honorable 
matrons,  with  no  offence  to  moral  feeling,  since  they 
were  hallowed  by  the  dignity  of  the  festival;  so  the 
coarse  material  of  the  Aristophanic  comedy  was  rendered 
harmless  by  daring  and  sprightly  poetic  invention; 
and  as  the  Maenad,  by  the  unpremeditated  movements  of 
her  enthusiasm  excited  no  other  feeling  than  astonishment 
and  like  enthusiasm,  so  are  we  affected  by  the  Maenad 
muse  of  this  wonderful  poet,  whose  soul  one  of  the 
purest-minded  sages  of  antiquity,  who  was  not  his 
friend,  full  of  just  admiration,  praises  as  an  eternal  and 
imperishable  temple  of  the  Graces. 

Poetry,  as  one  of  the  principal  means  of  the  education 
of  youth,  has  gradually  led  us  from  the  school  to  the 
world  of  men,  where  we  are  to  inquire  what  was  provided 
further  to  unfold,  and  to  guard  the  germ  of  morality  which 
youthful  education  had  opened. 


344  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

Here,  first,  the  schools  of  the  philosophers  invite  us  to 
the  gardens  of  Academus,  or  to  the  banks  of  the  Ilissus, 
and  into  the  halls  of  the  gymnasia,  where  youths  and  men 
hung  upon  the  lips  of  the  sages,  and,  for  the  most  part, 
were  familiarly  occupied  with  their  teachers,  often  younger 
than  themselves,  in  solving  the  problems  of  the  universe. 
It  is  here  unnecessary  to  consider  what  may  have  been 
accomplished  by  professional  teaching  and  by  precepts 
of  virtue  embodied  in  set  phrases.  The  modern  world 
possesses  these  means  in  the  same  degree,  and  perhaps 
more  abundantly.  But  why  the  same  effect  is  not 
produced,  or  why  the  schools  of  science  in  those  olden 
times,  dismissed  their  pupils  not  only  more  learned  and 
better  taught,  but  wiser  and  more  moral,  is  a  question 
that  cannot  here  be  passed  over. 

Upon  this  point,  the  first  thing  to  be  borne  in  mind  is, 
that  many  schools  of  philosophy  were  properly  schools 
of  culture  for  persons  of  mature  age,  as  that  of  Pythagoras, 
who  not  only  taught  but  educated,  and  educated  rather 
than  taught.  This  may  be  asserted,  to  a  smaller  extent, 
of  some  others.  The  scholars  were  not  merely  hearers, 
but  companions  of  their  teacher ;  they  lived  with  him,  and 
were  introduced  by  him  into  most  of  the  relations  of  life. 
Here,  too,  example  was  stronger  than  precept.  Rarely  was 
the  obscurity  of  his  Phrontistery  dearer  to  the  philosopher 
than  the  light  of  public  life ;  and  as  living  and  teaching 
were  in  public,  a  connection  between  the  two  was  by 
this  means  established,  through  which  life  became  more 
instructive  and  instruction  more  lively.  Instruction  thus 
received,  must  surely  have  struck  a  deeper  root,  and' 
have  given  shade  and  coolness  to  the  man  even  amidst 
the  dust  and  heat  of  public  life ;  and  we  should  not  be 
surprised  to  see,  that  youths  and  men,  carried  away  by 
the  threefold  force  of  truth,  eloquence  and  example, 
honored   the   memory  of  their   teacher  as   well   by  the 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        345 

propagation  of  his  principles,  as  by  a  dignified  and 
virtuous  life. 

By  these  means,  and  in  this  way,  therefore,  were  the 
defects,  which  existed  in  the  religion  of  antiquity  remedied, 
though  but  partially.  That  this  religion  afforded,  in  its 
mythical  elements,  no  models  of  morality,  is  obvious  to 
every  one ;  its  incorporation  in  human  form  brought  it 
within  the  sphere  of  human  frailty.  After  the  divine 
nature  had  once  been  imprisoned  within  the  limits  of  the 
human  shape,  its  divinity  seemed  scarcely  capable  of 
being  otherwise  maintained,  than, — as  it  was  exempt  from 
death, — in  being  released  from  the  restraint  of  laws,  which 
the  nature  of  human  society,  even  under  its  most  imperfect 
form,  necessarily  requires.  Furnished  with  overwhelming 
power,  as  that  quality  which  at  the  beginning  of  civil 
society  inspired  the  greatest  respect,  they  could  do  every 
thing  they  pleased ;  and  whatever  might  be  put  forth  in 
the  strange  fables  of  their  intrigues,  their  hate  and  love, 
their  wars  and  friendships,  was  nothing  but  the  display  of 
the  surpassing  power  they  were  imagined  to  possess. 

To  lay  the  burden  of  the  moral  law,  to  its  whole 
extent,  upon  beings  of  this  free  nature,  or  to  measure 
their  actions  by  the  standard  of  human  virtues,  never 
could  have  entered  the  thoughts  of  the  untutored  race ; 
and  so  the  latter,  on  their  part,  bounded  their  claim  to  the 
privilege  of  those  high  and  happy  beings,  to  wishes  alone. 
Hence  the  germ  and  centre  of  ancient  religion  was  the 
recognition  of  the  unlimited  power  of  the  divine  nature, 
whose  will  was  entitled  to  reign  supreme  over  the 
weakness  of  man.  And  as  this  religious  homage  was 
thought  to  be  violated  by  every  species  of  boasting  and 
arrogance,  but  was  most  strikingly  displayed  when 
mortals  of  their  own  accord  set  bounds  to  the  exercise 
of  their  own  power,  a  second  attribute  of  the  gods  hence 
took   its   rise,    the   exercise  of  a  judicial   office,  which 


346  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

assigned  its  punishment  to  arrogance,  and  its  reward  to 
sober  moderation.  Therefore,  although  the  actions  of 
the  gods  in  their  mythical  life,  furnished  no  models  for 
imitation ;  yet  the  idea  of  the  Deity,  even  in  its  earlier 
and  more  imperfect  form,  was  not  unfitted  to  set  limits 
to  the  exercise  of  rude  violence,  and  consequently  of 
immorality. 

But  besides  this,  the  ancient  worship  of  the  gods, 
understood  as  it  was,  exercised  an  influence  like  that  of 
poetry,  on  the  heart,  animating  and  elevating  it  by  a  rich 
poetical  spirit  and  by  outward  beauty.  Irradiated  with 
gladness  and  joy,  its  leading  and  peculiar  attributes,  its 
efficiency  was  the  greater,  that  it  had  grown  up  on  the 
native  soil ;  or,  if  transplanted  thither  from  foreign  lands, 
was  thoroughly  pervaded  by  the  Hellenic  life.  It  was 
Hellenic  in  all  its  parts,  while  the  surrounding  halo  of 
antiquity  alone  distinguished  that  mythic  world  from  the 
vulgar  present,  not  without  advantage  to  its  peculiar 
influence  on  the  minds  of  men.  These  gods,  whose  images 
adorned  the  temples  and  altars,  had  roamed,  in  primeval 
times,  upon  this  soil  and  among  their  forefathers  ;  among 
them  they  had  shared  the  joys  of  human  beings ;  their 
blood  had  mingled  with  the  blood  of  the  noblest  families ; 
and  in  later  ages,  they  took  delight  in  the  descendants, 
who  had  sprung  from  this  intercourse.  Their  temples 
rose  upon  the  spots  which  their  miracles  had  consecrated; 
and  their  festivals  hallowed  and  perpetuated  the  memory 
of  the  days  when  they  lived  and  moved  among  the  favored 
people.  All  Greece  was  like  an  earthly  Olympus,  and 
at  every  step,  the  shapes  of  the  Immortals,  in  human 
beauty,  and  of  various  ages,  met  the  sight  or  rose  before 
the  imagination  of  the  traveller.  Primeval  sanctuaries, 
solemn  groves,  hallowed  fountains,  dusky  grottos  and  sunlit 
mountain-tops,  every  where  invited  him  to  communion 
with  them,  and  filled  him  with  the  thought,  that  men  had 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        347 

reverently  built  their  mansions  within  the  sacred  precincts 
of  the  gods,  in  order  to  enjoy  their  sheltering  care  and 
beneficent  presence. 

Thus,  by  the  gladsome  intercourse  with  these  children 
of  religion  and  fantasy,  the  soul  was  uninterruptedly 
filled  with  poetic  emotion,  and  the  idea  of  the  divine  in  it 
cherished.  To  discourage  egotism  by  the  thought  of  an 
infinitely  superior  awe-commanding  power,  by  pious  dread 
of  the  invisible  witness,  who  leaves  no  crime  unobserved ; 
to  master  rude,  uncultured  nature,  and  to  raise  a  heart, 
attuned  to  festal  joys,  by  animating  cheerfulness,  over 
the  narrow  barriers  of  the  vulgar  present,  even  this 
imperfect  religion  was  completely  adapted.  Its  efficacy 
was,  moreover,  heightened  by  the  circumstance,  that  its 
revelations  were  not  narrowed  to  a  single  age.  The  mouth 
of  the  gods  seemed  to  speak  to  men  evermore;  in  dreams, 
forewarnings  and  omens  were  their  voices  heard ;  and  from 
the  mysterious  obscurity  of  ancient  temples,  sanctified  by 
faith  in  their  divine  origin,  sounded  forth  wise  instructions, 
impressive  admonitions,  alarming  and  terrific  threats.  For 
to  imagine  a  vile  fraud  in  the  case  of  all  the  oracles,  is 
absurd,  and  a  suggestion  of  ignorance.  Fraud  first  crept 
in  when  ancient  faith  was  gradually  extinguished;  and 
even  fraud  no  longer  helped  to  give  it  life.  Many  of  them 
were  established  by  reason  of  some  natural  property  of 
the  spot  on  which  they  stood,  and  had  a  more  beneficent 
agency  upon  the  moral  culture  of  the  nation,  the  more 
directly  the  recollections  esteemed  divine,  which  the 
people,  through  them,  preserved,  touched  upon  the 
nation's  inmost  life. 

Another  species  of  visible  manifestations,  which  served, 
though  in  a  different  way,  to  move  the  heart  to  moral 
sensibility,  was  furnished  by  plastic  art.  This,  also,  had 
proceeded  from  the  depths  of  religion ;  and,  by  the  purity, 
morality,  and  dignity,  which  shone  in  its  works,  led  the 


348  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

beholder  into  their  depths  again.  If  it  is  believed,  that 
the  superiority  of  the  Greeks  in  the  works  of  plastic 
art  may  have  resulted  from  the  finer  organization  of  their 
senses,  and  especially  that  the  finished  representation  of 
the  human  body,  in  beings  of  human  and  divine  nature, 
can  be  explained  by  the  frequent  opportunities  of  seeing 
naked  beauty,  it  is  forgotten,  that  a  fine  organization  of 
the  senses,  only  gives  pleasure  to  itself;  and  that  the  study 
of  the  nude,  even  with  the  best  models  of  physical  beauty 
at  hand,  can  establish  only  a  truth  for  the  senses. 

But  the  art  of  the  Greeks  is  never  voluptuous,  unless  it 
be  in  some  exceptional  cases ;  and  it  was  always  something 
more  than  true  to  the  senses.  Originally  designed  to 
bring  Olympus  down  to  earth,  and  to  procure  for  men  the 
desired  sight  of  the  immortals,  without  exposing  them 
to  peril,  it  was  pure  and  chaste,  from  its  very  beginning ; 
and,  even  in  its  uncompleted  works,  seemed  godlike 
in  dignity  and  quiet  earnestness.  Matter  and  shape  it 
borrowed  from  the  earthly;  but  when  a  soul  was  breathed 
into  it  from  the  pious  feelings  of  the  maker,  and  it  was 
pervaded  by  the  strength  of  an  enthusiasm  which  sprang 
from  the  same  source,  the  dead  matter  shaped  itself  into 
a  symbol  of  the  higher  nature.  Waking  and  dreaming, 
the  artists  saw  the  image  of  the  gods,  whom  they  would 
fain  display  to  the  believing  race ;  and,  while  living  faith 
gave  a  soul  to  the  lifeless  mass,  they  threw  over  the  naked 
form  the  mysterious  veil  of  innocence  and  moral  purity. 
The  effect  of  these  statues  corresponded  to  their  origin. 
The  moral  dignity  and  grace,  which  had  passed  over 
from  the  soul  of  the  artist  into  his  work,  communicated 
itself  to  the  beholder ;  and  the  devotional  feeling,  in  which 
the  godlike  image  was  conceived,  kept  off  unholy  thoughts, 
as  the  neighborhood  of  higher  powers  drives  impure 
demons  away.  But  that  dignity  and  grace  were  never 
produced  by  the  artful  combination  of  the  members,  or 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        349 

from  the  comparison  of  the  beautiful  in  nature,  with  the 
more  beautiful,  but  like  the  goddess  of  love,  born  from  the 
pure  crystal  of  the  sea,  it  is  conceived  in  the  depth  of  a 
chaste  and  harmonious  soul,  and  from  it  passed  into 
form,  mysterious  at  its  birth,  like  all  that  is  divine,  and 
no  less  mysterious  in  its  harmonious  effect. 

But  this  moral  grace  is  spread  in  like  measure  over 
the  literary  works  of  that  nation,  and,  blended  now 
with  more  of  earnestness,  now  with  more  of  attractive 
sweetness,  pervades  the  classic  writings  of  their  historians, 
philosophers  and  orators.  It  was  the  condition  of  every 
appearance  before  the  public ;  and  when,  by  force  of 
external  influences,  the  morals  of  the  nation  had  grown 
corrupt,  and  the  means,  which  had  held  it  erect,  had  lost 
their  power,  still  the  beautiful  appearance  of  morality 
maintained  itself  in  the  symbol  of  decorum,  and  preserved 
to  the  nation  the  exquisite  perception  of  moral  beauty  far 
into  later  times. 

This  phenomenon  in  the  history  of  the  Greeks,  the 
gradual  decay  of  the  vigor,  which,  in  better  times,  had 
fostered  and  enlivened  moral  culture,  leads  us  to  speak  of 
the  external  circumstances,  from  which  the  sources  of  that 
vigor  had  sprung  in  fresh  exuberance.  A  few  hints  will 
here  suffice.  First,  we  will  mention  the  simplicity  of  the 
life,  the  wants,  and  the  occupations  of  antiquity,  whereby 
much  of  the  evil  was  avoided,  which  grows  out  of 
complicated  relations  of  life.  Even  the  poorer  citizen  did 
not  find  it  needful  to  give  all  his  strength  and  all  his  time 
to  the  drudgery  of  supporting  his  daily  existence;  and  the 
management  of  private  and  public  affairs  took  from  no 
one  so  entirely  the  enjoyment  of  leisure,  that  he  was 
obliged,  by  outward  struggles,  to  forego  the  cultivation  of 
his  intellectual  powers  and  moral  nature.  Inasmuch  as 
the  State  called  each  of  its  citizens,  without  exception, 
30 


350  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

now  to  its  defence,  and  now  to  the  management  of  its 
affairs,  it  awakened  every  power,  by  the  exhilarating 
alternation  of  activity  and  repose,  and  protected  him 
from  lethargy,  without  checking,  by  excess  of  burdens, 
his  spontaneous  vivacity.  While  the  mechanical  part  of 
public  business,  which,  in  modern  States,  keeps  great 
armies  of  officials  busy,  was  comparatively  insignificant 
among  the  ancients,  the  commonwealth  furnished  its 
rulers  the  amplest  opportunity  for  intellectual  activity; 
and,  by  the  discharge  of  their  public  duties,  served  them 
not  only  as  a  school  of  civil  prudence,  but  still  more 
of  righteousness,  disinterestedness,  and  all  the  patriotic 
virtues.  The  greatest  part  of  the  services,  which  the 
country  required,  were  so  knit  to  the  whole  scheme  of 
political  life,  that  even  the  more  insignificant  were 
exalted  by  its  idea ;  and  what  the  peculiarity  of  its  faith 
accomplishes  for  the  Christian  world, — I  mean  the  power 
to  set  the  seal  of  merit  even  on  humble  services, — was 
accomplished  for  the  ancients  by  the  religious  idea  of 
country,  which  it  was  the  effort  of  the  ancient  legislators, 
and  the  aim  of  many  institutions  among  them,  to  kindle 
and  enforce.  For  this  idea  was  originally  derived  from 
religion,  as  the  politics  and  legislation  of  the  ancient 
States  generally  aimed  at  a  religious  sanctity.  In  the 
groves  of  Delphi,  Lycurgus  conceived  the  idea  of  his 
laws,  and  from  the  mouth  of  Apollo  received  their 
ratification ;  and  it  was  a  prevalent  belief,  that  the  greatest 
and  wisest  legislators  had  cultivated  an  intercourse  with 
the  gods,  and  continued  partially  to  enjoy  their  society. 

In  this  matter,  also,  no  unworthy  fraud  was  intended. 
Those  men,  who,  hurried  away  by  the  greatness  of 
their  vocation,  found  the  means  of  fulfilling  its  demands 
in  the  depth  of  a  pious  heart,  surely  felt  within  them 
the  inspiration  of  the  deity,  and  heard  the  voice  of  the 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        3-51 

immortals  in  the  suggestions  of  their  own  minds.  Was 
it  strange,  that  the  simple  dignity  of  such  a  legislation 
took  strong  hold  of  the  hearts  of  the  citizens  ?  that  every 
change  in  it  was  undertaken  with  dread,  and  the  thought 
of  overthrowing  it  was  abhorred,  as  a  crime  against  both 
gods  and  men  ?  This  is  more  than  all  human  sanction 
can  effect.  So  long  as  the  belief  in  that  higher  than 
human  origin  existed,  it  was  not  merely  needful  and 
wise,  but  even  pious,  to  execute  the  law,  so  far  as  the 
lawT  could  reach;  and  what,  under  the  altered  form  of 
modern  States,  often  confounds  the  homely  understanding, 
seduces  the  mind  of  the  citizen  into  crafty  casuistry,  and 
frequently  freezes  his  heart  towards  the  community  to 
which  he  belongs,  in  ancient  times  could  be  turned  into 
a  healing  and  purifying  flame.  This  flame  of  love  of 
country,  kindled  on  the  altars  of  the  country's  gods, 
and  cherished  by  the  most  glorious  achievements  in  great 
perils,  operated  with  the  greater  force  the  more  it  was 
compressed  and  concentrated  by  the  narrow  boundaries 
of  the  States ;  and  care  was  taken  from  birth  to  death, 
through  public  institutions,  solemnities,  and  festivals, 
that  the  fire  of  patriotism  should  never  be  extinguished. 

Thus  the  Grecian  States  were  founded  directly  on 
religion  and  virtue,  and  the  paternal  feeling  of  the 
legislators  gave  to  the  heart  of  the  citizens  the  tendency 
to  morality.  Convinced  of  the  inutility  of  many  laws, 
and  that  "  the  halls  should  not  be  filled  with  legal  tablets, 
but  the  soul  wTith  the  image  of  righteousness,"  they  sought 
to  fortify  in  the  citizen  a  lively  sense  of  his  dignity,  and 
to  guard  him  by  this  feeling,  not  by  force  and  fear,  against 
base  deeds.  Upon  reverence  for  parents,  upon  the  sanctity 
of  the  marriage  tie,  which  severe  laws  watched  over, 
the  order  of  domestic  life  reposed;  and  this  order  was 
continued  through  the  more  extended  economy  of  the  State, 
30* 


352  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

which  was  itself  but  a  large  family  of  various  members. 
From  the  paternal  home,  the  bashful  and  moral  youth 
passed  forth,  guided  by  his  father's  hand,  into  public  life, 
which  soon  called  him  to  its  service,  either  to  watch 
over  the  country's  borders,  or  to  defend  its  safety  and  its 
rights  against  foreign  foes.  As  under  the  shadow  of  the 
paternal  mansion,  so  in  the  first  steps  of  public  life,  he 
submitted  to  the  authority  of  his  elders.  This  authority 
was  supported  by  laws  as  well  as  by  usage,  and,  like  a 
living  law,  illuminated  the  path  of  the  young  along  the 
way  of  virtue  and  of  fame.  Republican  freedom,  which 
stands  upon  severe  morals,  as  its  proper  foundation,  never 
took  offence  at  the  supervision  of  the  elders,  which  was 
only  a  continuance  of  the  father's  care ;  nay,  it  necessarily 
resulted  from  the  spirit  of  ancient  liberty,  and  the  original 
formation  of  republican  States. 

Hence,  in  more  than  one  of  these  free  States,  special 
magistrates  watched  not  only  over  the  due  observance  of 
the  laws,  but  also  over  morals ;  as  it  is  well  known,  that 
the  court  of  the  Areopagus  was  charged  with  the  duty 
of  keeping  a  strict  supervision  of  the  manner  of  life  among 
the  citizens,  and  of  summoning  those  who  led  an  unseemly 
life,  before  their  tribunal.  Such  a  tribunal  would  have 
been  either  without  effect,  or  it  would  have  become  a 
source  of  violence  on  the  one  side,  and  of  hypocrisy  on 
the  other,  had  it  not  been  clothed  with  the  sanction  of 
public  opinion,  which  was  founded  upon  its  virtue  and  the 
irreproachableness  of  its  members.  But  in  the  case  of 
this  tribunal,  this  foundation  was  so  firm  and  immovable, 
that  a  general  belief  prevailed,  that  no  unworthy  man 
could  take  part  in  its  proceedings ;  and  that  if  such  a  person 
escaped  the  severe  probation  which  preceded  his  admission, 
he  would  be  made  better,  after  a  short  time,  by  associating 
with  the  rest,  and  could  not  help  becoming  like  them. 


MORAL  EDUCATION  OF  THE  GREEKS.        353 

Thus,  also,  in  civil  life,  good  and  wholesome  effects 
were  brought  to  pass  more  by  example  than  by- 
instruction,  more  by  paternal  influence  and  pious  awe 
than  by  law  and  punishment.  As  long  as  this  spirit 
reigned  in  Greece, — and  never  was  it  wholly  extinguished, 
until  the  interference  of  a  hostile  power  broke  down 
the  forces  of  domestic  order, — the  youth  was  moral  and 
temperate ;  and  even  the  greater  part  of  the  older,  despite 
all  the  inflammability  of  the  Hellenic  character,  continued 
both  in  domestic  and  public  life,  sober,  moral,  and  loyal 
to  civil  order. 

Now,  if  much  seems  to  be  wanting  to  the  life  of 
modern  nations  which  the  moral  culture  of  the  Greeks 
promoted, — so  that,  with  the  wholly  altered  formation  of 
the  States  and  their  political  institutions,  we  are  hardly  to 
expect,  that  a  whole  people  can  ever  again  be  elevated  to 
an  equal  rank, — yet  the  individual  ought  not  therefore  to 
despair  of  attaining  for  himself  the  exalted  station  which 
he  admires  in  the  ilustrious  models  of  Grecian  virtue. 
The  example  of  the  ancient  world, — like  every  example 
of  greatness  and  of  moral  excellence,  wheresoever  it  may 
be  found, — will  not  discourage  but  excite,  provided  we 
look  into  our  own  bosoms  ;  and  every  one  may  exhibit  in 
himself,  according  to  his  abilities,  what  delights  him  in 
others.  The  great  and  the  noble  are  not  limited  by  divine 
Providence  to  one  region  of  the  earth,  or  to  one  period 
of  time ;  there  is  no  soil,  sterile  as  it  may  be  in  other 
respects,  which  will  not  bear  them ;  and  wherever  men  live, 
and  civil  order  exists,  the  swelling  seed  of  morality  only 
waits  the  fostering  sunshine  to  unfold  its  germ. 

What  flourished  in  antiquity,  can  even  now  be  realized 
in  individual  cases  ;  and  what  in  Greece  proceeded  from 
the  commonwealth,  and  affected  the  individual,  may  in 
the  States  of  modern  Europe  pass  from  the  individual, 


354  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

and  act  upon  the  commonwealth.  Even  now,  example 
has  not  lost  its  stirring  power;  and  as  the  lightning's 
flash  every  where  seeks  out  and  strikes  its  kindred 
matter,  so,  too,  the  power  of  the  good  and  great  goes 
from  heart  to  heart,  strengthens  as  it  extends,  and,  like 
a  flame,  shines  by  diffusion,  with  the  greater  splendor. 

I  cannot  conclude  this  discourse,  without  expressing 
my  sense  of  the  happiness  I  have,  in  becoming  a  citizen 
of  this  land,  and  enjoying  the  favor  of  its  enlightened 
monarch.  This  is  the  first  occasion,  on  which  I  have 
had  the  honor  to  speak  before  this  distinguished  society, 
formed  for  the  cultivation  of  all  liberal  and  elegant  studies ; 
and  I  cannot  refrain  from  giving  utterance  to  the  delight 
I  experience,  when  I  behold  the  noble  efforts  that  are  here 
making,  to  set  a  glorious  example  to  the  other  nations  of 
Germany.  The  promotion  of  intellectual  refinement ; 
the  administration  of  justice,  tempered  with  mercy;  the 
exhibition  of  the  patriotic  virtues,  by  those  who  occupy 
the  most  exalted  station; — these  are  claims  to  the 
admiration  of  the  world,  which  can  neither  be  denied  nor 
forgotten;  these  are  harbingers  of  a  bright  and  happy 
future  for  science,  letters,  and  art,  and  for  all  the  highest 
interests  of  moral  and  educated  man. 


NOTES. 


NOTES. 


Page  33.  Esaias  Tegner. — This  article  is  taken  from 
Mohnike's  German  translation  of  TegneVs  "  Schulreden." 
The  author  is  favorably  known  in  this  country,  through  some 
fine  translations  from  his  poems,  by  Mr.  Longfellow,  particularly 
an  idyl  in  hexameter  verse,  entitled,  "The  Children  of  the 
Lord's  Supper."  Frithiof 's  Saga,  one  of  his  principal  poems, 
has  been  twice  translated  into  German,  and  four  times  into 
English.  An  analysis  of  it,  accompanied  with  translations  of  a 
number  of  passages,  may  be  found  in  the  N.  A.  Review,  No.  96. 
"  The  modern  Scald,"  says  Mr.  Longfellow,  "has  written  his 
name  in  immortal  runes,  not  on  the  bark  of  trees  alone,  but  on  the 
mountains  of  his  fatherland,  and  the  cliffs  that  overhang  the 
sea,  and  on  the  tombs  of  ancient  heroes,  whose  histories  are 
epic  poems.  Indeed,  we  consider  the  '  Legend  of  Frithiof,'  as 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  productions  of  the  age.  It  is  an 
epic  poem,  composed  of  a  series  of  ballads,  each  describing 
some  event  in  the  hero's  life,  and  each  written  in  a  different 
measure,  according  with  the  action  described  in  the  ballad.  The 
loss  of  epic  dignity  in  the  poem  is  more  than  made  up  by  the 
greater  spirit  of  the  narrative." 

Tegner  was  born  in  the  parish  of  By,  in  the  province  of 
Warmland,  Sweden,  in  the  year  1782.  In  1799,  he  joined  the 
university  of  Lund.  In  1812,  he  became  professor  of  Greek 
in  that  institution.  In  1824,  he  was  appointed  bishop  of 
Wexio,  in  the  Lutheran  church.  He  is  a  member  of  the 
Swedish  Academy,  and  of  various  other  learned  societies.     He 


358  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

was  the  means  of  releasing  the  literature  of  his  country  from  a 
servile  subjection  to  a  false  French  taste.  His  poems  are  full 
of  the  national  spirit,  and  are  very  popular.  The  ability  with 
which  he  moulds  the  language  into  the  various  metres  which  he 
employs,  is  wonderful.  He  uses  in  Frithiof  s  Saga  the  Dactylic, 
Iambic,  and  Trochiac  measures  of  the  ancients  with  great 
facility  and  elegance.  His  writings  reveal  the  influence  of  his 
Greek  studies,  and  also  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  German 
literature.  Many  of  his  smaller  pieces  are  found  in  a  journal, 
called  the  "Iduna,"  edited  by  himself,  and  his  friend,  Geijer. 
Mohnike  has  given  admirable  translations  of  some  of  his  prose 
works. 

P.  45.  Frederic  Jacoes. — This  article  is  taken  from  the 
miscellaneous  writings  of  Jacobs.  It  may  also  be  found  in  the 
second  volume  of  Friedemann's  Paraenesen.  The  estimation  in 
which  this  veteran  scholar  is  held  by  all  parties  in  Germany, 
may  be  seen  by  the  references  to  him  on  p.  31.  Of  his  fine 
taste,  his  genial  and  truly  Greek  spirit,  as  well  as  of  his 
accurate  and  extensive  scholarship,  the  articles  from  his  works, 
in  the  present  volume,  bear  ample  testimony.  He  is  now  in  his 
seventy-ninth  year,  happy  in  the  pursuit  of  his  cherished 
studies,  and  in  the  intercourse  of  an  affectionate  family,  and  other 
friends.  His  father  was  an  advocate  in  Gotha.  He  attended 
the  gymnasium  there  in  his  early  days,  and  afterwards  studied 
philology  and  theology  at  Jena  and  Gdttingen.  In  1785,  he 
became  a  teacher  at  the  gymnasium  in  Gotha.  Here  he  has 
spent  his  long  and  pleasant  life,  with  the  exception  of  three 
years  which  he  passed  in  Munich,  as  teacher  in  the  Lyceum 
there.  His  publications  are  very  numerous,  and  have  been 
received  with  extraordinary  favor.  Five  volumes  of  his 
miscellaneous  writings  have  been  published  at  Leipsic. 

P.  67.  Plastic  Art  of  the  Greeks. — This  discourse  was 
delivered  by  Jacobs,  at  a  public  session  of  the  Academy  of 
Sciences,  at  Munich,  on  the  12th  of  October,  1810,  on  the  Saint's 
day  of  the  Bavarian  king.  The  occasion  on  which  it  was  spoken, 
and  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  written,  justified  a  more 
flowing  and  popular  style  than  would  have  been  suitable  to  a 


NOTES, 


359 


mere  learned  inquiry.  Jacobs  has  brought  together,  with  skill 
and  remarkably  picturesque  effect,  the  scattered  notices  of 
works  of  plastic  art  in  the  ancient  authors.  His  profound  and 
brilliant  learning,  his  ardent  feelings,  and  his  enthusiastic  love 
of  antiquity,  sometimes  lead  him  to  an  over-estimate  of  the 
ancients,  as  compared  with  the  moderns,  not  unnatural  or 
ungraceful  in  a  man  whose  days  and  nights  have  been 
consumed  in  the  study  of  the  monuments  of  Grecian  genius. 
The  same  influences  occasionally  give  a  luxuriance  of  figurative 
and  poetical  phraseology  to  his  style,  which  the  severer  taste 
of  English  literature  would  undoubtedly  censure ;  though  it  is 
not  to  be  denied,  that  here  and  there,  occur  an  illustration  of 
remarkable  beauty,  and  a  passage  of  exquisitely  rhythmical 
cadence.  But  whatever  maybe  at  times  his  faults  of  manner  or 
style,  he  always  writes  with  warmth,  and  from  a  full  mind,  and  his 
views,  if  sometimes  partial  and  extravagant,  are  always  stamped 
with  the  authentic  seal  of  diversified  and  elegant  scholarship. 

A  body  of  learned  notes  is  appended  to  this  discourse,  partly 
consisting  of  the  authorities  on  which  his  statements  are  founded, 
and  partly  of  more  detailed  discussions  of  subjects  dealt  with, 
only  in  general  terms,  in  the  text.  These  arc  all  of  high 
interest  and  value,  but  the  limits  of  the  present  volume  forbid 
their  insertion  here. 

It  may  be  remarked,  that  the  editors  of  this  volume  do  not 
consider  themselves  responsible  for  every  sentiment  which  may 
be  found  in  the  articles  that  they  have  introduced.  The  general 
effect  of  a  piece  may  be  good,  when  particular  opinions  are 
erroneous.  Thus  Jacobs  sometimes  apologizes  for  paganism, 
and  attributes  good  moral  influences  to  the  polytheistic  mythology 
of  the  ancients,  in  a  manner,  and  to  an  extent,  to  which  the 
translators  are  very  far  from  yielding  their  assent.  But  as 
this  point  will  be  discussed  at  greater  length,  in  a  note  to  the 
discourse  on  the  moral  education  of  the  Greeks,  nothing  further 
need  be  said  here,  except  that,  in  the  present  article,  on  p.  82, 
the  words,  "  Polytheism  was  the  religion  given  to  the  youth  of 
man,"  seem  to  imply  an  opinion,  that  Polytheism  was  as  much 
the  gift  of  the  Almighty  to  man,  as  Christianity,  and  differed 
from  Christianity  only  in  being  an  earlier  and  inferior  gift ;  an 
opinion,  that  can  only  spring  from  a  great  exaggeration  of  the 


360  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

good,  and  a  singular  blindness  to  the  evil  side  of  Polytheism. 
This  may  not  have  been  his  meaning.  It  was,  nevertheless, 
thought  best  not  to  omit,  or  essentially  modify  the  language  of 
the  author. 

P.  102.  Most  of  the  Philological  Correspondence  here 
presented,  is  selected  from  the  three  following  works,  viz. 

Epistolae  Bentleii,  Graevii,  Ruhnkenii,  Wyttenbachii  Selectae. 
Annotatione  instruxit  F.  C.  Kraft.     Altona,  1831. 

Christian  Gottfried  Schiitz.  Darstellung  seines  Lebens, 
Charakters  und  Verdienstes  nebst  einer  Auswahl  aus  seinem 
litterarischen  Briefwechsel.  Herausgegeben  von  seinem  Sohne 
F.  Schiitz.  Only  two  volumes,  containing  the  correspondence, 
appeared  in  1834  and  1835.  The  third  volume  is  to  contain  the 
biography. 

Franz  Passow's  Leben  und  Briefe.  Eingeleitet  von  L. 
Wachler.     Herausgegeben  von  A.  Wachler.     Breslau,  1839. 

About  one  half  of  the  letters  are  translated  from  the  Latin, 
and  the  remainder,  with  two  or  three  exceptions,  from  the 
German.  Not  only  select  letters,  but  select  parts  of  letters, 
those  most  intimately  connected  with  the  studies  and  personal 
history  of  the  authors  and  of  their  friends,  have  been  taken,  while 
the  great  mass  of  the  correspondence  has  been  passed  over. 
The  ordinary  forms  of  Latin  salutation  have  generally  been 
omitted,  as  well  as  many  German  titles.  The  notes  have  been 
taken  from  such  a  variety  of  sources,  that  it  would  be  impossible 
to  give  the  original  authorities  in  all  cases.  Most  of  them  are 
compiled  from  various  authors ;  not  a  few  are  from  the  oral 
communications  of  German  professors.  Some,  particularly 
those  on  French  scholars,  have  been  abridged  from  the 
Biographie  Universelle  ;  others,  from  the  various  bibliographical 
works  of  the  Germans,  and  the  supplements  to  the  Conversations 
Lexicon. 

J.  P.  D'Orville  was  born  of  French  parents,  at  Amsterdam, 
in  1696.  From  the  Athenaeum  of  his  native  city,  he  went 
to  the  university  of  Leyden,  where  he  studied  under  Gronovius 
and  Burmann,  who  predicted  that  he  would  one  day  rank 
among  the  first  scholars  of  the  age.  After  travelling  in 
England,  France,  Italy,  and  Germany,  visiting  libraries  and 


NOTES.  361 

collections  of  art,  and  forming  many  literary  acquaintances, 
among  whom  were  Bentley,  Markland,  Montfaucon,  Muratori, 
and  Fabricius,  he  returned  with  rich  literary  treasures  and 
collations  of  manuscripts,  with  which  he  liberally  adorned,  not 
only  his  own  editions  of  the  classics,  but  those  of  his  numerous 
friends.  He  had  designed  to  lead  a  life  of  literary  leisure,  but 
as  the  Athenaeum  at  Amsterdam  was  on  the  decline,  it  was 
believed  that  D'Orville  only  could  bring  it  again  into  repute, 
and  he  was  accordingly  made  professor  of  ancient  literature 
there  in  1736.  Here  he  continued  to  teach  with  great  success 
during  a  period  of  six  years,  at  the  close  of  which  he  retired, 
in  order  to  prepare  editions  of  several  works  for  which  he  had 
collected  ample  materials ;  but  he  died  at  his  country  seat 
near  Harlem  in  the  midst  of  his  labors,  in  1751.  He  was  a 
fine  and  skilful  critic,  and  had  tried  his  hand  on  a  large  number 
of  authors.  But  his  fame  rests  chiefly  on  his  learned  and  very 
copious  edition  of  Chariton,  a  work  which  Professor  Beck,  of 
Leipsic,  pronounced  to  be  indispensable  to  every  one  who  would 
understand  thoroughly  the  nature  and  character  of  the  Greek 
language.  Larcher  bestowed  upon  it  a  similar  commendation. 
But  the  taste  of  the  present  age  would  require  more  selection 
in  the  notes.  His  large  fortune  not  only  enabled  him  to 
procure  for  his  own  use  such  a  library  as  he  desired,  but  to 
aid  young  men  of  talents,  as  we  see  in  the  case  of  Ruhnken, 
whom  he  took  into  his  own  house,  and  assisted  so  long  as  it 
was  necessary.  His  papers  and  library  were  bought  for  the 
Bodleian  library. 

P.  103.  Wetstein  is  the  celebrated  New  Testament  critic 
and  editor. 

Unhappy  Saxony% — This  was  the  fourth  year  of  the  Seven 
Years'  War,  in  which  most  of  the  great  powers  of  Europe  were 
engaged,  but  in  which  Prussia,  under  Frederic  the  Great,  won 
the  most  renown,  and  Saxony,  from  being  the  seat  of  the  war, 
endured  the  greatest  sufferings.  Frederic  made  Dresden  his 
winter-quarters.  The  Saxons  were  not  only  obliged  to  furnish 
the  Prussians  with  supplies,  but  also  with  soldiers.  The  winter 
preceding  the  date  of  this  letter,  Leipsic  alone  purchased  of 
Frederic  a  release  from  a  distressing  siege,  by  the  payment  of 
31 


362  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

eight  tons   of  gold !     This  very  year,  Wittenberg  itself  was 
bombarded,  and  more  than  one-third  part  of  the  town  destroyed. 

P.  104.     A  florin  or  gulden  is  about  forty  cents. 

P.  106.  Blinded,  etc. — Ritter,  after  having  proceeded  too 
far  in  his  negotiations,  was  prevented  from  going  to  Holland  by 
two  causes  ; — first,  the  exertions  of  the  Saxon  minister  to  retain 
him,  and  secondly,  the  unwillingness  of  his  wife  to  exchange 
her  Wittenberg  friends  for  the  society  of  Leyden,  respecting 
which  some  persons  had  made  very  unfavorable  impressions 
upon  her  mind.  When  it  is  remembered  that  Ruhnken  had,  by 
Ritter's  direction,  proceeded  so  far  as  to  hire  a  house  for  his 
friend,  and  to  make  other  similar  arrangements,  it  will  not 
appear  strange  that  he  keenly  felt  the  disappointment. 

P.  107.  John  Augustus  Ernesti  was  born  in  Tennstaedt, 
a  few  miles  from  Erfurt,  in  1707.  When  very  young,  and 
while  in  the  school  of  his  native  place,  he  gave  indications  of  his 
rare  talents.  In  Schul-Pforta,  a  celebrated  gymnasium  near 
Naumberg,  he  made  such  progress  in  his  studies,  that  the  rector 
testified,  in  his  certificate  of  dismission,  that  he  had  learned  and 
read  more  than  ordinary  students,  who  are  about  to  leave  the 
aniversity.  He  began  his  university  course  at  Wittenberg,  and 
finished  it  at  Leipsic.  Theology  and  the  classics  occupied  his 
chief  attention.  In  1731,  he  became  conrector,  under  Gesner,  in 
the  St.  Thomas  Gymnasium,  in  Leipsic ;  and  succeeded  him  as 
rector,  in  1734,  when  the  latter  was  called  to  a  professorship 
in  Gbttingen.  He  did  great  service  to  this  distinguished 
gymnasium,  which  had  successively  two  rectors,  who  were  the 
first  scholars  of  the  times,  and  has  since  had  Fischer,  F.  W.  G. 
Rost,  and  Stallbaum.  But,  after  his  appointment  in  1742,  as 
professor  extraordinarius  of  ancient  literature,  in  the  university  of 
Leipsic,  he  contributed  still  more  to  the  advancement  of  learning, 
by  his  lectures  on  philology ,  antiquities,  and  philosophy.  In  1756, 
he  was  made  professor  of  eloquence,  and,  three  years  afterwards, 
professor  of  theology.  The  former  professorship  he  resigned 
in  1770,  and  devoted  himself  with  such  zeal  to  his  theological 
studies,   that  he    rose    to   the    highest    professorship    in    that 


NOTES.  363 

department.  Among  his  many  publications  on  theology,  his 
valuable  work  on  Interpretation  is  best  known  in  this  country. 
He  died  in  1781.  In  comprehensiveness  of  learning,  particularly 
in  ancient  Roman  literature,  he  was  probably  excelled  by  none 
of  his  contemporaries,  except  Ruhnken.  He  lectured  in  the 
university  on  eloquence,  ancient  history,  archaeology,  and  the 
Greek  and  Roman  classics.  His  happy  method  of  treatment 
can  be  learned  from  his  preface  to  Fischer's  edition  of  Ovid. 
When  the  Electoral  Academy  of  Arts  was  established  in  Leipsic, 
he  took  particular  pains  in  his  lectures  to  interest  his  pupils  in 
the  study  of  ancient  art,  but  his  efforts  were  rather  directed  to 
the  literature  of  art  than  to  art  itself.  He  therefore  entitled 
the  outlines  of  his  course  of  instruction,  published  in  1768, 
Archaeologia  Literaria.  Having  acquired  a  great  name  by 
his  editions  of  the  classics,  and  by  his  occasional  academical 
productions,  he  was  beset  by  the  booksellers  to  write  prefaces 
and  recommendations,  or  to  make  revisions  of  other  men's 
works.  His  editions  of  the  Clouds  of  Aristophanes,  of  Homer, 
Callimachus,  Polybius,  Suetonius,  Tacitus,  and,  most  of  all, 
Cicero,  show  the  extent  of  his  scholarship.  His  notes  to  Cicero 
relate  exclusively  to  the  various  readings,  but  in  his  valuable 
Clavis  Ciceronia,  he  has  collected  a  great  amount  of  learning 
relating  to  the  interpretation  of  his  author.  His  labors  in  Greek 
philology  are  not  equal  in  value  to  those  in  Latin.  He  is,  by 
universal  consent,  placed  among  the  purest  and  most  eloquent  of 
modern  Latin  writers.  The  number  of  his  separate  publications, 
large  and  small,  amounts  to  154.  Most  of  the  particulars  here 
given,  are  drawn  from  Ernesti's  life,  by  H.  Doring,  in  his 
Gelehrte  Theologen  Deutschlands. 

P.  108.  The  expression  of  my  regard,  refers  to  his  Epistola 
Critica  to  Ernesti,  on  Callimachus  and  Apollonius  Rhodius. 
Ernest!  was  then  employed  in  preparing  his  edition  of 
Callimachus.  To  explain  the  allusions  to  this  subject  in  the 
following  letters,  it  may  be  added,  that  the  work  was  completed 
in  two  volumes,  octavo,  in  1761,  and  was  printed  in  Leyden.  It 
contained  the  notes  of  Stephens,  Vulcanius,  Dacier,  Gronovius, 
Richard  Bentley,  and  Ezekiel  Spanheim,  together  with  the 
unpublished  observations  of  Hemsterhuys  and  Ruhnken. 


364  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

Bach.  J.  A.  Bach,  of  Saxony,  was  one  of  the  most 
accomplished  scholars,  not  only  in  the  civil  law,  but  in  ancient 
literature  in  general .  As  professor  of  legal  antiquities,  he 
lectured  with  great  success  in  Leipsic,  for  six  years,  but  died  in 
1758,  at  the  early  age  of  37,  in  consequence  of  his  too  great 
literary  efforts.  His  Historia  Jurisprudentias  Romanes  is  still  a 
standard  work  on  the  subject,  and  is  very  important  to  the 
classical  scholar.  The  Acta  Eruditorum  is  well  known,  as  the 
first  German  literary  journal  of  character.  It  was  commenced 
in  Leipsic  in  1682,  by  the  Menckes.  The  first  series  is  in  fifty 
quarto  volumes,  with  a  supplement  of  eight  volumes ;  the  second, 
from  1732  to  1776,  is  in  forty-three  volumes,  with  a  supplement 
of  eight,  and  an  index  of  six  volumes. 

Borncr's  Library.  C  F.  Borner,  who  died  in  1753,  at  the 
age  of  70,  was  first  professor  of  ethics,  then  of  Greek,  and 
finally  of  theology  in  Leipsic.  As  first  librarian,  he  increased 
the  library  at  his  private  expense.  After  studying  at  Wittenberg 
and  Leipsic,  he  travelled  in  Holland  and  England,  with  Professor 
Berger,  of  Wittenberg,  and  studied  Arabic  under  Sykes. 
Doring  affirms,  that  during  his  life,  Leipsic  had  not  a  more 
learned  theologian  than  Borner,  and  that  but  few  could  compare 
with  him  in  a  knowledge  of  antiquity,  philology  and  history. 
He  edited  Luther's  complete  works. 

P.  1 10.  Professor  of  Greek  literature. — He  was  only  assistant 
professor.  In  his  subsequent  proper  professorship  he  was  the 
successor,  not  of  Hemsterhuys,  but  of  Oudendorp.  See  page  237. 

Heusinger. — Jacob  Frederic  Heusinger,  a  most  accomplished 
classical  scholar,  was,  at  the  time  this  letter  was  written, 
conrector  of  the  gymnasium  of  Wolfenbiittel,  where  there  is 
a  valuable  library  of  rare  books  and  manuscripts,  of  which 
Ruhnken  wished  to  make  use.  It  appears  that  Heusinger 
afterwards  gratified  all  his  wishes.  Two  years  from  this  time, 
Heusinger  became  rector  of  the  same  gymnasium.  The  work 
to  which  he  devoted  his  principal  labor  was  his  edition  of  Cicero 
de  Officiis,  which  was  just  ready  to  be  published  when  he  died, 
in  1778.  His  son,  Conrad  Heusinger,  who  was  also  conrector, 
and  afterwards  rector  in  the  same  gymnasium,  and  who 
resembled  his  father  in  scholarship,  undertook  the  publication, 


NOTES 


365 


and  the  work  appeared  in  1783.  Boissonade  observes,  "  This 
edition  is  a  masterpiece  of  criticism.  It  is  difficult  to  carry  an 
exquisite  knowledge  of  the  language  and  of  its  most  delicate 
idioms  farther  than  the  two  Heusingers  have  done ;  and 
impossible  to  conduct  investigations  with  more  probity,  if  I  may 
so  speak,  or  with  more  care  and  diligence.  The  preface  of  the 
young  Heusinger  is,  by  its  pure  Latinity,  and  by  the  justness 
of  its  observations,  a  worthy  introduction  to  this  excellent  work. 
An  editor,  who  should  settle  the  text  of  all  Cicero's  works  with 
such  wonderful  exactness  would  secure  to  himself  the  highest 
honor,  and  add,  if  possible,  to  the  glory  of  that  great  writer ; 
but  such  a  work  seems  to  be  too  much  for  anyone  man." — 
JBiographie  Universelle,  vol.  xx,  p.  338.  A  new  .edition  of  this 
work  of  Heusinger  was  published  by  Zumpt,  in  1838,  with 
additions  by  himself. 

P.  112.  C.  G.  Heyne. — This  letter  is  taken  from  Heeren's 
Life  of  Heyne,  and  is  inserted  here  in  consequence  of  its 
connection  with  Ruhnken's  correspondence.  On  the  death  of 
Gesner,  the  university  of  Gottingen  applied  to  Ernesti  to 
recommend  a  successor  ;  he  replied,  that  there  was  no  suitable 
person  in  Germany,  and  recommended  that  Ruhnken,  of  Leyden, 
or  Saxius,  of  Utrecht,  be  called.  A  letter  was  accordingly 
addressed  to  Ruhnken,  offering  him  the  place.  He  replied, 
under  date  of  Oct.  18,  1762,  and  declined  the  appointment ;  but 
added  these  words  :  "  But  why  look  abroad  for  that  which  your 
own  country  can  furnish?  Why  not  make  Christian  Gottlob 
Heyne  successor  to  Gesner  ? — a  disciple  of  Ernesti  and  a  man  of 
distinguished  talent,  who  has  given  proof  of  his  Latin  erudition  in 
his  edition  of  Tibullus,  and  of  Greek,  in  his  edition  of  Epictetus. 
In  my  opinion, — and  Hemsterhuys  agrees  with  me  in  this, — he 
is  the  only  man  who  can  make  Gesner's  place  good.  Nor 
is  there  any  just  cause  for  saying,  that  his  reputation  is  not 
sufficiently  established.  There  is  in  this  man,  believe  me,  such 
an  affluence  of  genius  and  learning,  that  soon  the  literary  world 
in  all  Europe  will  be  filled  with  his  fame."  Nearly  a  year  and 
a  half  before  the  date  of  this  letter,  Ruhnken,  in  writing  to 
Ritter,  observed:  "Among  the  number  of  your  friends,  I 
suppose,  is  to  be  reckoned  Heyne,  the  editor  of  Tibullus,  the 
31* 


366  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

greatest  scholar,  in  my  judgment,  who  has  gone  out  from  the 
school  of  Ernesti,  wandering  about,  as  I  hear,  without  a  home. 
I  would  advise  him  to  come  to  Holland,  where,  if  his  character 
corresponds  with  his  talent  and  learning,  I  can  easily  procure  a 
good  place  for  him."  Ernesti  was  employed  to  treat  for  the 
university,  and  to  make  the  proposals  to  Heyne,  to  which  the 
letter  in  the  text  is  the  reply. 

P.  113.  Munchhausen,  says  Heeren,  was  the  first  curator, 
and,  as  is  well  known,  the  founder  of  the  Gottingen  university, 
his  daughter,  as  the  king  (George  II)  himself  called  it,  who, 
when  he  visited  the  university,  drank  the  health  of  the  childless 
"  minister's  daughter."  For  thirty-two  years,  till  his  death  in 
1770,  he  watched  over  it  with  parental  care,  and  it  was  through 
his  means  that  it  came  to  hold  the  first  rank  at  that  time  among 
the  German  universities.  He  spared  no  pains  to  procure  the 
ablest  teachers,  and  having  obtained  them,  furnished  them  with 
the  greatest  facilities  for  study ;  he  gave  the  university  its 
peculiar  character  of  practical  utility,  banished  the  old  scholastic 
modes  of  instruction,  and  introduced  geography,  literary  history 
and  jurisprudence,  and  placed  philology  on  its  true  foundation. 
The  library,  the  object  of  his  special  care,  was  made  up  of 
useful  and  solid  works,  more  regard  being  paid  to  their  internal 
character  than  to  costly  ornament.  The  Academy  of  Sciences, 
the  prizes,  the  publication  of  the  transactions  of  the  society,  and 
the  Gottingen  Literary  Index,  owe  their  existence  chiefly  to  him. 
It  was  the  general  policy  which  he  pursued,  that  attracted  so 
many  strangers  to  that  university. 

P.  114.  Harles. — T.  C.  Harles,  professor  of  poetry  and 
eloquence  in  Erlangen,  died  in  1815,  at  the  age  of  77.  His 
works  on  Greek  and  Roman  literature  were  formerly  much  read. 

P.  115.  Heumann  was  professor  of  theology  in  Gottingen, 
where  he  died  in  1764.  He  is  best  known  by  his  work  on  the 
history  of  literature. 

Peter  Wesseling  died  the  preceding  year.  He  was  born 
in  Steinfurt,  in  Westphalia,  in  1692.  After  teaching  a  short 
time  in    several    places,   he    became,   in    1723,    professor   of 


NOTES.  367 

eloquence  and  history  at  Franeker,  at  the  same  time  that 
Heineccius  and  Yenema  were  installed.  After  remaining  there 
twelve  years,  he  accepted  an  invitation  to  Utrecht,  where  he 
spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in  honor  and  prosperity.  He  devoted 
himself  exclusively  and  zealously  to  his  literary  pursuits,  and 
acquired  a  great  reputation  by  his  editions  of  the  Greek 
historians,  particularly  of  Herodotus,  which  was  regarded  as 
the  best  edition  of  that  historian,  till  Schweighaiiser's  work 
appeared.  Ruhnken,  in  his  Life  of  Hemsterhuys,  observes, 
"That  distinguished  scholar,  Peter  Wesseling  used  freely  to 
acknowledge,  that  Hemsterhuys  was  the  means  of  putting  him 
upon  a  right  conrse  of  study.  Before  going  to  Utrecht,  he  was 
a  colleague  of  Hemsterhuys,  and  thus  became  intimately 
acquainted  with  him ;  and  from  that  time,  their  friendship, 
sacred  almost  beyond  example,  continued  to  the  end  of  life." 
See  page  225. 

P.  116.  I  have  been  diverted,  etc. — It  is  certainly  amusing  to 
learn,  that  such  was  the  origin  of  this  celebrated  edition  of 
Velleius  Paterculus,  which  has  been  regarded  by  many  as  a 
model.  Peter  Burmann,  the  younger,  nephew  of  the  elder 
critic  of  the  same  name,  was  born  in  Amsterdam,  in  1714.  He 
afterwards  became  the  successor  of  Wesseling,  at  Franeker,  but 
finally  resigned  that  place,  and  accepted  a  professorship  in  the 
Athenaeum  at  Amsterdam.  He  died  in  1778.  He  was  an 
excellent  Latin  scholar,  and  poet,  though  not  equal  to  his  uncle, 
in  these  respects.  But  in  literary  quarrels,  he  came  nearer  to 
the  elder  Burmann,  as  he  showed  in  his  controversies  with 
Klotz  and  Saxius.  He  edited  Claudius,  Propertius,  and  many 
other  works. 

P.  117.  It  is  now  thirty  years,  etc. — At  the  time  referred  to, 
the  gymnasium  at  Konigsberg  was  under  the  direction  of  F.  A. 
Schulz,  a  distinguished  Pietist.  Indeed,  the  school  was,  from 
the  beginning,  under  the  influence  of  that  party.  Heydenreich 
and  Fuhrmann  were  the  teachers  in  Latin,  and  Stephen  Schulz, 
afterwards  a  celebrated  missionary,  who,  like  Wolff  in  later 
times,  travelled  twenty  years  in  all  quarters  of  the  globe, 
in  behalf  of  the  Jews,  was   teacher  in   Greek  and   Hebrew. 


368  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

"Through  Heydenreieh,  Kant,  while  in  the  higher  class, 
acquired  such  a  passion  for  the  Latin  classics,  that  he  learned 
by  heart  long  passages  from  the  poets,  the  philosophers,  the 
orators,  and  the  historians,  which  he  never  forgot,  even  in  his 
old  age.  A  common  enthusiasm  for  ancient  literature  led  to  a 
great  intimacy  between  him  and  two  fellow-students,  David 
Ruhnken,  of  Stolpe,  and  Martin  Cunde,  of  Kbnigsberg,  the 
former  of  whom,  for  half  a  century,  adorned  the  university  of 
Leyden,  as  the  greatest  philologian  of  his  time,  while  the  latter, 
after  experiencing  the  vexations  of  a  private  teacher,  in  various 
families,  finally  closed  his  toilsome  and  troubled  life,  as  rector  of 
a  public  school  in  Rastenburg.  They  frequently  met  to  read 
together  Latin  authors  not  included  in  the  course  of  instruction, 
using  the  best  editions,  which  Ruhnken,  as  the  wealthiest  of  the 
number,  supplied.  They  formed  a  common  plan  of  life,  making 
philology  their  chief  study.  But  this  plan  was  carried  into 
execution  only  by  the  last."  Schubert's  Life  of  Kant,  in  the 
eleventh  volume  of  the  Leipsic  edition  of  Kant's  Works,  1842. 
The  name  of  Kypke  is  well  known  to  biblical  critics.  Porsch  died 
as  pastor  in  Konigsberg,  two  years  before  the  date  of  this  letter. 

P.  1 19.  C.  F.  Matthaei  was  born  in  Grbst,  near  Merseburg, 
in  1774.  He  was  a  disciple  of  Ernesti.  During  his  twelve 
years'  residence  in  Moscow,  where  he  was  at  first  rector  of  the 
two  gymnasia  that  were  connected  with  the  university,  and 
afterwards  professor  in  the  university,  he  made  several  important 
discoveries  among  the  old  Greek  manuscripts  with  which  the 
library  of  Moscow  abounded.  His  critical  edition  of  the  New 
Testament,  from  the  Moscow  manuscripts,  is,  in  many  respects, 
valuable.  In  1784,  he  returned  to  Germany,  and  became  rector 
of  the  gymnasium  in  Meissen,  where  he  died  in  1811,  after 
having  received  the  appointment  of  professor  in  Wittenberg. 

P.  122.  But  enough  of  my  personal  history. — John  Henry 
Voss,  father  of  Henry  Voss,  mentioned  so  often  in  Passow's 
correspondence,  was  aided  by  the  liberality  of  friends  at 
Gottingen,  for  his  own  pecuniary  resources  did  not  furnish  him 
the  means  of  a  university  residence.  He  cultivated  poetry,  and 
Greek  literature  with  a  high  degree  of  success.     He  attended 


NOTES.  369 

Heyne's  lectures,  but  as  the  latter  did  not  approve  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  club  of  poets,  the  Hainbund,  to  which  the 
former  belonged,  he  excited  the  displeasure  of  Voss,  even  at  that 
early  period.  Their  subsequent  disagreement  is  well  known. 
On  being  compelled  to  leave  Otterndorf,  a  town  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Elbe,  on  account  of  ill  health,  Voss  removed  to  Eutin,  in 
Holstein,  in  1782,  where  he  continued  as  rector  of  a  gymnasium 
till  1802.  At  this  time  the  feeble  state  of  his  health  again 
made  it  necessary  for  him  to  resign  his  charge,  and  he  retired 
to  private  life  in  Jena.  In  1805,  he  was  invited  by  the  duke  of 
Baden  to  Heidelberg,  where  he  was  supported  by  a  pension  of 
1000  florins  till  his  death,  in  1826.  Neither  his  great  literary 
merits,  nor  his  personal  vanity  and  irritability  can  be  denied. 

P.  123.  F.  A.  Wolf  was  born  in  Haynrode,  near  Nordhausen, 
in  Prussia,  in  1769.  He  was  at  first  educated  by  his  father,  who 
was  well  qualified  for  the  office  of  teacher.  On  the  father's 
removal  to  Nordhausen,  young  Wolf  was  sent  to  the  gymnasium 
of  that  place,  where  he  made  great  proficiency  in  his  studies, 
more,  however,  by  his  own  diligence  than  by  means  of  public 
instruction.  After  he  entered  the  university  of  Gdttingen,  he 
pursued  the  same  method  of  private  study,  paying  but  little 
regard  even  to  Heyne's  lectures.  In  1774,  he  was  assistant 
teacher  for  a  time  in  the  gymnasium  of  Ilfeld,  and  soon 
afterwards  rector  in  Osterode,  in  the  Hartz  Mountains.  The 
next  year,  1782,  he  accepted  an  invitation  to  Halle,  where  he 
laid  the  foundation  of  his  literary  fame,  and  continued  to  teach 
with  the  greatest  applause  till  the  suspension  of  the  university 
by  Napoleon,  in  1806.  In  the  following  year  he  was  invited 
to  Berlin,  and  after  the  new  Berlin  university  was  founded  and 
organized,  according  to  his  own  views,  in  part,  but  chiefly 
according  to  those  of  the  minister,  von  Humboldt,  he  was 
appointed  a  professor  in  it.  But  he  never  submitted  to  what 
now  appeared  to  him  the  drudgery  of  ordinary  duties ;  and  at 
length,  after  several  disputes  with  the  ministry  and  with  the 
other  professors,  he  retired  altogether  from  his  public  labors. 
In  consequence  of  his  declining  health,  he  set  out,  by  medical 
advice,  on  a  journey  to  the  south  of  France,  and  died  at 
Marseilles,  in  1824.— Kraft. 


370  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

P.  124.  In  respect  to  your  argument,  etc. — Several  of 
Wyttenbach's  letters  indicate,  that  he  was  of  the  same  opinion 
with  Ruhnken.  Boissonade,  in  the  preface  to  his  Homer, 
published  in  1823,  says  to  the  same  effect,  "I  have  read  the 
Prolegomena  of  that  great  critic,  in  which  are  evinced  extensive 
reading,  uncommon  research,  and  great  power  of  language. 
But  while  I  admire  the  production,  it  fails  to  carry  conviction  to 
my  mind."  The  reasoning  of  Wolf  was  hypothetical,  founded 
on  the  general  analogy  of  the  progress  of  knowledge  and  of  the 
arts  in  other  nations.  Professor  George  William  Nitzsch,  of 
Kiel,  has  taken  up  the  subject  in  a  very  different  way,  in 
several  elaborate  Programms  and  in  the  preface  to  the  second 
volume  of  his  notes  on  the  Odyssey,  where  he  has  pursued  the 
investigation  historically,  and  carried  his  searching  criticism  to 
the  minutest  details,  and  thereby  produced  a  strong  re-action  in 
Germany,  so  that  some  writers  speak  of  Wolf's  views  on  this 
point  as  already  "  antiquated," — a  convenient  word  to  designate 
the  rapid  revolutions  which  sometimes  take  place  in  that  country. 

P.  125.  Spalding. — This  is  George  L.  Spalding,  of  Berlin, 
son  of  John  J.  Spalding,  of  the  same  place,  one  of  the  most 
celebrated  theologians  and  classical  German  writers  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  George  L.  Spalding  was  born  in  1762, 
in  Barth,  a  small  Prussian  town,  on  the  Baltic,  where  his 
father  was  then  preacher.  He  studied  in  the  Berlin  gymnasium, 
which  was  under  the  charge  of  the  celebrated  Biisching.  He 
then  studied  in  Gottingen  and  Halle.  The  fortune  of  his  father 
enabled  young  Spalding  to  continue  his  studies  two  years  after 
leaving  the  universities,  and  to  travel  in  Germany,  Switzerland, 
France,  England  and  Holland.  He  was  made  professor  in  one 
of  the  gymnasia  of  Berlin,  in  1787  ;  and  in  1792  he  married  a 
rich  widow,  much  older  than  himself,  with  whom  he  lived  a  very 
happy  domestic  life,  showing  a  special  regard  to  his  step-son,  as 
if  to  repay  the  tender  love  with  which  a  step-mother  had  watched 
over  his  early  years.  A  Leipsic  bookseller  wished  him  to  revise 
the  text  of  Quintilian  for  a  new  edition,  a  work  which  it  was 
supposed  would  occupy  him  but  a  few  years.  Upon  further 
study,  however,  it  appeared  that  the  text  of  his  author  required 
a  more  thorough  revision,  and  that  he  needed  more  helps  than 


NOTES.  371 

were  at  hand.  Thus  the  edition  of  Quintilian  became  the  labor 
of  his  life,  and  he  finally  died  at  the  end  of  nineteen  years, 
leaving  the  work  still  unfinished.  On  Gedike's  death,  the  place 
of  rector  was  offered  him,  but  he  declined  it,  that  he  might 
enjoy  the  more  leisure  for  his  Quintilian.  In  1805,  he  made  a 
journey  to  Italy,  to  collate  a  Florentine  manuscript  of  his  author. 
Towards  the  close  of  his  life,  he  was,  in  spite  of  his  unwillingness, 
attached,  as  counsellor,  to  the  ministry  of  public  instruction. 
He  died  very  suddenly  of  apoplexy  in  1811.  In  his  character 
there  was  a  singular  mixture  of  sweetness  and  irritability.  His 
excitable  nature  is  manifested  even  in  his  notes  to  Quintilian, 
where  he  sometimes  thoroughly  chastises  other  commentators 
for  their  blunders.  Spalding  wrote  but  little,  but  the  first  three 
volumes  of  Quintilian,  especially  the  third,  will  preserve  his 
name.  The  fourth  volume  was  edited  by  Buttmann  ;  and  a  fifth, 
a  supplementary  volume,  by  Zumpt,  to  which  Bonnel  has  an 
admirable  lexicon  of  Quintilian  in  a  sixth  volume.  Few  editions 
of  the  classics  can  boast  of  such  talent  and  learning  as  this  of 
Quintilian. 

P.  127.  Wyttenbach  alludes  to  Horace,  Odes  3,  7,  21,  and 
to  Propertius,  lib.  5,  eleg.  11,  v.  1  and  6. 

Terms  of  agreement,  etc. — It  would  seem  from  a  pretty 
extensive  correspondence,  that  the  Oxford  gentlemen  were  not 
remarkably  liberal  in  their  dealings  with  Wyttenbach.  He 
refers,  more  than  once,  to  their  reducing  the  size  of  the  type,  as 
if  to  lessen  the  editor's  pay.  He  applied  for  a  certain  sum,  to 
meet  the  expense  of  extra  copying,  which  their  haste  required, 
that  the  press  might  not  be  stopped,  in  case  of  any  accident 
occasioned  by  the  war,  but  that  a  duplicate  might  be  on  hand  ; 
and  they  granted  him  half  the  sum,  for  which,  however,  there 
may  possibly  have  been  a  sufficient  reason.  It  was  afterwards 
agreed,  that,  for  the  Annotations,  in  a  reduced  type, Wyttenbach 
should  receive  a  greater  sum  than  a  guinea  a  sheet,  or  eight 
quarto  pages.  But  the  delegates  finally  made  a  new  proposal, 
namely,  to  pay  three  hundred  guineas  for  the  remainder  of  the 
work,  without  regard  to  the  number  of  pages,  "which 
conditions,"  says  Wyttenbach,  "I  accepted,  though  at  a 
sacrifice,  that  the  work  might  not  be  delayed  any  longer." 


372  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

P.  129.  Gaisford. — In  order  to  understand  the  tone  of 
Wyttenbach's  first  letter  to  Gaisford,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
bear  in  mind,  that  the  latter  was  but  a  youth,  about  nineteen 
years  old,  and  known  only  through  his  own  letter,  while  the 
former  was  at  the  height  of  his  reputation,  being  at  that  time 
fifty-eight  years  old. 

P.  132.  Villoison  was  of  a  noble  family,  and  was  born  at 
Corbeil,  near  Paris,  in  1750.  He  pursued  his  studies  in  the 
university  of  Paris  with  such  success,  that  he  took  the  master's 
degree  at  the  age  of  fifteen.  In  his  essays,  he  always  gained  the 
Greek  prize,  except  once,  and  then  he  failed  only  in  consequence 
of  his  teacher's  ignorance  ;  for  having  a  bad  Greek  text  given 
him  to  translate  into  Latin,  he  first  corrected  it,  and  then 
made  his  translation,  a  procedure  which  the  professor  did  not 
comprehend,  and  therefore  could  not  approve.  At  the  age  of 
nineteen,  he  had  read  all  the  Latin,  and  many  of  the  Greek 
classics,  marking  and  illustrating  the  difficult  passages.  He 
then  studied  the  Arabic,  Syriac,  and  Hebrew,  without  a  teacher. 
The  Academy  of  Inscriptions  made  a  special  exception  to  its 
rules,  in  order  to  receive  him  as  a  member,  before  he  had 
reached  the  proper  age.  His  edition  of  the  Lexicon  of 
Apollonius,  prepared  when  he  was  but  twenty-two  years  old, 
was  received  with  great  applause.  In  1775,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-five,  he  travelled  in  Germany  and  Holland,  and  formed 
literary  acquaintances,  both  in  Weimar  and  in  Leyden,  which 
continued  unbroken  till  his  death.  Sent  by  the  government  to 
Venice  in  1781,  he  employed  his  four  years'  residence  there,  in 
examining  the  manuscripts  in  the  library  of  St.  Mark,  and  in  the 
society  of  learned  men,  particularly  that  of  the  distinguished 
Morelli.  He  discovered  a  manuscript  of  the  Iliad,  with  valuable 
scholia,  and  this  circumstance  led  him  to  hope  that  he  might 
find  a  similar  one  of  the  Odyssey,  in  some  part  of  Greece.  He 
therefore  returned  to  Paris,  to  prepare  to  travel  in  the  East.  It 
was  during  these  preparations,  that  he  undertook,  by  request, 
to  superintend  the  printing  of  Sainte  Croix's  work,  on  the 
-Mysteries  of  the  Ancients.  Without  consulting  the  author,  he 
took  the  liberty  to  make  innumerable  alterations,  and  even 
inserted  a  dissertation  of  120  pages,  of  a  contrary  tendency  to 


NOTES.  373 

the  work  itself?  Sainte  Croix  complained  loudly,  and  all 
literary  men  united  with  him  in  condemning  such  a  license. 
He  accompanied  the  French  amhassador  to  the  Porte,  in  1785, 
and  visited  the  Grecian  islands  and  Mount  Athos,  but  was 
disappointed  in  his  object,  and  returned  the  next  year,  bringing 
materials  for  a  great  work  on  Greece,  which,  however,  never 
appeared.  The  French  Revolution  disturbed  his  literary 
projects.  He  was  banished  to  Orleans  on  account  of  his  being 
a  nobleman.  After  his  return  to  Paris,  he  was  made  professor 
of  ancient  and  modern  Greek,  but  died  in  1805,  at  the  age  of 
fifty-five.  His  edition  of  Homer,  published  in  1788,  is  his  great 
work. 

P.  133.  Larcher. — Pierre-Henri  Larcher  was  born  in 
Dijon,  in  1726.  His  father  was  connected  with  the  department 
of  finance,  and  the  young  Larcher  was  at  first  destined  to  some 
civil  office.  But  strong  natural  inclinations  early  indicated  that 
he  had  another  calling.  He  commenced  his  classical  studies 
in  Dijon,  prosecuted  them  still  further  under  the  Jesuits  at 
Pont-a-Mousson,  and,  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  went  to  the 
College  de  Laon,  in  Paris,  where,  with  slender  means,  he 
contrived  to  save  enough  of  his  allowance  of  500  francs,  to 
purchase  books  out  of  the  ordinary  course.  His  passion  for  the 
English,  which  was  second  only  to  his  love  of  Greek,  induced 
him,  in  1750,  to  steal  away  to  England,  without  the  knowledge 
of  his  mother,  who  supposed  he  was  all  the  while  in  the  College 
de  Laon.  His  earliest  literary  efforts  were  translations  from  the 
Greek  and  the  English.  His  accurate  translation  of  the  romance 
of  Chariton,  with  learned  notes,  appeared  in  1763.  It  is  in  this 
work,  that  he  speaks  in  the  highest  terms  of  D'Orville's  edition 
of  Chariton,  saying,  that  "the  observations  of  D'Orville  ought 
to  be  studied  by  all  who  have  a  taste  for  Greek  and  Roman 
literature."  When  Voltaire  wrote  his  Philosophy  of  History, 
several  ecclesiastics  requested  Larcher  to  reply  to  it,  and,  in 
1767,  appeared  his  celebrated  Supplement  to  the  Philosophy  of 
History,  a  work  of  extraordinary  learning,  and  the  first  which 
gave  the  author  a  high  public  reputation,  while  it  put  the  old 
philosopher  into  a  very  unphilosophical  passion  against  the 
author.  But  Larcher 's  chief  work  is  his  translation  of 
32 


374  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

Herodotus,  in  nine  volumes,  not  so  much  admired,  however,  for 
the  style  of  the  version,  as  for  the  richness  of  the  commentary, 
and  the  learned  discussions  on  geography  and  chronology.  He 
led  such  a  life  of  literary  retirement,  as  to  escape  the  fury  of  the 
Revolution.  When  the  imperial  university  was  founded  in 
Paris,  he  was  elected  professor  of  Greek,  a  mark  of  honor  to 
him  in  his  old  age,  or  rather  to  the  university,  in  which  he 
performed  no  active  duties.  He  died  in  1812.  In  early  life  he 
was  an  infidel,  and  resolved  with  others,  to  do  what  he  could  to 
destroy  Christianity.  But,  in  his  last  edition  of  Herodotus, 
having  become  wiser  and  better  in  his  old  age,  he  struck  out  all 
those  passages  which  could  be  construed  as  unfavorable  to  the 
Bible.  A  pretty  full  account  of  the  life  and  writings  of  Larcher, 
by  Boissonade,  may  be  found  in  the  nineteenth  number  of  the 
Classical  Journal. 

When  Larcher  was  eighty-three  years  of  age,  Wyttenbach 
wrote  to  him,  requesting  him  to  furnish  the  materials  for  a 
sketch  of  his  life,  and  received  a  long  letter  in  reply,  containing 
some  amusing  passages,  of  which  Wyttenbach  made  no  public 
use.  The  following  quotation  is  taken  from  Kraft.  "You 
request  me  to  furnish  you  with  some  particulars  respecting  my 
life.  That  is  very  flattering,  and  I  know  how  to  appreciate 
every  word  you  shall  write  respecting  me.  As  you  probably 
intend  to  honor  my  memory  when  I  am  no  more,  the  best 
encomium  you  can  pass  on  me,  would  be  to  say,  that  I  had 
discernment  enough  to  perceive  and  appreciate  your  rare 
attainments  ;  that  I  sensibly  felt  the  friendship  with  which  you 
honored  me  ;  that  our  friendship  has  never  been  suffered  to 
languish ;  that  it  has  been  maintained,  with  unabated  warmth, 
for  more  than  thirty-five  years.  This,  sir,  is  what  will  do  me 
the  most  honor  in  the  eyes  of  posterity.  As  to  the  rest,  I  am 
quite  indifferent." 

P.  135.  Sainte  Croix  was  born  in  Mormoiron,  near 
Avignon,  in  the  south  of  France,  in  1746.  After  finishing  his 
public  education  in  the  college  of  the  Jesuits,  at  Grenoble,  he 
was,  in  his  youthful  days,  led  by  the  circumstances  of  his  noble 
birth,  and  the  example  of  his  family,  to  enter  the  army,  where 
he  was  made  a  cavalry  officer,  as  soon  as  he  left  the  college. 


NOTES.  375 

His  public  life,  his  perils  and  losses  during  the  revolution, 
though  in  the  highest  degree  interesting,  cannot  be  detailed 
here.  His  estates  in  the  compte  of  Venaissin  were  confiscated ; 
he  himself  escaped  from  prison,  and  fled  to  Paris  ;  his  wife  soon 
followed  ;  two  of  his  sons  perished  in  the  bloody  scenes  which 
commenced  in  his  native  province.  He  devoted  his  last  years 
to  religion,  and  to  literature,  and  found  them  the  solace  and 
support  which  he  needed.  He  died  in  1809.  The  earliest 
production  of  the  Baron  de  Sainte  Croix,  was  his  Critical 
Examination  of  the  Historians  of  Alexander,  written  when  he 
was  but  twenty -six  years  of  age,  which  won  the  prize  in  th 
Academy  of  Inscriptions.  From  this  time  he  laid  aside  the 
sword,  and  devoted  himself  to  letters.  In  1775  and  1777,  he 
gained  two  other  prizes  in  the  same  Academy,  by  two  essays, 
which  afterwards  served  as  the  basis  of  his  great  work  on  the 
Secret  Religion  of  the  Ancient  Nations,  published  in  1784, 
under  the  superintendence  of  Villoison,  of  which,  a  second 
edition,  with  a  different  title,  appeared  in  1817,  in  two  volumes. 

P.  139.  Luzac. — Without  attempting  to  justify  the  alleged 
ingratitude  of  John  Luzac  to  Ruhnken,  his  teacher  and  benefactor, 
it  ought  to  be  said,  that  Wyttenbach,  though  generally  candid 
in  his  estimates  of  others,  has  allowed  himself,  in  this  instance, 
to  do  injustice  to  a  distinguished  man.  Huschke,  in  a  letter, 
dated  Amsterdam,  March  6,  1796,  says,  "  Though  we  have 
great  occasion  to  rejoice,  that  there  are  persons,  who,  in  this 
political  frenzy,  have  not  lost  their  love  of  learning,  we  have 
equal  reason  to  regret,  that  our  present  government  carries  its 
intolerance  so  far  as  to  depose  some  of  our  very  best  teachers. 
Pestel  lost  his  place  at  the  very  beginning.  Recently,  the 
learned  John  Luzac  has  been  deprived  of  his  professorship  in 
Leyden.  He  held  two  professorships,  that  of  Belgian  history, 
and  that  of  Greek  literature.  The  Provisional  Representatives 
of  Holland  took  from  him  only  the  former ;  but  he  was  so 
high-minded,  that  he  resigned  the  latter.  His  removal  was 
occasioned  by  a  newspaper  of  his  in  French,  one  of  the  best 
published,  where  he  copied  some  articles  from  the  French 
papers,  which  were  not  to  the  taste  of  the  Directory  at  Paris. 
Properly  speaking,   it   is  the  Directory  that  deposed    him." 


376  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

Korte,  in  his  life  of  Wolf,  vol.  I,  p.  314,  says :  "  John  Luzac 
was  the  friend  of  Jefferson,  of  Adams,  and  of  Washington. 
After  he  had  lost  his  professorship,  Washington  wrote  to  him, 
'  The  man  who  acts  from  principle,  who  never  deviates  from  the 
path  of  truth,  moderation,  and  justice,  must  finally  succeed  by 
these  qualities.  This,  I  am  sure,  will  be  the  case  with  you,  if 
it  is  not  so  already.'  Luzac,  as  is  known,  complained  of  the 
Curators  before  the  States  General,  and  recovered  his  place." 
A  few  particulars  may  be  added  from  the  Biographie  Universelle. 
Luzac,  after  finishing  his  studies  under  Ruhnken  and  Yalckenaer, 
and  under  equally  distinguished  professors  of  law,  was  offered  a 
professorship  in  Grdningen,  and  afterwards  another  in  Leyden, 
but  he  declined  both,  preferring  to  enter  upon  the  practice  of 
law.  He  became  a  contributor  to  the  "Gazette,"  in  1772,  and 
was  sole  editor  after  1775.  He  still  prosecuted  the  study  of 
ancient  literature,  and  held  a  correspondence  with  the  most 
distinguished  men  of  the  times.  The  emperor  Leopold, 
Poniatowski,  Washington,  Adams,  and  Jefferson,  bestowed 
upon  him  the  most  nattering  marks  of  favor.  In  1785,  he 
succeeded  Valckenaer,  as  professor  of  Greek,  in  Leyden.  On 
retiring  from  office  of  rector,  at  the  end  of  the  year,  in  1795,  he 
pronounced  a  remarkable  discourse,  De  Socrate  Cive,  full  of 
learning  and  sagacity,  and  dedicated  it  to  John  Adams,  whose 
oldest  son,  John  Quincy  Adams,  was  then  studying  at  Leyden, 
under  the  care  of  the  author.  This  dedication  is  a  master-piece, 
and  gives  evidence  of  the  lively  interest  which  Luzac  took  in  the 
American  struggle  for  liberty.  He  translated  this  discourse 
into  Dutch,  with  additional  observations,  and  it  passed  through 
two  editions  in  the  same  year.  But  the  affairs  of  Holland 
became  more  and  more  desperate.  The  government  often 
applied  to  Luzac  for  advice.  He  could  not,  however,  escape 
the  effects  of  the  general  overthrow.  This  true  and  enlightened 
friend  of  liberty  fell  under  the  suspicion  of  the  revolutionary 
party.  His  professorship  of  the  histor)'"  of  Holland  served  as 
a  pretext,  and  he  was  suspended  from  office  in  1796.  When 
he  resigned  his  Greek  professorship,  he  was  then  dismissed 
entirely.  But  he  recovered  his  place  in  1802.  In  the  letter 
from  Washington,  here  quoted  more  at  length  than  in  Korte,  it 
is  added,  "  America  is  under  great  obligations  to  the  writings 


NOTES.  377 

and  actions  of  such  men  as  you."  From  this  time,  till  his 
tragical  death  in  1807,  he  devoted  himself  with  great  success  to 
his  favorite  studies. 

P.  140.  Boissonade,  professor  of  Greek  in  Paris,  and  member 
of  the  Academy  of  Inscriptions,  was  born  in  Paris,  in  1774.  He 
was  formerly  secretary  of  the  Prefecture  of  the  Upper  Marne, 
and  afterwards  associate  editor  of  the  Journal  des  Debats,  for 
which  he  wrote  articles  displaying  great  ability,  under  the 
signature  of  Omega.  The  following  circumstances  will  serve 
to  explain  the  allusions  in  this  letter.  Wyttenbach  had  written 
to  Sainte  Croix  ;  "  I  hear  that  Boissonade  has  edited  the  Heroics 
of  Philostratus,  and  that  he  has  sent  me  a  copy  of  it.  But  I 
have  not  received  it.  Should  it  come  to  hand,  I  would  give  an 
account  of  it  and  of  its  author,  in  the  next  number  of  the 
Bibliotheca  Critica."  When  Boissonade  was  informed  of  this 
by  Sainte  Croix,  he  wrote  to  Wyttenbach;  "My  Philostratus, 
most  learned  friend,  appears  before  you,  a  nice  judge,  at  a  late 
hour.  Full  of  defects,  as  it  is,  it  would  have  been  imprudent 
in  me  to  send  you  a  copy.  I  therefore  resolved  not  to  make 
myself  known  to  you  till  I  had  finished  another  work  which 
could  be  received  with  more  favor.  But  Sainte  Croix  informs 
me  that  you  have  requested  a  copy  which  you  might  notice  in 
your  next  number  of  the  Bibliotheca  Critica,  and  I  could  not  do 
otherwise  than  comply." 

P.  141.  Simon  Chardon  de  la  Rochette  was  born  in 
1753,  studied  at  Paris,  and  early  took  rank  with  the  most 
eminent  Greek  scholars  of  his  country.  In  1773,  he  went  to 
Italy,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  visiting  its  libraries,  and  formed 
the  plan  of  editing  the  Greek  Anthology,  upon  which  he 
bestowed  much  labor  and  expense.  He  was  the  intimate  friend 
of  Villoison.  The  Revolution  ruined  his  moderate  fortune,  and 
interrupted  his  literary  projects.  After  1790,  he  became  a 
principal  contributor  to  Millin's  Magasin  Encyclopedique  ;  and 
it  is  the  collection  of  the  valuable  articles  which  he  wrote  for 
this  journal,  which  constitutes  his  principal  work,  Melanges 
de  Critique  et  de  Philologie,  in  three  volumes,  published  in 
1812.  He  died  in  1814.  Jacobs,  in  the  preface  to  his 
32* 


378  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

Delectus  Epigrammatum,  says  that  all  the  costly  and  excellent 
preparations  which  Rochette  had  made  for  his  great  work,  the 
Greek  Anthology, — and  he  had  labored  twenty-five  years  on 
it, — were,  towards  the  close  of  life,  and  in  his  poverty,  sold 
for  a  small  sum ;  and  no  one  now  knows  what  has  become  of 
his  papers.  Speaking  of  this  "man  of  elegant  and  various 
learning,"  he  exclaims,  Utinam  tamfelix  quam  doctus! 

James  Morelli,  the  celebrated  librarian  of  Saint  Mark,  in 
Venice,  was  born  in  that  city  in  1745,  and  died  in  1819.  In 
1802,  he  published  a  volume,  containing  the  examination  and 
collation,  with  the  texts  of  the  better  editions,  of  260  Greek 
manuscripts  of  the  Venetian  library.  Many  of  the  classical 
critics  of  Europe,  particularly  Wyttenbach,  Chardon  Rochette, 
and  Villoison,  were  greatly  indebted  to  him  for  his  friendly  aid. 
At  his  death,  he  left  to  the  library  an  extensive  collection  of 
manuscripts,  which  he  had  procured  for  himself,  and  20,000 
pamphlets.  Well  might  Ruhnken  say  of  him,  Morellius,  quern 
fugitivorum,  ut  vocantur,  opusculorum  nullum  unquamfugit. 

P.  143.  Jean  Baptiste  Gail,  was  born  in  Paris,  in  1755. 
In  1791,  he  was  made  professor  of  Greek  in  the  College  de 
France.  In  1814,  Louis  XVIII  appointed  him  superintendent 
of  the  Greek  and  Latin  manuscripts  of  the  royal  library.  He 
lectured  for  many  years  on  the  Greek  language  and  literature. 
His  most  valuable  labors  were  his  French  translations  and  his 
editions  of  Greek  authors.  His  edition  of  Thucydides,  with  a 
Latin  and  a  French  version,  various  readings,  and  notes,  in  ten 
quarto  volumes,  was  a  work  of  external  splendor.  Wyttenbach 
could  not,  of  course,  afford  to  have  a  volume  soiled,  though  the 
whole  was  a  present.  In  a  letter,  dated  1810,  Gail  says,  "  I 
have  sacrificed  to  this  Thucydides  from  ten  to  twelve  years' 
labor,  and  forty  thousand  francs.  With  the  most  favorable  sale, 
I  must  lose,  at  least,  fifteen  thousand.  Is  the  insolence  of  my 
adversaries  to  be  my  only  reward?"  He  had  the  mortification 
to  see  Corai  preferred  to  him  by  Napoleon,  and  he  complained 
bitterly  of  literary  cabals.  In  fact,  Gail  has  fared  much  better 
in  the  English  and  Dutch  reviews  than  elsewhere ;  and  he 
certainly  had  some  singular  notions,  such,  for  example,  as 
that  the  cities  of  Delphi  and  Olympia  had  only  an  imaginary 


NOTES.  379 

existence.     He    translated    Matthiae's  Greek   Grammar    into 
French.     He  died  in  1829. 

P.  144.  The  Marquis  Louis  de  Fontanes,  member  of  the 
Institute,  a  poet,  celebrated  in  the  writings  of  Chateaubriand, 
and  a  statesman  and  orator,  whom  Napoleon  highly  honored. 
After  passing  through  a  great  variety  of  offices,  literary  and 
civil,  he  was,  in  1808,  made  le  grand-maitre  de  l'Universite,  or 
the  minister  of  education  for  all  France. 


P.  146.  To  protect  our  library. — We  have,  in  this  instance, 
a  very  favorable  specimen  of  that  system  of  plunder,  by  which 
the  French  brought  to  Paris  the  most  precious  and  rare  books, 
manuscripts,  and  productions  of  art  to  be  found  in  the  libraries 
and  galleries  of  the  conquered  countries.  We  have  seen  not  a 
few  of  these,  which  were  restored,  after  the  battle  of  Leipsie,  to 
the  German  libraries,  still  wearing  the  "red  jackets,"  as  the 
morocco  binding  is  called,  which  they  received  in  Paris. 

H.  C.  A.  Eichstaedt,  of  Jena,  is  ranked  among  the  most 
accomplished  of  modern  Latin  writers,  and  is,  in  other  respects, 
also,  a  distinguished  classical  scholar.  He  was  born  at  Ossig, 
near  Meissen,  in  Saxony,  in  1772.  xVt  the  age  of  eleven,  he 
entered  the  Schul-Pforta,  and,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  the 
university  of  Leipsie,  where  he  studied  under  Morus,  Beck, 
and  Reiz.  Soon  after  taking  his  degree,  he  became  private 
teacher,  and  then  professor  extraordinarius  in  Leipsie.  In  1795, 
he  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  place  in  Jena,  where  he  divided 
his  time  between  teaching,  and  aiding  Schiitz  in  his  Literary 
Journal.  On  the  removal  of  Schiitz  to  Halle,  in  1803, 
Eichstaedt  was  appointed  professor  ordinarius  of  eloquence 
and  poetry  in  Jena,  where  he  still  remains.  It  was  he  that 
commenced  the  New  Literary  Journal  in  Jena,  in  opposition 
to  the  Journal  which  Schiitz  had  taken  with  him  to  Halle. 
Eichstaedt's  paper  continued  till  1841.  On  account  of  its 
having  too  many  young  men  among  its  contributors,  it  had  been 
declining  for  several  years.  A  new  Jena  paper,  of  superior 
character,  has  since  appeared,  under  the  auspices  of  Professor 
Hand,  an  honored  rival  of  Eichstaedt  in  Latinity,  as  well  as  in 


380  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

other  respects.  Diodorus  and  Lucretius  are  the  principal,  if  not 
the  only  authors  edited  by  Eichstaedt,  and  these  are  unfinished  ; 
but  he  has  written  numerous  essays  of  the  highest  character,  on 
classical  subjects.  He  is  almost  universally  respected  among 
the  scholars  of  his  own  country,  although  it  would  appear  from 
private  correspondence,  that  he  was  somewhat  trickish  in  his 
younger  days. 

P.  147.  Lewis  Purgold,  an  excellent  man,  and  a  fine 
scholar,  was  several  years  teacher  in  the  gymnasium  at  Wiborg, 
and,  in  1815,  was  assistant  in  the  Royal  library  of  Berlin,  where 
he  died  of  the  apoplexy,  in  1821. 

G.  A.  F.  Ast,  so  well  known  for  his  writings  on  Plato,  and 
whose  death  we  have  so  recently  had  occasion  to  lament,  was 
born  in  Gotha,  in  1776.  After  studying  in  the  gymnasium  of 
his  native  city,  he  entered  the  university  of  Jena,  where  he 
began  to  study  theology,  under  Griesbach  and  Paulus,  but  soon 
gave  himself  wholly  to  classical  literature,  under  Eichstaedt. 
In  1805,  he  was  appointed  professor  of  philology  in  Landshut, 
and  when  that  university  was  united  with  Munich,  in  1826,  he 
was  removed  to  the  latter  place,  where  he  remained  till  his 
death,  in  1840.  His  ardor  for  the  philosophy  of  Schelling  was 
much  abated  in  his  later  years,  and  philology  became  more 
exclusively  the  object  of  his  pursuit.  His  life  of  Plato,  and  his 
large  Platonic  Lexicon,  are  among  his  best  productions.  He  is 
too  often  hypercritical,  particularly  in  his  earlier  writings,  and 
in  his  lexicon,  finished  but  a  short  time  before  his  death,  he  has 
hardly  met  the  high  expectations  that  were  raised. 

My  notes  on  Julian,  etc. — The  Critical  Epistle,  mentioned  a 
few  lines  above,  is  the  one  which  he  wrote  at  Gottingen,  while 
under  Heyne,  and  which  was  his  principal  recommendation  to 
Ruhnken.  Schafer  added  this  to  his  edition  of  Julian's  Eulogy 
on  Constantine.  To  the  Leipsic  reprint  of  Wyttenbach's  Morals, 
1796-99,  which  contained  only  one  volume  in  two  parts,  Schafer 
added  notes  of  his  own.  The  Tubingen  edition  of  Plutarch's 
complete  works  came  out  in  fourteen  volumes,  1791-1805,  under 
Hutten's  care,  who,  in  the  last  seven  volumes,  made  much  use 
of  Wyttenbach's  labors.  Schafer's  moral  character  is  such, 
that  we  cannot  allow  our  impressions  of  him  to  be  materially 


NOTES. 


381 


changed,  from  the  fact  that  he  attempted  to  famish  the  German 
student  with  a  cheap  edition  of  a  work  which  few  professors 
even  could  afford  to  purchase,  at  the  enormous  Oxford  price. 

P.  149.  This  new  war. — "  Napoleon,  in  his  ambition,  and  in 
his  hostility  to  England,  violated,  in  1803,  under  various  pretexts, 
the  Luneville  treaty  of  1801,  and  the  treaty  of  Amiens,  made  in 
1802,  and  Holland  and  Hanover  were  seized  and  occupied  by  the 
French.  Thus  the  war,  which  had  scarce  been  ended,  broke 
out  again  with  still  greater  violence." — Kraft. 

P.  150.  Christian  Daniel  Beck,  professor  of  ancient 
literature,  in  Leipsic,  after  laboring  as  academical  teacher  with 
great  success  for  more  than  fifty  years,  died  universally  lamented, 
in  1832,  at  the  age  of  seventy-five.  He  left  a  library  of  24,000 
volumes.  Though  his  studies  were  spread  over  a  very  wide 
field,  they  were  always  connected  with  philology,  in  which  he 
was  peculiarly  at  home.  His  influence  upon  the  numerous 
young  men,  who  flocked  to  Leipsic  to  enjoy  his  instruction,  was 
very  great.  It  was  he  that  established,  in  1785,  the  Philological 
Society  at  Leipsic,  which  was  finally  adopted  and  patronized 
by  the  government,  in  1809,  when  its  name  was  changed  to 
Philological  Seminary.  His  various  literary  productions  consist 
chiefly  in  editions  of  the  classics,  translations,  bibliographical 
works,  and  academical  essays,  technically  called  Programms. — 
See  Passow's  account  of  Beck,  in  his  letters  to  Breem  and 
Hud t walker,  where,  however,  it  must  be  remembered,  that  if 
Beck  was  a  little  dull  in  his  manner,  Passow  was  as  much  too 
fiery,  and  his  estimate  is,  therefore,  to  be  received  with  a  little 
allowance. 

P.  151.  You  surely  had  good  reason  for  declining. — "  Soon 
after  the  appearance  of  the  Prolegomena  (1795),  Wolf  received, 
through  Ruhnken's  influence,  a  call  to  the  university  of  Leyden, 
in  Luzac's  place.  He  was  much  inclined  to  accept  the  proposal, 
and  took  preliminary  measures  for  it.  The  facilities  which 
Leyden  offered  to  the  philologist,  and  the  literary  society  there, 
held  out  great  inducements.  According  to  his  usual  custom,  he 
consulted  his  friends  on  the  subject." — Korte's  Life  of  Wolf. 


382  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

William  von  Humboldt  dissuaded  Wolf,  urging  the  insecurity 
of  every  thing  in  Holland,  at  that  time  of  disorder.  J.  H.  Voss 
thought  he  had  better  remain  where  he  was.  Spalding  advised 
him  to  accept  the  appointment.  He  finally  wrote  a  reply  to 
Ruhnken,  declining  the  offer,  of  which  the  following  is  the 
substance,  as  given  by  Korte  :  "I  am  here  surrounded  with 
numerous  friends,  and  have  many  hearers ;  and  am,  besides, 
nearly  the  only  one  in  this  place  to  sustain  our  studies.  I 
prefer  teaching,  to  writing  for  the  press.  I  have  here  a  sure 
support,  which  is  adequate  to  my  wants  ;  for  one  can  live  here,  if 
he  be  economical,  very  respectably  on  one  thousand  rix  dollars. 
Finally,  my  office  imposes  on  me  no  duty  to  which  I  am  adverse. 
*  *  The  professorship  of  eloquence,  which  I  hold,  is  nothing. 
Halle  eloquence  is  a  ludicrous  sort  of  thing  ;  it  never  has  a  voice, 
except  when  a  king  is  married  or  dies.  I  have  never  delivered 
an  oration  here,  except  on  the  death  of  Frederic  the  Great." 

P.  157.  And  the  commentary. — The  commentary  was  never 
published. 

P.  158.  Augustus  Matthiae  was  born  in  Gottingen,  in  1769. 
He  commenced  his  studies  in  the  gymnasium  of  the  same  place, 
and  then  prosecuted  them  in  the  university.  His  principal 
teacher  was  Heyne,  in  whose  Philological  Seminary  he  took  an 
active  part.  In  addition  to  philology,  he  studied  zealously  the 
philosophy  of  Kant.  After  spending  nearly  ten  years  as  a 
private  tutor  in  Amsterdam,  where  he  formed  the  acquaintance  of 
Wyttenbach,  de  Bosch,  and  Huschke,  he  returned  to  Germany, 
and  through  Heyne's  recommendation,  became  teacher  in  a 
new  Institution  in  the  Belvidere  Palace  at  Weimar  ;  and  on  its 
extinction,  in  1801,  he  was  appointed  rector  of  the  gymnasium 
at  Altenburg,  where,  for  more  than  thirty  years,  he  distinguished 
himself  as  a  successful  teacher  and  author.  His  knowledge 
of  languages  was  not  limited  to  those  of  the  ancient  world  ;  he 
was  well  acquainted  with  the  Dutch,  the  English,  the  French, 
and  the  Italian.  Besides  his  Greek  Grammar,  which  has  been 
translated  into  English,  French,  and  Italian,  he  has  published 
an  edition  of  Euripides,  in  nine  volumes,  Cicero's  Select 
Orations,  and  his  Select  Epistles,  Sketch  of  Greek  and  Roman 


NOTES.  383 

Literature,  and  Miscellaneous  "Writings,  Latin  and  German, 
published  in  1833.  The  last  is  a  volume  containing  thirty 
addresses  and  articles  relating  mostly  to  classical  studies,  and 
the  mode  of  instruction  in  gymnasia. 

P.  160.  Immanuel  G.  Huschke  was  born  in  Greussen,  near 
Nordhausen,  in  1761.  He  studied  at  Schul-Pforta,  where  he 
laid  the  foundation  of  an  exquisite  classical  scholarship.  From 
this  celebrated  gymnasium  he  went  to  the  Jena  university,  to 
study  theology  ;  but,  like  his  friend  and  associate  Jacobs,  he  was 
led  by  his  tastes  to  pursue  classical  literature  exclusively.  After 
passing  a  few  weeks  at  Gbttingen,  on  the  completion  of  his 
university  course,  he  went  to  Amsterdam,  as  a  private  teacher, 
and  made  the  acquaintance  of  de  Bosch,  van  Santen,  Ruhnken, 
and,  to  some  little  extent,  of  Wyttenbach  He  manifested  an 
early  desire  to  become  a  professor  in  Leyden,  but  Ruhnken  did  not 
encourage  the  project.  In  1795,  when  Luzac  was  displaced,  van 
Santen  procured  the  appointment  of  Huschke  in  his  place.  The 
latter  resigned  his  post  as  private  teacher,  and  began  to  prepare 
himself  to  enter  upon  the  duties  of  his  new  office.  But  as  Luzac 
commenced  a  suit  against  the  curators,  Huschke  was  kept  from 
his  place  while  the  case  was  pending,  and  became  melancholy, 
and  returned  to  Germany.  Here  he  remained  out  of  employ, 
residing  a  part  of  the  time  at  Gottingen,  and  prosecuting  his 
studies  there,  when,  in  1806,  he  was  appointed  professor  in 
the  university  of  Rostock,  where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his 
days,  and  where  he  died  in  1827.  After  Luzac's  death,  in  1807, 
Huschke  was  again  invited  to  a  professorship  in  Leyden  ;  but 
he  did  not  accept  it,  and  it  was  given  to  Creuzer.  Huschke's 
exquisite  scholarship,  his  delicate  health,  his  nervous,  melancholy 
temperament,  rendered  him  a  very  interesting  and  yet  somewhat 
troublesome  friend.  As  a  critic,  he  was  highly  prized.  Jacobs, 
speaking  of  a  journey  which  he  made  to  Gottingen,  in  1800, 
in  company  with  Bdttiger,  says,  "  Huschke,  whom  I  had  not 
met  for  ten  years,  was  at  this  time  in  Gottingen.  Some  little 
misunderstanding  which  had  arisen  between  us,  was,  upon  our 
seeing  each  other,  removed  by  a  few  words.  Huschke  was 
naturally  suspicious,  and  very  sensitive.  He  was  afflicted  with 
a  hypochondria,  which,  in  many  periods  of  his  life,  produced  a 


384  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

settled  melancholy."  In  two  letters  written  from  Rostock  to 
Schlitz,  in  1808,  Huschke  says :  "  Probably  you,  like  the  Rostock 
gentlemen,  think  I  have  given  up  all  idea  of  going  to  Leyden. 
I  did,  indeed,  long  ago  decline  the  appointment,  and  considered 
the  matter  as  settled.  But  in  February  last  I  received  new  and 
more  favorable  proposals.  The  curators,  however,  have  their 
hands  very  much  tied  ;  they  cannot,  as  formerly,  do  what  they 
would.  Every  thing  now  depends  on  the  king.  I  have  made 
conditions,  and  engaged  to  go,  if  they  shall  be  accepted."  "I 
had  gone  pretty  far  in  negotiating  with  the  curators  of  Leyden ; 
but  difficulties  arise  again.  Besides  the  objections  already 
mentioned  to  you,  my  health  suggests  another.  I  found  the 
climate  unfavorable  to  me,  even  in  my  younger  days ;  and  as  I 
am  now  infirm  in  a  place  far  more  salubrious  than  that,  I  fear  I 
should  be  still  worse  off  there." 

Jerome  de  Bosch,  a  native  of  Amsterdam,  was  bom  in  1740. 
He  early  distinguished  himself,  under  the  instruction  of  the 
younger  Burmann,  in  Latin  poetry.  These  fugitive  pieces, 
which  are  very  elegant  for  their  pure  Latin  diction,  were 
collected,  and  published,  in  two  volumes,  in  1803  and  1808. 
His  principal  literary  production,  however,  was  his  Greek 
Anthology,  with  the  Latin  Version  of  Hugo  Grotius,  in  four 
volumes,  quarto.  A  fifth  volume,  which  was  ready  for  the 
press  when  he  died,  in  1811,  was  published  by  van  Lennep. 
The  first  three  volumes  contain  the  text,  and  the  masterly 
translation  of  Grotius,  in  Latin  verse,  corresponding  with  the 
Greek,  verse  for  verse,  and  measure  for  measure.  The  notes 
which  the  editor  added  to  the  unpublished  observations  of 
Salmasius,  in  the  fourth  volume,  gave  him  a  distinguished  place 
among  Greek  scholars.  In  1800,  he  was  appointed  curator  of 
the  university  of  Leyden,  and,  in  that  important  office,  did  all  in 
his  power  to  repair  the  injury  done  to  the  university  by  the 
revolution  of  1795.  His  library  was,  in  classical  literature, 
especially  in  the  princeps  editions,  as  well  as  in  splendor  of 
binding,  one  of  the  richest  private  libraries  in  Europe.  Jacobs, 
after  speaking  of  the  aid  which  de  Bosch  had  given  him  in  his 
Anthology,  goes  on  to  say:  "And  yet  we  were  rivals  in  this 
work,  and  I  had  found  fault  with  some  things,  in  my  review  of 
his  edition.     But  envy  and  hatred  were  far  from  this  excellent 


NOTES.  385 

man,  who  thought  himself  sufficiently  rewarded  for  his  labor,  by 
the  fame  which  he  acquired  in  bringing  before  the  public,  in  a 
worthy  form,  the  Latin  version  of  his  great  countryman.  A 
practised  Latin  poet  himself,  he  was  peculiarly  qualified  to 
appreciate  the  labors  of  Grotius."  David  Jacob  van  Lennep, 
in  his  eulogy,  pronounced  in  1817,  commends  the  generous 
and  humane  character  of  de  Bosch,  as  worthy  of  the  imitation 
of  all  scholars.  "As  in  his  private  and  social  life,"  says  his 
eulogist,  "so  in  his  writings,  he  abstained  from  all  quarrelling, 
freely  expressing  his  own  opinions,  but  at  the  same  time 
courteous  to  all  who  differed  from  him."  He  used  to  urge 
young  men  to  do  the  same,  and  always  held  up  Heyne  to  them, 
as  a  model  in  this  respect. 

P.  161.  Wyttenbach  and  Creuzer. — It  will  be  recollected, 
that  both  these  distinguished  scholars  studied  at  Marburg  for  a 
time.  Bang  was  the  first  teacher  of  Creuzer.  In  the  university 
of  Jena,  which  the  latter  subsequently  entered,  Schiitz  and 
Griesbach  were  his  principal  teachers.  When  he  became  a 
private  tutor  in  Leipsic,  he  had  opportunity  to  attend  the  lectures 
of  Beck  and  Hermann.  Savigny,  recently  professor  of  law  in 
the  Berlin  university,  and  one  of  the  most  learned  civilians  of  the 
age,  was  formerly  professor  in  Marburg,  and  it  was  through  his 
influence  that  Creuzer  was  appointed  professor  there.  The 
change  in  the  government  of  Hesse,  here  referred  to,  is  that 
which  was  occasioned  by  its  being  incorporated  into  the  new 
kingdom  of  Westphalia,  under  Jerome  Bonaparte.  All  the 
universities  in  the  kingdom,  namely,  Gottingen,  Halle,  Marburg, 
Helmsteidt,  and  Rinteln,  languished,  and  the  last  two  were  soon 
afterwards  abolished.  The  university  funds  were  needed  to 
raise  armies. 

P.  164.  George  Henry  Moser,  rector  of  the  gymnasium 
in  Ulm,  a  disciple  of  Creuzer,  and  distinguished  in  Roman 
literature,  was  born  in  1780.  From  1807  to  1809,  he  was  a 
member  of  the  Philological  Seminary  in  Heidelberg.  He 
became  teacher  in  Ulm,  in  1810,  on  his  return  from  Holland, 
and  was  made  rector  in  1826.  He  has  published  learned 
editions  of  several  of  the  philosophical  treatises  of  Cicero. 
33 


386  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

P.  166.  John  Christopher  Adelung,  who  did  for  the 
lexicography  of  the  German  language,  what  learned  academies 
have  done  for  others,  was  born  in  a  little  village  near  Anklam, 
in  Pomerania,  in  1732.  He  commenced  his  studies  in  this  town, 
then  entered  the  once  celebrated,  but  now  extinct,  classical  school 
at  Klosterbergen,  near  Magdeburg,  from  which  he  went  to  the 
university  of  Halle.  He  was,  for  a  time,  teacher  in  Erfurt, 
but  left  that  place,  on  account  of  differences  of  religious  opinion, 
in  1761,  and  went  to  Leipsic,  where,  as  conrector,  translator, 
and  literary  drudge,  he  remained  in  poverty  till  1787,  when,  on 
becoming  known  as  the  author  of  the  German  Dictionary,  he 
was  made  librarian  in  Dresden,  where  he  remained  till  his  death, 
in  1806.  His  lexicon  is,  for  the  time  when  it  was  written,  an 
excellent  work.  A  good  Mithridates  could  not  be  produced  in 
his  day.  His  grammars  are  inferior  to  his  lexicon.  He  used 
to  say,  that  his  writing-desk  was  his  wife,  and  the  seventy 
volumes  from  his  own  pen  were  his  children.  He  had  a 
robust  constitution,  and  studied  fourteen  hours  a  day.  Though 
a  virtuous  and  temperate  man,  in  the  old  and  easy  sense  of  that 
term,  he  kept  a  Bibliotheca  Selectissima,  as  he  termed  it,  in 
which  were  to  be  found  forty  varieties  of  wine. 

Christian  Godfrey  Schutz,  a  very  excellent  scholar  in 
the  history  of  literature,  and  a  distinguished  philologist,  was 
born  in  1747,  in  Dederstaedt,  in  the  Mansfeld  territories.  He 
studied  with  great  success  in  the  Latin  school  of  the  Orphan 
house,  and  then  in  the  university  of  Halle,  where  he  took  the 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  at  the  age  of  twenty. 
Notwithstanding  his  poverty,  he  resolved  to  remain  at  the 
university  after  his  course  of  study  was  finished.  At  the 
suggestion,  however,  of  Semler,  who  had  directed  his  studies, 
he  accepted  a  place  as  teacher  in  the  Knight's  Academy  at 
Brandenburg ;  but  he  was  recalled  to  Halle  within  a  year,  as 
Inspector,  or  assistant  of  the  Theological  Seminary,  of  which 
Semler  was  the  Director.  "Since  1757,"  says  Korte,  in  his 
Life  of  Wolf,  "when  the  seminary  came  under  Semler's 
direction,  ancient  literature  was  encouraged.  He  labored  to 
raise  up,  through  that  institution,  learned  theologians,  by 
lending  his  influence  to  classical  philology,  and  providing  for 
lectures   on  Greek  and  Roman   authors,  to   be   given  by  the 


NOTES.  387 

Inspector.  Schirach  first  held  these  lectures,  from  1765  to 
1769,  who  was  followed,  from  1769  to  1779,  by  the  excellent 
Schiitz.  The  latter  held  five  or  six  lectures  a  week  on 
philology,  to  which  not  only  the  members  of  the  seminary,  but 
the  students  of  the  university  generally  had  free  access.  These 
lectures  had  such  an  effect,  that  other  professors  lectured,  also, 
on  classical  literature.  He  was  made  professor  ordinarius,  in 
1776,  but  went  three  years  after  to  Jena,  as  professor  of 
eloquence.  His  loss  in  Halle  was  deeply  felt.  In  Jena,  he 
delivered  lectures  on  the  history  of  literature,  with  unexampled 
popularity.  In  1785,  he,  Wieland,  and  Bertuch  established  the 
Literary  Journal,  which  was,  for  a  long  series  of  years,  the  best 
literary  paper  in  Europe.  Wieland  soon  retired  from  it.  In 
1804,  Schiitz  received  two  invitations,  with  the  most  flattering 
proposals, — the  one  from  the  king  of  Bavaria,  to  go  to 
Wiirzburg,  the  other  from  the  king  of  Prussia,  to  go  to  Halle, 
as  professor  of  philosophy  and  eloquence.  He  preferred  the 
latter,  and  accordingly  removed  with  his  journal  to  Halle. 
While  he  and  Ersch,  now  associate  editor,  conducted  this  paper 
in  Halle,  Eichstaedt  established  a  new  one  in  Jena,  in  its  place. 
In  the  meantime,  a  Philological  Seminary  had  sprung  up  in 
Halle,  under  Wolf,  and,  on  his  being  transferred,  in  1807,  to 
Berlin,  Schiitz  took  his  place.  He  was  one  of  that  class  of 
philologists  who  treat  the  study  of  the  languages  with  taste  ;  he 
diffused,  by  his  lectures  and  his  writings,  that  enthusiasm  for 
classical  studies,  which  produced  such  scholars  as  Jacobs  and 
Creuzer.  The  fiftieth  anniversary  after  his  master's  degree, 
was  celebrated  September  3,  1818,  which  was  a  holiday  for  all 
Halle,  for  every  body,  young  and  old,  knew  and  honored  the 
good  old  Schiitz,  as  they  were  accustomed  to  call  him."  He 
sold  his  right  in  the  journal  in  1824,  but  continued  to  hold  the 
place  of  senior  editor  till  his  death,  in  1832.  His  editions  of 
Cicero  and  of  .ZEschylus  are  his  best  critical  productions. 
Bullmann,  in  his  History  of  the  University  of  Halle,  says,  "He 
was  not  more  distinguished  for  his  learning  than  for  his  amiable 
character.  He  is  one  of  the  most  humane  philologists  known 
in  history,  and  expressed  the  deepest  regret  when  he  saw  the 
inhumanity  of  some  professed  Humanists."     Wyttenbach  used 


388  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

to  say  that  he  was  the  only  German  who  could  translate  Kant's 
works  into  Latin. 

P.  167.  John  Augustus  Apel,  a  writer  of  considerable 
merit,  known  as  an  opponent  of  Hermann,  on  the  subject  of 
Greek  metre,  and  as  an  imitator  of  the  ancient  Greek  tragedies, 
studied  for  the  law  in  Leipsic  and  Wittenberg,  and  afterwards 
became  a  senator  in  Leipsic  ;  but  he  devoted  his  restless  life  to 
various  kinds  of  light  literature,  and  wrote  many  reviews.  He 
died  in  1816,  at  the  age  of  forty-five. 

Rebound. — A  call  to  another  university  is  generally  the 
occasion  of  increasing  a  valuable  professor's  salary,  if  he 
remain. 

P.  168.  This  Locella.— "The  Baron  A.  M.  de  Locella 
prepared  and  published  a  new  edition  of  Xenophon,  at  Vienna, 
in  1796.  This  is  the  first  critical  edition.  Not  only  were  the 
numerous  errors  of  former  editions  corrected,  but  many  chasms, 
occasioned  by  carelessness,  were  filled.  Where  the  manuscript 
itself  is  deficient,  the  conjectures  of  Hemsterhuys,  Abresch  and 
D'Orville  and  others  from  Bast,  were  adopted.  Bast  had  in  his 
youth  made  preparation  to  edit  Xenophon.  He  now  gave  up 
his  papers  to  Locella,  which  contain  the  first  specimens  of  his 
extraordinary  penetration  and  critical  tact.  Locella  made  a 
new  translation,  and  added  a  commentary,  which  embraces  all 
the  observations  of  the  above-mentioned  scholars." — Scholl. 

"  G.  Bodoni,  of  Parma,  born  in  1740,  is  the  man  who,  by  his 
talent,  knowledge,  taste  and  industry,  raised  the  art  of  printing 
to  an  elevation  reached  by  none  of  his  predecessors.  In  simple 
regularity  he  sought  and  found  the  true  principle  of  beauty,  both 
in  the  form  of  the  type  and  in  the  arrangement  of  the  paragraphs. 
The  color  of  the  ink,  the  quality  of  the  paper,  and  the  evenness 
of  the  impression,  left  nothing  to  be  desired ;  and  in  this  respect 
he  is  not  excelled  either  by  his  contemporaries,  or  the  latest 
typographers  of  England  and  France.  That  which  crowns 
all  his  works,  is  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  155  languages,  and  in 
corresponding  types.  He  died  in  1813." — Falkenstein' s  History 
of  the  Art  of  Printing,  Leipsic,  1840. 


NOTES.  389 

P.  169.  TJie  edition  of  Heindorf  and  Bockh. — The  projected 
edition  of  Plato  with  a  new  translation,  commentary  and  scholia, 
by  Bast,  Heindorf,  and  Bockh,  failed  in  consequence  of  the 
death  of  the  first  two.  Their  rich  materials  passed  into  the 
hands  of  Weigel,  who  undertook  to  complete  the  unfinished 
work,  but  who  finally  preferred  to  give  them  over  to  Stallbaum, 
and  the  reader  need  not  be  told  that  no  better  disposition  could 
have  been  made  of  them. 

P.  171.  Philological  Seminary. — As  the  philological 
professorships  grew  out  of  the  theological,  so  philological 
seminaries,  about  the  time  of  Heyne  and  Wolf,  appear  to  have 
originated  in  the  theological  seminaries.  Most  of  the  universities 
now  have  such  institutions.  Though  the  regulations  of  these 
seminaries  vary  in  the  different  universities,  their  design  and 
general  character  are  the  same.  The  object  of  a  philological 
seminary  is  to  educate  teachers  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages 
for  the  higher  classes  in  the  gymnasia,  and  for  the  universities. 
The  director  of  the  Seminary,  generally  the  ablest  professor, 
selects,  after  a  rigid  examination,  about  twelve  of  the  maturest 
scholars  and  most  promising  young  men  of  his  department,  to 
constitute  the  seminary.  Those  who  are  so  fortunate  as  to  gain 
admittance,  receive  an  annual  allowance  of  about  fifty  rix  dollars. 
These  institutions,  having  the  nature  of  teachers'  seminaries, 
the  exercises,  held  once  a  week,  are  conducted  chiefly  by  the 
members,  under  the  supervision  of  the  director.  Each  member 
takes  his  turn  in  reading  an  elaborate  critical  interpretation  of 
some  Latin  or  Greek  author,  which  is  rigidly  criticised  by  the 
other  members,  and  finally  by  the  director,  who  also  decides 
upon  the  criticisms  of  the  others.  In  some  universities  the 
seminaries  are  divided  into  two  branches,  Latin  and  Greek,  with 
two  directors.     See  Passow's  Letters,  pp.  198,  208. 

P.  172.  K.  A.  Bottiger,  so  well  known  for  his  admirable 
writings  on  ancient  art,  manners  and  mythology,  was  born  in  1760. 
He  studied  at  Schul-Pforta,  and  afterwards  in  Leipsic,  under 
Reiz  and  Morus.  In  1784,  he  was  made  rector  of  a  gymnasium 
in  Guben.  Through  Herder's  agency,  he  was  brought  to 
33* 


390  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

Weimar,  where  he  was  director  of  the  gymnasium  from  1791  to 
1804,  when  he  was  called  to  Dresden,  as  superintendent  of  the 
Page  Institute.  In  1814,  this  was  merged  in  another  institution, 
and  Bottiger  was  appointed  director  of  the  Knight's  Academy, 
and  superintendent  of  the  Dresden  gallery  of  antiques.  He 
died  in  1836.  His  numerous  writings  consist  mostly  of  essays, 
reviews,  and  small  treatises.  His  Sabina,  or  morning  scenes  in 
the  chamber  of  a  Roman  lady,  is  an  invaluable  little  volume  to 
the  classical  scholar.  His  Latin  and  smaller  German  writings 
have  been  recently  collected  and  are  now  publishing  under  the 
care  of  Julius  Sillig. 

Jahn,  in  his  Annals  of  Philology,  in  noticing  the  Biographical 
Sketch  of  Bottiger,  by  his  son,  observes  :  "  The  biographer  has 
given  particular  prominence  and  effect  to  his  description  of 
Bottiger's  literary  life  and  character.  In  Guben  and  Bautzen, 
he  appears  as  an  earnest,  practical  schoolman,  pursuing  his 
philological  studies  in  the  manner  of  Heyne,  and  the  men  of  that 
day,  and  devoting  special  attention  to  the  art  of  teaching,  and 
the  best  mode  of  treating  the  languages  in  schools.  In  Weimar, 
on  the  contrary,  his  labors  took  a  higher  direction,  and  his 
intimacy  with  Schiller,  Herder,  Wieland,  Gbthe,  Kotzebue, 
Meyer,  and  others,  turned  his  attention  from  the  art  of  teaching 
to  elegant  literature  and  ancient  art.  The  description  of  this 
period  is  very  full,  and  the  reader  feels  a  growing  interest  as 
Bottiger  becomes  a  connoisseur,  a  contributor  to  journals  on 
elegant  literature,  and  annuals,  and  a  correspondent,  furnishing 
literary  intelligence  to  journals  both  at  home  and  abroad,  and 
skilfully  finding  his  way  through  literary  and  court  intrigues, 
complaisant  to  all,  though  often  treated  ill,  and  still  attached  to 
such  a  life,  with  all  its  evils.  His  talent  for  elegant  literature 
and  art  was  most  fully  brought  out  in  Dresden,  where  he 
gradually  retired  from  the  school,  and  directed  his  attention 
more  and  more  to  the  public,  holding  popular  lectures  on  ancient 
art,  mythology,  and  classical  literature,  throwing  out  his  views 
in  articles  for  every  literary  journal  he  could  find,  explaining  to 
visitors  the  remains  of  ancient  art  in  the  Dresden  galleries,  and 
participating  in  all  that  was  interesting  in  literature,  or  in  the 
higher  circles  of  social  life." 


NOTES.  391 

P.  173.  Tliirty-eight  wagons. — Saxony  wished  to  be  neutral 
in  the  war  of  1806,  between  Prussia  and  France,  but  was 
compelled,  by  peculiar  circumstances,  to  join  Prussia.  But 
within  thirteen  days  after  war  was  declared,  the  Prussian  army 
was  annihilated.  The  Saxons,  who  were  also  conquered  in  the 
battle  of  Jena,  received  from  Napoleon  the  promise  of  neutrality, 
on  condition  they  would  join  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine ; 
and  the  condition  was  accepted.  And  yet,  four  days  after  the 
battle,  Davoust  entered  Leipsic  with  40,000  men,  and  the  next 
day,  the  city  was  called  upon  to  deliver  up  all  the  English  wares 
and  money,  and  all  its  military  stores.  Six  days  later,  45,000 
yards  of  fine,  and  300,000  yards  of  ordinary  cloth,  150,000  pairs 
of  shoes,  and  large  sums  of  money  were  demanded  ;  and  then, 
to  crown  the  whole,  Napoleon  laid  a  contribution  of  7,053,358 
rix  dollars  upon  Saxony,  of  which  the  Elector  himself  assumed 
one-third,  in  order  to  relieve  his  people. 

The  restoration  of  the  Halle  university. — The  university  of 
Halle  was  in  a  flourishing  condition,  under  the  fostering  care  of 
the  King  of  Prussia,  when  the  war  between  France  and  Prussia 
broke  out,  in  1806.  Three  days  after  the  battle  of  Jena,  which 
was  on  the  fourteenth  of  October,  1806,  Halle  fell  into  the  hands 
o£  the  French  conqueror.  Bernadotte,  who  had  been  waited  on 
by  a  committee  of  the  university,  had  issued  a  proclamation  for  the 
protection  of  the  university,  but  before  it  could  be  printed  and 
distributed,  Napoleon  arrived,  who,  at  first,  promised  to  confirm 
the  proclamation,  but,  being  irritated  by  some  mischievous 
newspaper  articles,  the  next  morning,  Oct.  20,  he  gave  out  his 
imperial  mandate,  that  the  university  should  be  suspended,  and 
that  all  the  students,  who  were  not  natives  of  Halle,  should 
leave  the  town  within  twenty-four  hours.  The  salaries  of  all 
the  professors,  except  the  botanist,  Sprengel,  were  stopped. 
May  18,  1807,  Dr.  Niemeyer  and  four  other  professors,  were 
seized  and  carried  to  France,  without  accusation  or  explanation; 
but  this  very  circumstance  placed  Niemeyer  where  he  could  use 
his  great  personal  influence  successfully  for  the  restoration  of  the 
university.  By  the  treaty  of  Tilsit,  Halle  was  included  in  the 
new  Westphalian  kingdom,  under  Jerome  Bonaparte,  and  the 
new  government  promised  that  the  pay  of  the  professors  should 
be  resumed  on  and  after  the  first  of  October.    On  the  twenty-third 


392  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

of  December,  Niemeyer,  who  had  returned  to  Halle,  and  two 
other  professors,  were  sent  out  by  the  city  and  the  university,  to 
Cassel,  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  young  king.  It 
was  on  this  occasion,  that  Niemeyer  made  so  favorable  an 
impression,  in  an  address  to  Jerome,  that  the  latter  promised  to 
be  the  guardian  and  patron  of  the  university.  Proclamation 
was  accordingly  made,  that  the  university  of  Halle  be  re-opened 
in  the  spring  of  1808.  Niemeyer  was  made  chancellor  and 
perpetual  rector,  as  a  reward  for  his  extraordinary  services. 
But  Nosselt  had  died ;  Wolf  and  Schleiermacher  had  gone  to 
Berlin,  where  the  loss  of  Halle  was  to  be  made  up  by  a  new 
university ;  Jacobs,  to  Charcow ;  and  other  professors  had  gone 
to  other  places.  Schiitz  took  Wolf's  place.  In  1809,  the  new 
and  weak  Westphalian  government,  in  which  J.  Von  Miiller,  as 
minister  of  education,  had,  up  to  the  time  of  his  recent  death, 
done  all  in  his  power  for  the  university,  found  it  necessary  to 
suspend  the  universities  of  Helmstadt  and  Rinteln,  and  the 
Paedagogium  of  Klosterbergen,  and  to  apply  all  the  funds  to 
the  support  of  Gbttingen,  Halle,  and  Marburg.  In  1810, 
Wegscheider,  formerly  of  Rinteln,  and  Gesenius,  formerly 
teacher  in  the  gymnasium  at  Heilgenstadt,  were  added  to  the 
theological  faculty  in  Halle.  The  number  of  the  students  was, 
at  this  time,  less  than  200.  In  1805,  it  was  937.  Napoleon,  in 
his  journey  from  Magdeburg  to  Dresden,  July  13,  1813,  stopped 
at  Halle;  and,  in  his  exasperation,  threatened  to  drive  away  all 
the  professors,  and  burn  the  city.  Within  two  days  after,  the 
university  was  suspended  a  second  time,  by  an  order  from 
Cassel,  the  Westphalian  capital.  The  funds  were  to  be  directed 
to  the  other  universities;  the  professors  were  put  upon  half-pay, 
and  promised  a  place  elsewhere.  But  on  the  eighteenth  of 
October,  the  battle  of  Leipsic  put  an  end  to  these  troubles ; 
and  Halle  finally  reverted  to  the  Prussian  government.  As  a 
Prussian  university,  it  was  restored  in  August,  1814,  after  the 
professors  had,  for  nearly  one  term,  voluntarily  opened  their 
courses  of  lectures.  All  the  arrearages  of  their  salaries  were 
generously  paid.  Most  of  the  students,  however,  joined  the 
army  against  Napoleon  the  next  year.  On  the  twelfth  of  April, 
1815,  the  Wittenberg  university,  which  had  hitherto  belonged 
to  Saxony,  but  was  now  included   in  the  Prussian   territory, 


NOTES.  393 

was  united  with  the  Halle  university.  While  a  part  of  the 
professors  went  to  Leipsic,  as  the  only  remaining  university  of 
the  kingdom  of  Saxony,  others  went  to  Halle.  The  students 
belonging  to  the  newly-acquired  Prussian  province,  would,  of 
course,  resort  to  a  Prussian  university. 

P.  174.  The  universities  of  the  new  kingdom. — The  fate  of 
the  Helmstadt  university  can  be  best  learned  from  a  few  extracts 
of  Professor  Bruns's  correspondence,  which,  besides,  give  a  lively 
picture  of  the  times.  Under  date  of  Helmstadt,  April  20,  1808, 
he  writes  to  Schiitz  ;  "  Our  troubles,  arising  from  non-payment 
of  our  salaries,  are  not  yet  ended.  We  are  still  more  disturbed 
by  the  latest,  though  unofficial,  advices  from  Cassel.  The  Julia 
Carolina  (university)  is  perhaps  already  sentenced  to  death.  We 
expect  soon  to  know  the  certainty.  I,  as  owner  of  a  large  house, 
from  the  room-rents  of  which  I  derive  a  part  of  my  support, 
shall,  in  that  case,  lose  almost  the  entire  value  of  my  estate. 
His  Westphalian  Majesty  has,  at  the  very  commencement  of  his 
reign,  required  great  sacrifices  of  his  subjects.  They  will  be 
sensibly  felt  by  those  who  have  to  make  them.  A  great  change, 
as  I  think,  is  about  to  come  over  our  literature  and  all  our  literary 
institutions.  Perhaps  the  time  is  not  distant,  when  men  shall 
think  that  the  best  way  to  honor  Napoleon  for  his  great  deeds 
is  to  obliterate  the  memory  of  all  that  was  done  before  him. 
Then  farewell  history,  ancient  languages,  criticism  and  philology. 
Such  times  I  never  expected  to  see.  Henceforth  we  shall  be 
more  the  property  of  Napoleon  than  of  Jerome,  and  the  former 
consequently  rule  over  us.  He  seizes  upon  all  the  royal  domains, 
and  cloister  funds."  Again,  Helmstadt,  Jan.  28, 1809,  he  writes ; 
"  In  Cassel  men  are  all  the  while  studying  how  many  universities 
and  gymnasia  can  in  the  most  advantageous  way  be  abolished, 
and  their  funds  be  pocketed  by  the  government,  and  Helmstadt  has 
not  many  advocates  there.  It  would  be  much  easier  to  squeeze 
the  universities  together,  if  our  houses  could  be  shoved  along  at 
the  same  time.  I  cannot,  however,  indulge  in  pleasing  hopes 
for  learning  in  this  kingdom,  though  Johannes  Von  Miiller  and 
Wolfradt  will  do  all  they  can."  Helmstadt,  Jan.  23,  1810. 
"I  could  not  answer  your  kind  letter,  my  dear  friend,  before 
receiving  from  Cassel  a  decision  in  regard  to  my  destination. 


394  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

This  has  finally  reached  me  by  the  last  mail ;  and  as  I  was  called 
upon  to  say  whether  a  removal  to  Halle  would  be  acceptable  to 
me,  I  have  replied  to  the  minister  of  education  that,  on  many 
accounts,  it  would  be  very  agreeable  to  me.  I  say  the  same  to 
you  ;  and  as  it  is  now  decided  in  the  councils  of  the  gods  that 
Julia  Carolina  is  to  be  stricken  from  the  list  of  the  universities, 
I  regard  it  as  a  happy  circumstance,  that  I  can  hereafter  honor 
you  and  other  worthy  men  in  Halle  as  my  colleagues.  *  *  * 
Five  professors  will  go  to  Halle  ;  three,  and  perhaps  four,  to 
Gottingen."     The  university  of  Rinteln  shared  the  same  fate. 

To  lay  upon  the  altar. — Saxony,  with  a  modification  of  the 
treaty  of  1807,  ceded,  March  19,  1808,  to  the  new  kingdom  of 
Westphalia,  which  Napoleon  had  founded  for  Jerome,  the 
bailiwick  of  Gommern,  with  Ranis  and  Elbenau ;  the  county 
of  Barby ;  a  partial  claim  on  Treffurt ;  the  prefecture  of  Dorla ; 
and,  finally,  the  Mansfeld  territories. 

P.  175.  Professor  Jacob. — This  is  Lewis  Henry  Von  Jacob, 
father  of  a  distinguished  lady,  now  resident  in  the  United  States, 
known  in  literature,  under  the  signature  of  Talvj,  a  word  made 
up  of  the  initials  of  her  maiden  name.  He  was  born  in  Wottin, 
in  1759,  and  died  in  1827.  "  He  had  commenced  his  career  in 
our  city  with  honor,  as  academical  teacher,  and  author  ;  he  was, 
in  1789,  made  professor  extraordinarius,  and,  in  1791,  professor 
ordinarius  of  philosophy  in  Halle.  In  1807,  at  the  time  of  the 
Westphalian  government,  he  went  to  Charcow,  as  professor  of 
political  economy,  and  was  afterwards  called  to  Petersburg,  as 
counsellor  of  state,  and  received  a  title  and  an  estate.  After 
several  years'  service  in  the  Russian  government,  he  returned, 
in  1816,  to  his  former  place  in  Halle,  and  devoted  himself,  with 
new  energy,  to  the  duties  of  his  professorship." — Bullmann's 
History  of  the  University  of  Halle,  p.  269. 

P.  176.  His  triple  mound. — According  to  Wieland's  own 
request,  his  remains  were  placed  in  one  grave,  with  those  of  his 
wife,  and  of  Sophia  Brentano.  A  simple  monument  is  placed 
over  it,  with  an  inscription  written  by  himself. 

In  exile  in  Schmiedeberg. — "  The  university  of  Wittenberg, 
the  venerable  mother  of  the  Reformation,  was  obliged,  in  1813, 


NOTES.  39-5 

to  yield  to  arms,  and  emigrated,  in  part,  to  the  neighboring 
village  of  Schmiedeberg." — C.  W.  Buttiger'>s  History  of  Saxony . 

P.  177.  Wieland's  translation  of  Cicero. — Schiitz  had 
recently  completed  his  valuable  edition  of  Cicero's  Letters, 
and  was  well  qualified  to  put  the  finishing  hand  to  Wieland's 
translation.  He  did  not,  however,  undertake  it.  The  work 
was  finished  by  F.  D.  Grater,  of  Zurich. 

Antoine  Bernard  Caillard  was  attached  to  the  French 
ministry,  in  various  capacities,  at  Parma,  Cassel,  Copenhagen, 
Petersburg,  etc.  In  1795,  he  was  minister  plenipotentiary  at 
the  court  of  Berlin.  He  died  in  1807.  He  was  a  lover  of 
literature,  and  possessed  a  magnificent  library. 

P.  178.  Aubin  Louis  Millin  was  a  man  of  various  and 
extensive,  though  not  of  profound  learning.  His  Magasin 
Encyclopedique,  a  journal  commenced  in  1792,  and  conducted 
by  him  from  1795  to  1816,  gives  one  of  the  best  views  of  the 
entire  literature  of  Europe  during  that  period.  His  Galerie 
Mythologique  is  so  valuable,  that  Tolken  translated  it  into 
German,  where  it  has  passed  through  two  editions,  the  last  in 
1836.  The  190  plates  are  accurate  copies  from  ancient  works 
of  art.  C.  0.  Miiller  says,  "his  labors,  in  clear  and  popular 
representations  of  ancient  art,  are  invaluable."    He  died  in  1818. 

Porte  du  Theil  was  a  scholar  of  great  and  various  activity, 
both  as  an  historical  collector,  and  as  a  classical  philologist.  He 
translated  ^Eschylus,  and  in  connection  with  Rochefort  published 
a  new  and  improved  edition  of  Brumoy's  Theatre  des  Grecs. 
The  translation  of  Strabo,  by  du  Theil  and  Corai,  with  notes  by 
Gosselin,  in  five  volumes,  is  a  valuable  work.  Du  Theil  died 
in  1815,  at  the  age  of  seventy -three. 

P.  179.  Stephen  Clavier  was  born  in  Lyons,  in  1762.  He 
early  gave  himself  to  the  study  of  the  languages,  then  entered 
upon  the  profession  of  law,  and  became  judge  of  a  criminal  court, 
and  finally  member  of  the  Academy  of  Inscriptions.  His  edition 
of  Apollodorus,  with  a  French  translation  and  notes,  is  said  to 
be  excellent,  as  also  his  edition  of  Pausanias,  in  seven  volumes, 
particularly  the  exact  French  translation,  the  greater  part  of 


396  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

which  was  printed  under  Corai's  care,  after  the  author's  death, 
in  1814. 

Pascal  F.  J.  Gosselin,  associate  editor  of  the  Journal  des 
Savans,  after  1816,  and  associate  keeper  of  the  Cabinet  of  Medals 
with  Millin,  at  Paris,  was  born  at  Lille,  in  1751.  He  travelled 
in  France,  Switzerland,  Italy  and  Spain,  eight  years,  for  the 
purpose  of  perfecting  his  knowledge  of  ancient  geography.  His 
two  greatest  works  relate  to  ancient  geography.  A  widower, 
without  children,  he  spent  most  of  his  later  years  in  solitary 
study,  at  Montmorency.     He  died  in  1830. 

P.  181.  J.  A.  Martini -Lagun a  was  born  in  Zwickau,  in 
1755.  He  lived  alternately  on  his  estate  in  his  native  town  and 
in  Dresden,  and  devoted  his  time  to  private  study.  Of  his 
projected  work  on  the  epistles  of  Cicero  and  other  Latin  writers, 
only  one  volume  appeared.  His  library  and  most  of  his  papers 
perished  in  the  flames.  He  was  an  elegant  scholar.  He  died 
in  1824. 

P.  183.  Long  and  circuitous. — The  encouragements  given 
to  learning  were  so  great  in  Saxony,  that  the  number  of  its 
students  was  then,  and  is  now,  too  large  for  the  demands  of  the 
State.  Consequently,  there  are  so  many  men,  both  young  and 
old,  waiting  for  places,  that  Lipsia  vult  expectari  has  long  been 
a  proverb. 

P.  185.  Gruber. — This  is  the  individual  who  is  universally 
known  as  one  of  the  editors  of  Ersch  and  Gruber  s  Encyclopedia, 
a  gigantic  production,  being  not  only  the  most  extensive,  but  the 
most  scientific  which  the  world  has  ever  seen.  It  is  an  unfinished 
work,  still  in  progress,  under  Gruber,  Hoffmann,  Meyer,  and 
Kamtz.  Ersch  died  in  1826.  Gruber  was  born  in  Naumberg, 
in  1774,  studied  in  the  gymnasium  of  that  place,  and  in  1797 
entered  the  university  of  Leipsic.  After  a  short  residence  in 
Prussia,  as  family  tutor,  he  returned  to  Leipsic,  and  commenced 
his  career  as  a  writer.  In  1803,  he  became  private  teacher  in 
the  university  of  Jena ;  afterwards  he  seems  to  have  lived  as  an 
author,  for  a  time,  in  Weimar.  Through  Reinhard's  influence, 
he  was  appointed  professor  in  Wittenberg,  in  1811.     He  was  at 


NOTES.  397 

a  later  period  appointed  by  the  university  to  confer  with  the 
Prussian  court  in  regard  to  the  union  of  the  Wittenberg  and 
Halle  universities,  and  in  1815,  after  the  union,  he  became 
professor  in  Halle.  On  the  death  of  Ersch,  he  took  his  place 
as  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Literary  Journal  of  Schiitz.  His 
published  works  are  numerous. 

Schott,  Winzer  and  Heubner. — H.  A.  Schott  went,  in 
1812,  to  Jena,  as  professor  of  theology,  where  he  continued  to 
hold  a  very  high  rank  in  his  profession,  till  his  death  in  1835. 
His  Isagoge,  or  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  is  regarded 
as  one  of  the  very  best. — J.  F.  Winzer  was  born  in  the  same 
year  with  Schott,  in  1780.  He  was  formerly  a  teacher  in 
the  gymnasium  at  Meissen  ;  from  1809  he  was  professor  in 
Wittenberg,  and  when  this  was  closed,  he  was,  in  1814,  made 
professor  of  theology  in  Leipsic,  where  he  still  continues.  His 
writings  are  known  to  the  theologian. — H.  L.  Heubner  is  director 
of  the  Preacher's  Seminary,  which  has  taken  the  place  of  the 
university  at  Wittenberg,  to  which  students  now  resort,  after 
having  studied  theology  at  a  university.  He  was,  at  first,  made- 
teacher,  and  afterwards  professor  in  the  university.  In  1817,  he 
was  made  third  director,  under  Schleusner,  and  in  1832,  first 
director  in  the  Seminary.  He  is  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
of  the  evangelical  theologians.  Nitzsch,  of  Bonn,  is  his  disciple. 
K.  H.  L.  Politz,  mentioned  a  few  lines  below,  was  a  few  years 
teacher  in  the  Knight's  Academy,  in  Dresden,  and  afterwards 
professor  in  Wittenberg,  and  finally,  in  1815,  in  Leipsic,  where- 
he  died  in  1838.  His  numerous  writings  in  history,  literature 
and  statistics,  have  a  high  reputation.  He  was  a  very  thorough 
scholar. 

Lobeck. — Christian  Augustus  Lobeck,  professor  of  ancient 
literature  in  Konigsberg,  and  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of 
Greek  scholars,  was  born  in  Naumburg,  in  1781,  and  studied  at 
the  gymnasium  of  the  same  place  where  his  father  was  rector. 
In  1797,  he  entered  the  university  of  Jena,  but  in  1798  went 
to  Leipsic,  to  study  philology,  and  became  one  of  the  best  of 
Hermann's  disciples.  In  1802,  he  became  adjunct  teacher  in  the 
university  of  Wittenberg,  and  without  giving  up  this  office,  he 
was  in  1807  made  conrector,  and  in  1809  rector  of  the  gymnasium 
of  the  same  place.  In  1810,  appeared  his  Ajax  of  Sophocles, 
34 


398  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

which  established  his  reputation  as  a  superior  Greek  scholar, 
and  procured  him,  through  Reinhard's  influence,  the  appointment 
of  professor  extraordinarius.  It  was  on  entering  this  office,  that 
he  wrote  his  learned  treatise  De  Morte  Bacchi.  In  consequence 
of  the  interruptions  at  Wittenberg,  occasioned  by  the  war, 
he  accepted,  in  1814,  a  call  to  Konigsberg,  in  the  place  vacated 
by  Erfurdt's  decease,  where,  as  teacher  and  director  of  the 
Philological  Seminary,  he  has  continued  to  labor,  till  the  present 
time,  with  extraordinary  success.  His  earliest  disciples,  who 
studied  under  him  in  Wittenberg,  were  Friedemann,  Spohn  and 
Spitzner.  His  writings  are  not  numerous,  but  they  are  of  the 
highest  character.  His  Phrynicus  will  not  suffer  in  comparison 
with  any  similar  work  of  the  age.  His  new  edition  of  Ajax, 
with  a  very  full  commentary,  published  in  1835,  is  highly 
praised,  though  some  men  of  another  school  of  philology  have 
found  fault  with  it-  His  Aglaophamus,  like  his  last  principal 
work,  Paralipomena  Grammaticae  Graecae,  in  two  volumes, 
1837,  show  as  well  as  his  Phrynicus,  that,  in  acquaintance  with 
all  the  writers  of  the  Greek  language,  he  is  scarcely  excelled  by 
any  of  the  great  scholars  of  his  country. 

P.  188.  K.  D.  Ilgen,  formerly  rector  of  Schul-Pforta,  was 
one  of  Beck's  first  students.  He  was  born  in  1768.  His  great 
knowledge  of  classical  and  oriental  philology  procured  for  him,  at 
the  age  of  twenty-two,  the  office  of  rector  in  Naumburg,  where 
he  had  commenced  his  studies  when  a  boy.  In  1794,  he  was 
appointed  professor  of  oriental  languages  in  Jena.  From  1802 
to  1831  he  labored  with  the  most  extraordinary  success,  as 
rector,  to  improve  and  reform  the  school  which  has  educated 
more  eminent  philologists  than  any  other  gymnasium  in  Germany. 
He  died  in  1834,  at  Berlin,  where  he  had  retired  on  a  pension. 
His  edition  of  the  Homeric  Hymns  is  his  chief  work  in  classical 
literature,  in  which  he  held  a  distinguished  place. 

Terrific  article  on  Heyne. — This  is  the  unjust  review  of  Heyne's 
Homer,  referred  to  by  Wyttenbach,  page  153,  which  appeared 
in  the  Literary  Journal  of  Schiitz,  in  the  May  number,  1803. 
The  materials  were  furnished  by  Wolf,  Schiitz,  Eichstaedt, 
and  Voss,  in  concert,  the  last  of  whom  was  commissioned  to 
draw  up  the  article ;   and  he  did  not  fail  to  pour  in  the  gall. 


NOTES.  399 

P.  189.  J.  Schweighauser  was  born  in  Strasburg,  in  1742, 
and  died  in  the  same  place  in  1830.  His  editions  of  Herodotus, 
Polybius,  Athenaeus,  Arrian,  etc.,  gave  him  a  high,  and,  in 
many  respects,  a  permanent  reputation.  He  was  imprisoned, 
and  banished  from  Strasburg  during  the  French  Revolution. 
He  was  afterwards  restored  to  his  professorship. 

Proposals  from  Munich. — Jacobs,  in  his  autobiography,  says  : 
"  The  war  was  professedly  brought  to  a  close,  by  the  peace  of 
Tilsit,  in  1807 ;  but  all  the  north  of  Germany  seemed  to  rest  on 
a  volcano,  while  Bavaria,  in  the  south,  now  a  kingdom,  appeared 
to  be  the  only  place  which  offered  a  secure  retreat.  *  *  At 
this  time,  I  received  a  call  to  Munich,  as  professor  of  classical 
literature  in  the  Lyceum,  and  as  member  of  the  Academy  of 
Sciences,  with  the  most  favorable  proposals." 

Schlichtegroll,  one  of  the  northern  Germans,  whom  the 
Bavarian  king  had  called  around  him,  to  raise  the  character  of 
literature  in  Munich,  wrote,  under  date  of  Munich,  Nov.  30, 
1810,  to  Schiitz,  thus :  "  What  could  I  not  relate  to  you  of  the 
malignity  with  which  our  enemies  here  endeavor  to  embitter  our 
lives !  We  have  many  things  to  contend  with,  but  hope  it  will 
yet  be  acknowledged,  that  we  have  fought  a  good  battle,  for 
which  all  Protestants,  and  all  men  of  learning,  will  thank  us. 
Jacobs  will  leave  this  place  in  two  or  three  days.  My  sorrow 
at  his  departure,  amounts  to  absolute  distress  and  melancholy. 
The  king,  the  minister,  the  crown-prince,  and  many  intelligent 
Bavarians,  regard  it  as  a  national  loss.  The  most  honorable 
proposals  are  made  to  him  ;  but  the  thought  of  being  obliged  to 
sit  with  von  Aretin,  takes  from  him  all  inclination  to  remain 
here,  where  there  is  a  noble  sphere  of  action  for  him,  and  where 
he  has  already  sown  much  good  seed." 

P.  190.  Thiersch. — Frederic  William  Thiersch,  professor 
of  classical  literature,  in  Munich,  was  born  in  1784.  He 
studied  under  those  admirable  teachers,  Lange  and  Ilgen,  in 
Schul-Pforta,  from  1798  to  1804,  and  then  in  Leipsic,  under 
Hermann,  and  with  Schafer,  whence  he  went  to  Gb'ttingen,  to 
study  under  Heyne,  in  1807.  The  latter,  in  a  letter  to  Johannes 
von  Mtiller,  said  :  "  We  have  here  in  the  university,  a  Thiersch, 
from  Saxony,  a  young  man  of  rare  talent,  fire,  and  strength.    He 


400  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

preached  a  short  time  since,  and  we  were  surprised  at  the  young 
man's  pulpit  talents.  *  *  He  held  his  disputation,  pro  gradu 
a  few  days  ago,  and  Wunderlich  was  his  opponent.  That  was 
such  a  fete  as  we  have  not  enjoyed  for  a  long  time."  In  1809, 
he  was  chosen  professor  of  the  new  gymnasium  in  Munich,  and 
he  made  his  way  thither,  through  the  French  army,  in  the 
tumult  of  war.  The  minister,  von  Aretin,  embittered  his  first 
years  in  Munich  ;  but  the  attempt  made  upon  his  life,  opened 
the  eyes  of  the  public  to  the  intrigues  of  that  corrupt  man. 
Thiersch  has  done  more  than  any  other  man  for  Greek  literature 
in  the  south  of  Germany. 

P.  191.  What  do  you  say,  etc. — Wolf  and  Voss  had  hitherto 
been  friends,  but  it  is  not  strange,  that  two  such  fiery  spirits 
should,  at  length,  fall  out  with  each  other.  Wolf,  in  one  of  his 
literary  freaks,  attempted  to  excel  Voss  in  his  own  way, — in 
exact  imitation  of  the  Greek,  in  translation,  and  then  called  it  all 
trifling,  and  thus,  while  he  got  a  new  plume  for  himself,  he  left 
poor  Voss  in  an  awkward  condition.  The  younger  Voss  took 
up  the  defence,  like  a  true  knight. 

J.  G.  Gurlitt  was  born  in  1754,  and  studied  in  Leipsic,  his 
native  city.  From  1778  to  1802,  he  was  teacher  in  Klosterbergen, 
whence  he  went  to  Hamburg,  where  he  died,  as  Director  of 
the  Johanneum,  a  celebrated  gymnasium,  in  1827.  He  was 
distinguished  for  his  writings  on  the  archaeology  of  art,  as  well 
as  for  his  general  classical  attainments. 

P.  192.  Call  to  Goltingen. — Heeren,who  was  commissioned 
by  the  Westphalian  government,  to  make  proposals  to  Jacobs, 
wrote  to  him :  "  What  is  desired  of  you,  is,  to  sustain  the  study 
of  the  classics,  and  particularly  those  studies  which  relate  to 
the  antiquities  of  art.  If  you  should  desire  it,  the  circle  of  your 
studies  can  be  enlarged.  There  is  no  wish  to  impose  on  you 
any  duty  which  you  may  not  like.  I  am  directed  to  request 
you  to  make  your  own  terms  for  entering  into  the  service  of  the 
king.  You  have  no  occasion  to  fear  that  there  will  be  any 
collision.  All  my  expenses,  including  rent,  and  every  thing, 
amount  to  from  1600  to  1800  rix  dollars.  You  are  at  liberty 
to   demand    such   a   support    as    you    may   think    necessary." 


NOTES.  401 

"  Enticing  as  these  proposals  were,"  says  Jacobs,  "  I  could  not 
overcome  my  scruples  ;  and,  as  all  pecuniary  considerations 
were  anticipated  and  removed,  I  reflected  upon  my  standing 
motto,  si  qua  sede  sedes,  "let  well  alone,"  and  declined  the 
proposal.  It  has  always  been  my  opinion,  that  one  ought,  in 
all  such  cases,  first  to  look  within,  and  ask  himself  whether  his 
shoulders  are  broad  enough  to  bear  the  burden,  and  not  till  this 
question  is  settled,  ought  he  to  consider  external  circumstances. 
I  never  felt  that  I  was  adapted  to  a  university  life,  and  have, 
consequently,  not  prepared  for  it ;  and  I  could  hardly  expect,  in 
my  forty-eighth  year,  to  give  my  studies  that  extension  which 
would  be  reasonably  expected  of  a  successor  of  Gesner  and 
Heyne." 

P.  193.  Wunderlich. — The  following  sketches  respecting 
Wunderlich,  are  selected  from  Jacobs's  Personalien.  "About 
the  close  of  the  last  century,  Wunderlich,  of  Groussen,  entered 
our  gymnasium  in  Gotha.  He  was  but  a  boy ;  yet  he  had  an 
insatiable  thirst  after  knowledge.  He  hung  upon  me,  and 
almost  compelled  me,  by  his  naive  entreaties,  to  give  him 
private  lessons  in  Greek,  of  which  he  had  just  acquired  an 
elementary  knowledge.  Such  was  his  power  of  memory,  and 
his  unremitting  effort  in  study,  that  in  a  short  time,  he  was  so 
far  advanced,  as  to  be  able,  in  connection  with  von  Thiimmel, 
another  of  my  pupils,  to  peruse  the  Oration  on  the  Crown,  which 
he  afterwards  edited.  In  the  summer  of  1801,  he  left  the 
gymnasium,  full  of  youthful  confidence,  for  the  university,  for 
which  he  was  well  prepared.  I  recommended  him  to  Heyne, 
whose  letters  to  Johannes  von  Miiller,  recently  published,  show 
with  what  paternal  solicitude  he  watched  over  this  young 
man.  Heyne  wrote  me,  under  date  of  June  24,  1801 :  '  Your 
"Wunderlich  comes  so  warmly  recommended  from  you,  that  I 
begin  already  to  regard  him  as  a  foster-son.'  Huschke  wrote 
me  of  him,  Jan.  13,  1802  :  '  I  live  on  the  most  confidential  terms 
with  this  friend  and  countryman  of  mine.  He  was  recommended 
to  me  by  you,  and  how  could  I  do  otherwise  than  receive  him 
with  open  arms  ?  Besides,  I  have  found  him  to  be  exactly  as  you 
represented  him.  He  has  brought  with  him  good  acquisitions, 
no  inconsiderable  talent,  and  withal,  a  pretty  fair  supply 
34* 


402  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

of  modest  assurance.  Nihil  ineptius  est  hac  cxplicatione,  is  a 
kind  of  motto  with  him,  when,  in  his  remarks  on  iEschylus,  he 
contradicts  Schiitz.  This  daring  begins  gradually  to  disappear. 
Frequent  hearty  thrusts,  given  him  in  the  nick  of  time,  have 
cooled  down  his  heated  blood.  Now,  his  contradictory  corrective 
assertions  run  thus:  mihi  displicet  hoc ;  and  I  have  accordingly 
changed  my  marginal  remarks,  and,  instead  of  tu  magis  etiam 
ineptus,  I  now  write,  tuam  magis  etiam  mihi  displicet.  And 
thus  we  both  come  to  our  good  sense  again.  It  is  a  pity  that 
he  has  yet  no  taste  for  the  Latin  poets."  Heyne,  in  his  letter 
to  Johannes  von  Miiller,  then  minister  of  education,  dated, 
November,  1812,  wrote  thus:  "  Wunderlich  will  apply  to  you, 
on  account  of  his  call  to  Augsburg,  which  he  will  decline,  if 
he  can  have  the  title  of  professor  here.  It  is  desirable  to  do  all 
in  our  power  not  to  lose  him  ;  for  philology  he  is  my  chief  hope. 
He  is  assessor  of  the  philological  faculty ;  reads  lectures  with 
much  approbation,  and  is  highly  respected  by  the  students,  but 
he  can  devote  only  one-half  his  time  to  his  lectures,  being 
compelled  to  give  private  lessons  nine  hours  a  day,  in  order 
to  support  himself.  It  would  be  desirable  to  have  a  young 
undergrowth  shooting  up  here,  and  such  are  Wunderlich, 
Thiersch  and  Dissen."  He  died  of  the  quinsy,  in  1816, 
while  making  a  revision  of  the  fourth  edition  of  Heyne's 
Tibullus. 

P.  194.  Godfrey  Henry  Schafer  was  born  in  Leipsic,  in 
1764,  and  studied  in  the  St.  Thomas  gymnasium,  and  in  the 
university  of  his  native  city.  Ernesti,  Reiz,  and  Beck  were  his 
classical  teachers.  Some  time  after  taking  his  master's  degree, 
he  became  a  publisher,  in  connection  with  another  person  in 
Leipsic.  In  1810,  he  was  elected  professor  in  the  Leipsic 
university,  but  he  received  only  150  rix  dollars  salary.  The 
works  edited  by  him  are  very  numerous,  and  the  observations 
added  by  himself,  have  a  high  value.  His  select  classical 
library,  consisting  of  7,000  volumes,  was  sold  to  the  university, 
in  1818,  for  10,000  rix  dollars.  He  contributed  very  many 
observations  to  the  London  edition  of  Stephens's  Thesaurus ; 
enough  on  the  single  particle,  av,  to  constitute  a  volume.  His 
notes  to  Demosthenes  were  pronounced  by  Hermann  to  be  his 


NOTES.  403 

best  work.  By  correcting  the  press  for  so  many  Greek  authors, 
Schafer  greatly  injured,  and  finally  destroyed  his  eye-sight. 
Passow,  in  a  letter  to  H.  Voss,  under  date  of  June  24,  1811, 
remarks;  "I  have  hegun  to  find  my  bearings  in  Schafer's 
Gregory  of  Corinth  ;  for  I  never  was,  and  never  expect  to  be, 
able  to  read  such  a  book  through  in  course.  Schafer's 
unsubdued  learning  has  always  come  forth  too  much  in 
fragments,  but  they  are  the  limbs  of  a  Titan.  He  has  never 
had  time,  as  he  complained  in  his  Sophocles,  to  make  use  of  all 
the  notes  he  had  collected,  being  obliged,  from  regard  to  profit, 
to  write  from  memory.  Seidler  assures  me, — what  seems 
almost  incredible, — that  the  same  is  true  of  his  Gregory.  If 
this  man  could  have  time  to  elaborate  a  work  thoroughly,  it 
would  be  incomplete  in  its  parts,  to  be  sure,  but  still  the  work 
of  a  giant.  What  is  still  more  strange,  is,  that  he  studied 
theology,  law,  and  medicine,  before  his  attention  was  directed, 
by  accident,  to  philology.  He  has  translated,  without  his  name, 
innumerable  works  on  medicine,  from  the  modern  languages." 
In  another  letter,  written  three  years  later,  he  says:  "I  spent 
a  few  days  in  Leipsic,  in  pleasant  intercourse  with  my  faithful 
old  Seidler,  Hermann,  and  the  indescribably  good  and  cordial 
Schafer,  from  whom  something  splendid  might  have  proceeded, 
if  he  had  the  power  to  throw  off  foreign  influence."  A  second 
philological  library  which  he  had  collected,  he  sold,  when  his 
eye -sight  failed  him,  to  the  emperor  of  Russia.  He  spent  the 
last  years  of  his  life  in  retirement,  with  his  son-in-law,  Hopfner, 
He  died  in  1840. 

P.  195.  To  illustrate  the  fiscal  relations  of  the  German 
universities,  we  will  take  Halle,  in  the  year  1834,  as  a  specimen. 
Its  income  was  70,737  rix  dollars.  Besides  the  above,  there 
are  5,750  rix  dollars,  annually,  for  charitable  purposes,  1000  of 
which  go  for  the  widows  and  orphans  of  deceased  professors ; 
4,400  for  free  tables  for  poor  students.  Collections  are  taken 
four  times  in  the  churches  in  all  Prussia,  for  students'  stipends, 
and  those  which  are  made  in  the  province  of  Saxony  go  to  the 
Halle  university.  There  are  108  free  tables  for  the  Lutheran 
church ;  twenty  for  the  Reformed  church,  and  eleven  for  the 
Magdeburg  students,  making  in  all,  139.      There  are  twenty 


404  CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 

stipends,  at  thirty  rix  dollars  each  ;  thirty  at  twenty  rix  dollars 
each  ;  twenty-nine  from  the  Wittenberg  fund,  at  different  values, 
and  seven  from  legacies,  making  in  all  eighty-six  stipends. 
The  highest  salary  is  two  thousand  rix  dollars  ;  the  lowest,  one 
hundred  rix  dollars ;  the  largest  number  receive  from  three 
hundred  to  twelve  hundred  rix  dollars.  The  professors  have, 
besides  their  salaries,  also  the  tuition-fees,  the  highest  of  which 
in  Halle,  in  1834,  was  two  thousand  five  hundred  ;  and  the 
lowest,  ten  rix  dollars. 

P.  198.  Francis  L.  K.  Passow,  one  of  the  most  honored 
of  recent  German  philologists,  was  born  in  Ludwigslust,  in 
Mecklenburg,  in  1786,  and  died  as  professor  in  Breslau,  in  1833. 
His  first  classical  teacher,  Ernest  Breem,  as  family  tutor,  inspired 
him  early  with  a  love  of  antiquity.  In  his  16th  year  he  went  to  the 
gymnasium  of  Gotha,  where  Kaltwasser,  Dbring,  Lenz,  Kries, 
and,  above  all,  Jacobs,  exercised  a  forming  influence  upon  his 
mind.  Jacobs,  in  particular,  became  his  beau-ideal  of  excellence 
in  character  not  less  than  in  scholarship.  In  1804,  he  entered 
the  university  of  Leipsic,  where  he  studied  privately,  often 
residing  out  of  town,  and  even  journeying,  and  paying  particular 
attention  to  no  one's  instructions  except  Hermann's.  Here,  in 
the  Greek  Society  of  Hermann,  he  was  associated  with  Seidler, 
Weiske,  Grafe,  Hand,  and  Thiersch.  In  1807,  he  was  made 
professor  of  Greek,  in  the  place  of  H.  Voss,  in  the  gymnasium 
in  Weimar,  and  from  that  time  to  1800,  the  flourishing  condition 
of  the  school  was  owing  to  his  efforts  and  those  of  his  colleague 
Schulze.  At  the  close  of  that  period,  he  went  to  Jenkau,  near 
Dantzic,  where  his  enlarged  system  of  effort  would  have  done 
much  for  classical  learning  in  that  place,  had  not  the  disturbances 
of  the  war  broken  up  the  school.  He  returned  to  Berlin,  and 
spent  his  time  there  as  described  in  his  letters.  In  1814,  he 
succeeded  J.  G.  Schneider,  where  for  a  series  of  eighteen  years, 
as  professor  of  Greek,  director  of  the  Philological  Seminary,  and 
after  1829,  as  lecturer  on  the  archeology  of  art,  in  connection 
with  Charles  Schneider,  he  succeeded  in  rendering  Breslau 
scarcely  inferior  to  any  other  university  in  the  department  of 
classical  literature.  C.  O.  Miiller,  Wellauer,  Gottling,  Osann, 
and  Weber  of  Bremen,  are  among  his  disciples.     His  Musaeus 


NOTES.  405 

appeared  in  1810,  his  Germania  of  Tacitus,  in  1817  ;  his  Nonnus 
was  nearly  finished  at  his  death.  He  wrote  some  of  the  best 
critical  articles  which  appeared  in  the  reviews  at  his  time. 

P.  200.  John  Schulze  rose  rapidly  in  public  estimation,  and 
after  passing  through  various  grades  of  honor,  was,  in  1818, 
associated  with  von  Altenstein,  the  great  minister  of  education 
in  Prussia.  It  is  to  Schulze  that  Prussia  is  indebted,  in  a  great 
degree,  for  the  present  flourishing  condition  of  its  gymnasia. 

P.  201.  Of  the  Latin  course,  etc. — The  plan  of  study,  in 
regard  to  the  two  classic  languages  of  antiquity,  is  thus  laid 
down  in  the  regulations  for  the  gymnasia  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Hesse,  in  1834.  The  course  embraces  eight  years. — "The 
Latin  language.  Next  to  the  German,  the  Latin  language  is 
the  most  important  branch  of  study,  inasmuch  as,  by  its  simple 
character,  it  presents  the  clearest  view  of  the  grammatical 
structure  of  language,  and  being  the  source  of  several  modern 
languages,  it  is  the  key  to  a  thorough  knowledge  of  them,  and 
besides,  it  facilitates  the  understanding  of  scientific  terms,  and 
is,  in  fact,  indispensable  to  the  studies  of  those  professions 
which  have  descended  to  us,  historically,  from  earlier  times. 
The  eighth  class  is  to  have  ten  Latin  exercises  a  week.  A 
beginning  is  to  be  made  with  exercises  in  reading,  according  to 
the  rules  of  accent  and  quantity;  practice  in  grammatical  forms, 
particularly  the  declensions  and  regular  conjugations,  and  the 
general  rules  for  the  gender  of  words,  to  which  may  be  added, 
the  translation  of  simple  sentences,  or  phrases  containing 
nouns,  with  their  qualifying  words.  The  acquisition  of  a 
copia  verborum  is  to  be  commenced  with  learning  the  vocabula 
domestica.  The  seventh  class  is  to  have  eight  Latin  exercises 
weekly.  Irregular  forms,  particularly  anomalous  and  defective 
verbs,  the  derivation  of  words,  and  the  simpler  rules  of  syntax, 
are  to  be  learned  by  this  class,  in  connection  with  the  translation 
of  easy  sentences  from  Latin  into  German,  and  from  German 
into  Latin.  The  sixth  class,  eight  hours  a  week,  in  which 
attention  is  to  be  given  to  the  syntaxis  convenientiae  et  casuum, 
and  the  explanation  of  those  peculiar  forms  of  expression  which 
are  of  the  most  frequent  occurrence,  such  as  the  accusative  with 


406  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

the  infinitive,  the  ablative  absolute,  etc.  Translations  are  to  be 
made  from  Eutropius,  Cornelius  Nepos,  Aurelius  Victor,  and 
Phaedrus,  or  from  an  approved  Latin  reader;  also,  translations 
from  German  into  Latin.  The  fifth  class  is  also  to  have  eight 
Latin  exercises  a-week,  in  which  the  doctrines  of  modes  and 
tenses,  and  a  systematic  view  of  the  structure  of  sentences  are 
to  be  taught,  accompanied  with  translations  from  German  into 
Latin.  To  be  read,  Cornelius  Nepos,  Caesar,  Justin,  and  Ovid's 
Tristitia.  The  fourth  class,  the  same  number  of  weekly  Latin 
exercises,  in  which  the  construction  of  dependent  clauses,  and 
of  participial  constructions,  is  to  be  explained  systematically, 
accompanied  with  translations  from  German  into  Latin.  During 
this  year,  are  to  be  read  the  Letters  of  the  younger  Pliny, 
Curtius,  Floras,  and  easy  selections  from  Cicero  and  Ovid's 
Metamorphoses.  The  second  class,  with  seven  exercises 
a-week,  are  to  review  general  syntax,  and  be  instructed  in 
the  elegances  of  the  language,  and  in  synonyms,  and  make 
written  translations,  for  practice,  in  both.  Here,  too,  free  and 
extemporaneous  exercises  in  Latin,  and,  in  particular,  metrical 
exercises  are  to  be  held;  and  the  authors  to  be  read,  are  Livy, 
Cicero's  rhetorical  works  and  epistles,  Virgil's  .ZEneid,  and  the 
odes  and  epistles  of  Horace.  The  first  class,  also,  seven 
recitations  a-week,  in  which  the  practical  exercises  of  the  last 
year  are  to  be  continued.  The  works  to  be  read,  are  the 
Annals  of  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  Velleius  Paterculus,  Seneca's 
and  Cicero's  rhetorical  works,  Quintilian,  Virgil's  Georgics, 
Ovid's  Fasti,  the  epistles  and  satires  of  Horace,  Catullus, 
Tibullus,  Persius,  Juvenal  and  Plautus. 

"  The  Greek  language,  as  the  instrument  by  which  the  most 
cultivated  nation  of  antiquity  exhibited  its  views  of  the  world, 
forms,  together  with  the  German  and  Latin,  a  necessary  and 
highly  important  part  of  the  system  of  education  in  the 
gymnasia.  Instruction  in  this  language  is  to  be  carried  far 
enough  to  enable  the  student  to  read  its  literary  productions, 
without  any  difficulties  arising  from  grammatical  constructions, 
but  not  so  far  as  would  be  necessary,  if  the  Greek  were  the 
common  language  of  literature.  Greek  studies,  therefore,  are 
to  relate  more  to  the  comprehension  of  the  language,  than  to 
the  formation  of  a  Greek  style.      It    is  to  be   commenced, 


NOTES.  407 

accordingly,  with  the  sixth  class,  with  two  exercises  a-week, 
proceeding  from  a  correct  pronunciation,  to  a  knowledge  of 
grammar,  as  far  as  verbs  in  fit,,  and  to  the  translation  of  simple 
sentences.  The  fifth  class,  with  four  weekly  exercises,  is  to 
learn  the  verbs  in  //£,  the  principles  of  derivation,  and  simpler 
rules  of  syntax.  In  the  meantime,  irregular  forms  of  words  are 
to  be  explained,  the  Greek  roots  to  be  committed  to  memory, 
and  suitable  parts  of  the  chrestomathy  to  be  read.  In  the 
fourth  class,  which  is  to  have  four  Greek  exercises  a-week, 
through  the  year,  the  syntax  of  simple  sentences  must  be 
taught  systematically.  Here,  Xenophon's  Anabasis  is  to  be 
read,  and,  after  preparatory  instruction  on  the  Ionic  dialect, 
Herodotus,  also,  and  the  Odyssey,  and  with  the  interpretation 
of  the  last,  are  to  be  connected  exercises  in  scanning.  The 
third  class,  with  five  exercises  a-week,  will  attend  to  the  modes 
and  tenses  of  verbs,  and  the  syntax  of  compound  sentences, 
in  connection  with  which,  the  Cyropedia  and  Memorabilia  of 
Xenophon,  and  Homer's  Iliad  will  be  read.  The  second  class 
is  to  have  six  Greek  exercises  weekly,  in  which  the  whole  body 
of  the  syntax  is  to  be  studied  anew,  the  difficult  constructions 
and  idioms  explained,  and  prosody  to  be  mastered.  The  works 
to  be  read  this  year,  are  the  Hellenica  of  Xenophon,  Lucian, 
Plutarch,  the  Iliad,  and  a  tragedy  of  Sophocles.  The  first 
class,  which  is  to  have  six  exercises  a-week  in  this  language, 
will  attend  to  the  more  difficult  metres,  and  read  Thucydides, 
Demosthenes,  some  of  the  Dialogues  of  Plato,  parts  of  .ZEschylus 
and  Aristophanes,  and  Pindar  and  Theocritus." 

P.  203.  Henry  Voss,  son  of  J.  H.  Voss,  was  born  in  1779, 
in  Otterndorf.  He  went  to  Halle,  to  study,  in  1798,  where  he 
was  cordially  received  by  Wolf;  and  to  Jena,  in  1801,  where  he 
was  as  intimate  with  the  Griesbach  family  and  with  Eichstaedt. 
He  was  afterwards  rector  of  the  gymnasia  in  Weimar,  where 
he  resided  from  1804  to  1806  when  he  was  made  professor  in 
Heidelberg,  where  he  died  in  1822.  He  gave  an  excellent 
translation  of  ^Eschylus.  His  labors  on  Aristophanes,  in 
connection  with  his  father,  are  also  valuable.  The  translation 
of  Shakspeare  found  less  favor. 


408  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

P.  201.  Programm. — In  the  German  universities  and 
gymnasia  this  word  properly  signifies  an  announcement  of  some 
public  exercise,  such  as  a  disputation,  promotion,  oration  or 
examination.  The  programm  itself  generally  contains  an  essay 
or  dissertation. 

P.  205.  The  decision  of  Providence. — That  decision  took 
Passow  away  in  the  midst  of  his  work,  but  not  before  he  had 
established  his  reputation  as  the  Greek  lexicographer  of  his  age. 
Rost  has  been  engaged  to  carry  out  the  design  of  Passow,  in 
several  successive  editions,  making  each  complete  for  the  several 
Greek  authors  which  shall  be  successively  examined.  In  the 
meantime,  Rost  has  commenced  a  Greek  Thesaurus  of  his  own, 
which  shall,  in  respect  to  expense,  be  within  the  reach  of  all. 

P.  206.  More  than  all  the  elegance  of  Johannes  von  Mutter. — 
The  author  refers  to  an  interesting  collection  of  letters  which 
passed  between  Gleine,  Heinse,  and  von  Miiller. 

P.  207.  My  first  lonely  winter. — The  almost  unparalleled 
struggle  which  Prussia  passed  through,  in  her  calamitous  wars, 
had  made  it  necessary  to  let  the  gymnasium  at  Jenkau  go 
down.  Passow  considered  his  past  labors  there  as  lost ;  he  had 
been  thus  unhappily  thrown  out  of  employ.  Meanwhile  he  was 
called  to  part  with  his  wife,  to  whom  he  was  unusually  attached. 

P.  211.  The  materials  for  the  article  on  the  "School  of 
Philology  in  Holland,"  may  be  found  in  Vitae  Hemsterhusii 
et  Ruhnkenii,  cura  Lindemann,  Leipsic,  1822  ;  Wyttenbachii 
Vita,  ed.  Mahne,  Brunswick,  1825  ;  van  Heusde  Initia  Phil. 
Platonicae,  Utrecht,  1827 ;  and  Lindemann's  Iter  in  Bataviam 
susceptum,  published  in  Jahn's  Leipsic  Jahrblicher.  The  article 
is,  for  the  most  part,  condensed  and  abridged.  Some  passages 
are  literally  translated. 

P.  233.  Paul  held  the  office  of  first  Silentiary  under  Justinian. 
The  duties  of  this  office  consisted,  in  part,  in  keeping  order  in  a 
house,  and,  in  part,  in  acting  as  private  secretary  to  the  emperor. 


NOTES.  409 

Paul  was  the  author  of  many  epigrams.     He  possessed  wit  and 
taste,  and  was  well  read  in  the  poets,  but  wrote  in  a  diffuse  style. 

P.  261.    Wyttenbach's  wife  was  Joanna  Gallien,  of  Hanau. 
They  were  married  on  the  seventeenth  of  February,  1817.     He 
appears  to  have  taken  this  step  partly  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
his  estate  to  one  who  had  long  watched  over  his  interests  with 
assiduous  attention.     After  his  death,  she  removed  to  Paris.     It 
is  not  known  whether  she  is  now  living.     She  is  represented  as 
a  very  intellectual  woman,  and  as  the  author  of  a  number  of 
interesting  works.    Among  these  are  "  Theogene,"  Paris,  1815 
"  The  Banquet  of  Leontis,  a  dialogue  on  Beauty,  Love  a*' 
Friendship,"   Ulm,   1820;    and  "Alexis,"   a  romance,  Pari* 
1823.    In  1827,  she  received  from  the  university  of  Marburg  tfe 
honorary   degree   of  doctor   of  philosophy !    at  the  centenr^l 
celebration  of  that  university.     The  following  are  the  wois 
of  the  diploma:    "  Auctoritate   Gulielmi  II,  Electoris  Hes&ei 
promo  tor  rite  constitutus ,  C.  A.  L.  Creuzer,  Joannae  Wyttenftch, 
genere  Gallien,  D.  Wyttenbachii  viduae  immortali  vita  di^nae, 
ob  doctrinae  elegantiam  scriptis  probatam  antiquae  urbaixtatis 
odor  em    spirantibus ,  jura    et    ornamenta  doctoris   philoscphiac 
artiumque  liberalium  magistri,  ex  philosophorum  ordinis  devet°7 
hoc  ipso  die  saeculari  tribuit.'''' 

P.  269.  Use  of  the  Greek  Dialects.— This  humous  and 
eloquent  discourse  was  delivered  before  the  Munir^  Academy  of 
Sciences,  on  the  twelfth  of  October,  1808.  The  translator  has 
ventured  to  condense  the  introductory  paragraph,  which  refers 
to  the  king,  on  whose  Saint's-day  the  session  was  held,  and  to 
omit  part  of  the  concluding  page,  in  which  the  author  takes 
occasion  to  pay  a  courtier's  compliment  to  the  royal  patron  of 
the  Institution.  As  these  passages  are  purely  occasional,  and 
have  nothing  to  do  with  the  subject  treated  of  in  the  discourse, 
and  as  one  specimen  of  this  kind  oi  academic  flattery  has  been 
given,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  pscourse  on  Plastic  Art,  it  was 
thought  unnecessary  to  transla^  them  at  full  length  here. 

The  views  presented  by  Jacobs  on  this  subject,  have  generally 
received  the  assent  of  scholars.  With  regard  to  epic  poetry, 
however,  Thiersch  has  given  an  account  differing,  in  some 
35 


410  CLASSICAL     STUDIES. 

particulars,  from  the  statement  of  our  author.     According  to 

him,  the  language  of  epic  poetry  was  originally  the  national 

language  of  the  Greeks, — that  is,  it  is  not  to  be  considered  a 

dialect,  but  a  language   understood   and   used    by  the  whole 

Grecian   people,  and   cultivated   to  a  high   degree   of  beauty, 

copiousness,  and   picturesque  power,  by  the   bards  of  a  very 

early  period,  who  roamed   over  the   continent  and  islands  of 

Greece,   in   the   practice   of   their    musical   profession.     This 

language    was    called   the   Homeric,    also,  from   Homer,   the 

reatest  of  the  bards.      Afterwards,  when  the  single  States 

\came  free  political  communities,  it  lost  its  supremacy.     The 

*er  dialects,  which  had  remained  in  a  rude  and  uncultivated 

sUe,  now  began  to  be  used,  the  people  regarding  such  usage  as 

a-tiark  of  political  independence.     At  length,  with  the  progress 

omental  culture,  the  dialects  advanced  to  a  high  degree  of 

el^ance  and  classical  completeness. 

P287.  Ferdinand  G.  Hand,  professor  of  Greek  literature 
ln  Jjia,  was  born  in  Plauen,  in  Saxony,  in  1786.  He 
comnericed  his  studies  under  private  teachers,  and  on  the 
remcval  of  his  father,  as  an  ecclesiastical  dignitary,  to  Sorau,  in 
tnt  eastern  part  of  Prussia,  the  son  entered  the  gymnasium  of 
that  r>lace.  In  1803,  he  went  to  Leipsic,  to  study  under 
Herma^ru  In  1810,  he  was  appointed  professor  in  Weimar, 
in  Passo^'g  piace)  where,  for  seven  years,  he  distinguished 
himself  as  t  superior  teacher.  He  was,  in  1817,  appointed 
director  of  tht,  gymnasium  in  Schwerin,  but  the  duke  of 
Weimar,  unwilling  to  lose  such  a  teacher,  gave  him  a 
professorship  in  Jena.  As  teacher  of  two  daughters  of  the 
duke,  he  passed  one  year  with  them  in  Petersburg.  His 
Turselinus,  or  work  on  Latin  Particles,  in  three  volumes,  is 
justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  valuable  philological 
productions  of  the  present  century.  His  Manual  of  Latin 
Composition,  Lehrbuch  des  Lateinischen  Sty  Is,  from  which  the 
substance  of  the  article  on  the  Origin  and  Progress  of  the  Latin 
Language  is  taken,  has  the  repletion  of  being  the  best  of  the 
innumerable  books  which  have  Ken  written  on  the  subject. 
As  a  Latin  scholar,  he  ranks  among  ihe  first  in  Germany.     He 


NOTES.  411 

is  a  popular  writer,  a  skilful  judge  of  music,  and  has  received 
many  marks  of  distinguished  honor  from  the  government. 

The  article  here  presented,  is  taken  from  the  second  edition 
of  the  above-mentioned  work,  published  in  1839.  It  has  been 
much  abridged,  and  somewhat  altered  in  style  and  arrangement, 
so  as  to  adapt  it  to  the  general  character  of  the  present  volume. 

P.  315.  Moral  Education  of  the  Greeks. — This  is  one 
of  the  longest  and  most  elaborate  of  the  occasional  pieces  of 
Jacobs.  It  contains  a  great  deal  of  excellent  thought,  many 
passages  of  refined  and  scholarly  eloquence,  a  delicate 
appreciation  of  the  genius  of  ancient  Greece,  and,  in  some 
respects,  no  doubt,  a  just  vindication  of  the  moral  character  of 
the  ancients.  But,  on  some  counts  in  the  indictment  for  gross 
immorality,  brought  against  the  Greeks  by  the  moderns, — 
particularly  in  regard  to  vices  for  which  the  modern  languages 
happily  have  no  recognized  name, — his  defence  is  inconclusive 
and  unsatisfactory.  The  subject  will  not  bear  discussion, — 
hardly,  indeed,  allusion  ;  yet  it  was  necessary  to  glance  at  it,  as 
one  topic  out  of  many,  to  be  considered  in  forming  our  estimate 
of  ancient  morality.  The  language  of  Jacobs  has  been 
somewhat  tempered  down  in  this  part  of  his  discussion,  as  a 
sense  of  decorum  required ;  but  his  ideas,  with  all  that  is 
essential  to  a  faithful  representation  of  them,  have  been 
scrupulously  retained.  Without  going  into  particulars,  it  needs 
merely  to  be  stated,  that  the  testimonies  of  the  ancients, — the 
best  of  them, — are  numerous,  full,  and  explicit,  and  go  directly 
to  the  proof  of  a  frightful  and  hideous  extent  of  moral  corruption 
and  nameless  infamy,  certainly  in  the  later  ages  of  Greece. 
These  vices  of  the  Greeks  were  severely  reprobated,  no  doubt, 
by  thoughtful  moralists,  like  Socrates  and  Plato ;  but  their 
commonness  in  Greek  society  is  unhappily  too  well  established. 
The  Homeric  age  was  unquestionably  much  purer  in  private 
morality,  than  what  are  called  the  Historical  times.  These 
authorities  show,  at  the  same  time,  that  much  of  this  corruption 
sprang  from,  or  at  least  was  favored  by,  the  gymnasia,  and  other 
peculiar  Hellenic  institutions.  The  testimonies  of  the  ancients 
on  these  points  are  so  strong,  that  we  must  regard  the  favorable 
view  so  warmly  and  eloquently  supported  by  Jacobs,  as  the  error 


412 


CLASSICAL    STUDIES. 


of  an  enthusiastic  scholar,  led  astray  by  too  great  partiality  for 
his  ancient  favorites.  "  Who  would  not  wish,"  says  William 
Adolph  Becker,  professor  in  the  university  of  Leipsic,  while 
commenting-  on  a  passage  from  another  work  of  Jacobs,  in 
which  he  had  expressed  himself  to  the  same  effect,  "who  would 
not  wish  to  be  able  to  agree  with  the  worthy  author,  could  it  be 
done  otherwise  than  at  the  expense  of  truth ;  if  the  facts  did  not 
so  clearly  and  distinctly  testify  to  the  contrary,  that  one  must 
have  purposely  shut  his  ear  to  their  voice,  to  be  able  to  deceive 
himself  upon  this  subject]"  In  the  curious  and  interesting 
notes  to  the  "  Charicles,"  the  Work  here  referred  to,  Becker  has 
gone  into  a  most  minute,  learned,  and  conclusive  investigation  of 
the  subject,  and,  in  his  decision, — a  decision  from  which  no 
appeal  can  be  taken, — has  shown  a  delicacy  and  correctness  of 
moral  sense,  no  less  creditable  to  his  heart,  than  the  admirable 
clearness  of  his  reasoning  upon  the  immense  materials  of  his 
erudition,  is  to  his  intellectual  ability. 

But  the  error  of  Jacobs  in  one  respect,  does  not  impair  the 
general  value  of  his  opinions  and  researches,  any  more  than  a 
special  immorality  understood  to  exist,  to  some  extent,  among 
the  ancients,  impairs  the  general  value  of  ancient  literature. 
The  subject  being  considered  in  this  light,  it  has  been  thought 
best  to  admit  this  essay,  though  it  contains  some  views  which,  as 
we  have  seen,  are  manifestly  erroneous,  and  others,  which  are 
in  the  main  correct,  but  which  may  be  pressed  too  far.  The 
author  is  a  pure-minded  man,  and  very  enthusiastic  in  his  favorite 
studies.  The  classics  have  manifestly  exerted  a  salutary,  as 
well  as  decided  influence  on  his  moral  feelings  and  literary 
tastes.  Hence,  he  may  be  in  danger  of  overstating  the  good 
moral  effects  produced  by  the  study.  On  persons  of  different 
temperament,  the  beneficial  influence  might  be  less  decided,  or 
might  be  positively  injurious.  Much  is  depending  upon  the 
manner  in  which  one  studies,  and  upon  the  particular  authors 
with  whom  he  is  familiar.  As  a  general  thing,  it  may  be  stated, 
that  the  more  thoroughly  the  study  of  the  Greek  and  Roman 
writers  is  pursued,  the  less  is  the  moral  hazard  which  is 
incurred. 

It  has  been  thought,  however,  that  a  defence  of  classical 
study,  on  the  score  of  morality,  would  not  be  without  its  value, 


NOTES.  413 

though  the  reader  should  dissent  from  some  of  its  positions.  It 
is  important  to  have  both  sides  of  an  important  question  stated 
fairly  and  fully.  In  no  other  way,  can  one  arrive  at  the  exact 
truth. 

The  unfavorable  side  of  classical  study,  in  respect  to  its  moral 
bearings,  has  been  elaborately  discussed  by  Professor  Tholuck,  of 
Halle,  in  the  first  number  of  Neander's  "  Denkwiirdigkeiten," 
a  translation  of  which  may  be  found  in  the  second  volume  of  the 
Biblical  Repository.  The  late  Dr.  Gesenius,  though  differing 
widely  from  the  views  advanced  by  Tholuck,  pronounced  it  to 
be  the  ablest  article  which  had  appeared  on  the  subject.  In  the 
course  of  his  argument,  the  author  discusses  the  origin  of 
heathenism ;  the  estimation  in  which  their  religion  was  held  by 
themselves ;  the  character  of  polytheism,  and  of  the  deification 
of  nature  in  general,  and  of  the  Grecian  and  Roman  religions  in 
particular ;  the  influence  of  heathenism  on  the  life  of  the  Greeks 
and  Romans  ;  the  sensuality  of  polytheism,  and  its  entire  moral 
weakness.  These  various  points  are  illustrated  with  a  profusion 
of  learning,  and  supported  with  not  a  little  solid  argument.  The 
extreme  laxity  of  morals,  especially  in  the  later  ages  of  the 
Greeks  and  Romans,  is  but  too  obvious,  the  classical  writers 
themselves  being  witnesses.  Many  things  in  their  modes  of  life, 
manners  and  customs,  etc.,  appear  to  be  wholly  indefensible. 
The  natural  effect  of  them  on  the  corrupt  minds  of  the  great 
mass  of  the  people  was  bad,  though  individuals  of  refined  and 
virtuous  sentiment  might,  and  did,  deduce  valuable  lessons  from 
them. 

The  concluding  paragraph, — being  merely  occasional, — has 
been  modified  and  abridged  in  the  translation ;  but  the  substance 
of  it  has  been  preserved. 


Valuable    ftorks, 

PUBLISHED   AND    FOR   SALE    BY 

GOULD,  KENDALL  AND  LINCOLN, 

PUBLISHERS,  BOOKSELLERS,  AND  STATIONERS, 

59  WASHINGTON  STREET. 

b  ©  s  ■s1  ©  sr  o 

THE 

ELEMENTS  OE  POLITICAL  ECONOMY, 

By  Francis  Wayland.  D.  D.,  President  of  Brown  University. 

SIXTH   EDITION. 

This  work  is  adopted  as  a  text-book  in  many  of  our  principal  Colleges,  and 
has  an  extensive  sale. 

THE  ELEMENTS  OF 

POLITICAL  ECONOMY,  ABRIDGED. 

ADAPTED  TO  THE  USE  OF  SCHOOLS  AND  ACADEMIES. 

The  success  which  has  attended  the  abridgment  of  the  "  The  Elements  of 
Moral  Science,"  has  induced  the  author  to  prepare  the  follotcing  abridgment 
of  '•  The  Elements  of  Political  Economy."  In  this  case,  as  in  the  other,  the 
work  has  been  wholly  re-written,  and  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  adapt  it  to 
the  attainments  of  youth. 

"The  original  work  of  the  author,  on  Political  Economy,  has  already  been 
noticed  on  our  pages;  and  the  present  abridgment  stands  in  no  need  of  a  recom- 
mendation from  us.  We  may  be  permitted,  however,  to  suy,  th  it  both  the  rising 
and  risen  generations  are  deeply  indebted  to  Dr.  Wayland,  for  the  skill  and  power 
he  has  put  forth  to  bring  a  highly  important  subject  distinctly  before  them. within 
such  narrow  limits.  Though  "abridged  for  the  use  of  academies,"  it  deserves  to 
be  introduced  into  every  private  family,  and  to  be  .studied  by  every  man  who  has  an 
interest  in  the  wealth  and  prosperity  of  his  country.  It  is  a  subject  little  under- 
stood, even  practically,  by  thousands,  and  still  less  understood  theoretically.  It 
is  to  be  hoped,  this  will  form  a  class  book,  and  be  faithfully  studied  in  our  acade- 
mies; and  that  it  will  find  its  way  into  every  family  library;  not  there  to  be  shut 
up  unread,  but  to  afford  rich  material  for  thought  and  discussion  in  the  family 
circle.  It  is  fitted  to  enlarge  the  mind,  to  purify  the  judgment,  to  correct  erro- 
neous popular  impressions,  and  assist  every  man  in  forming  opinions  of  public 
measures,  which  will  abide  the  test  of  time  and  experience." — Boston  Recorder. 

"An  abridgment  of  this  clear,  common  sense  work,  designed  for  the  use  of 
academies,  is  just  published.  We  rejoice  to  see  such  treatises  spreading  among 
the  people:  and  we  urge  all  who  would  be  intelligent  freemen,  to  read  them." — 
New  York  Transcript. 

"We  can  say,  with  safety,  that  the  topics  are  well  selected  and  arranged;  that 
the  author's  name  is  a  guarantee  for  more  than  usual  excellence.  AVe  wish  it  an 
extensive  circulation." — New  York  Observer. 

"It  is  well  adapted  to  high  schools,  and  embraces  the  soundest  system  of 
republican  Political  Economy  of  any  treatise  extant." — Daily  Advertiser. 


THE 

ELEMENTS  OF  MORAL  SCIENCE, 

BY    FRANCIS    WAYLAND,    D.    D. 

President  of  Brown  University,  and  Professor  of  Moral  Philosophy. 

Twenty-First  Thousand. 

tC3""This  work  has  been  extensively  and  favorably  reviewed  in  the  leading 
periodicals  of  the  day,  and  has  already  been  adopted  as  a  class-book  in  most  of 
the  collegiate,  theological,  and  academical  institutions  of  the  country. 

"It  will  be  gladly  adopted  by  those  who  have  for  a  long  time  been  dissatisfied 
with  existing  text-books,  particularly  the  work  of  Paley.  The  style  is  simple 
and  perspicuous,  and  at  the  same  time  manly  and  forcible.  It  is  an  eminent 
merit  of  the  author,  that  he  has  made  a  system  of  Christian  morals.  We  consider 
the  work  as  greatly  superior  to  any  of  the  books  hitherto  in  use,  for  academic 
instruction." — Lit.  and  Theol.  Review. 

''The  work  of  Dr.  Wayland  has  arisen  gradually  from  the  necessity  of  correcting 
the  false  principles  and  fallacious  reasonings  of  Paley.  It  is  a  radical  mistake,  in 
the  education  of  youth,  to  permit  any  book  to  be  used  by  students  as  a  text-book, 
which  contain  erroneous  doctrines,  especially  when  these  are  fundamental,  and 
tend  to  vitiate  the  whole  system  of  morals.  We  have  been  greatly  pleased  with 
the  method  which  Pres.  Wayland  has  adopted :  he  goes  back  to  the  simplest  and 
most  fundamental  principles;  and,  in  the  statement  of  his  views,  he  unites  per- 
spicuity with  conciseness  and  precision.  In  all  the  author's  leading  fundamental 
principles  we  entirely  concur." — Bib.  Rep.  and  Theol.  Review. 

From  Rev.  Wilbur  Fisk,  Pres.  of  the  Wesleyan  University. 
"I  have  examined  it  with  great  satisfaction  and  interest.  The  work  was 
greatly  needed,  and  is  well  executed.  Dr.  Wayland  deserves  the  grateful 
acknowledgments  and  liberal  patronage  of  the  public.  I  need  say  nothing 
further  to  express  my  high  estimate  of  the  work,  than  that  we  shall  immediately 
adopt  it  as  a  text-book  in  our  university." 

From  Hon.  James  Kent,  late  Chancellor  of  the  State  of  New  York. 
"The  work  has  been  read  by  me  attentively  and  thoroughly,  and  I  think  very 
highly  of  it.  The  author  himself  is  one  of  the  most  estimable  of  men,  and  I  do 
not  know  of  any  ethical  treatise,  in  which  our  duties  to  God,  and  to  our  fellow- 
men,  are  laid  down  with  more  precision,  simplicity,  clearness,  enerey,  and 
truth." 

THE  ELEMENTS  OF 

MORAL  SCIENCE,  ABRIDGED. 

ADAPTED  TO  THE  USE  OF  SCHOOLS  AND  ACADEMIES. 

Seventeenth  Thousand. 

D3=The  attention  of  Teachers  and  School  Committees  is  invited  to  this 
valuable  work.  It  has  received  the  unqualified  approbation  of  all  who  have 
examined  it;  and  it  is  believed  to  be  admirably  adapted  to  exert  a  wholesome 
influence  on  the  minds  of  the  young,  and  lead  to  the  formation  of  correct  moral 
principles. 

"Dr.  Wayland  has  published  an  abridgment  of  his  work  for  the  use  of  schools. 
Of  this  step  we  can  hardly  speak  too  highly.  It  is  more  than  time  that  the  study 
of  Moral  Philosophy  should  be  introduced  into  all  our  institutions  of  education. 
We  are  happy  to  see  the  way  so  auspiciously  opened  for  such  an  introduction. 
It  has  been  '•  not  merely  abridged,  but  also  re-written."  We  cannot  but  regard 
the  labor  as  all  well  bestowed.  The  difficulty  of  choosing  words  and  examples  so 
as  to  make  them  intelligible  and  interesting  to  the  child,  is  very  great.  The 
success  with  which  Dr.  Wayland  appears  to  have  overcome  it,  is,  in  the  highest 
degree,  gratifying." — North  American  Review. 


THE 


MISSIONARY   ENTERPRISE. 

It  has  been  well  said,  that  "  to  imbue  men  thoroughly  with  the  missionary 
spirit,  we  must  acquaint  them  intimately  with  the  missionary  enterprise."  The 
spirit  of  missions  seems  every  where  to  be  increasing.  The  circulation  of  printed 
documents,  and  other  like  efforts,  are  giving  a  new  impetus  to  the  cause. 

The  following  valuable  works  contain  just  the  kind  of  information  needed. 
Let  every  one  purchase  and  read  them. 


ORIGIN  AND  HISTORY  OF  MISSIONS; 

A  Record  of  the  Voyages,  Travels,  Labors,  and  Successes  of  the  various  Missionaries 

who  have  been  sent  forth  by  Protestant  Societies  to  evangelize  the  Heathen. 

Compiled  from  authentic  Documents. 

FORMING  A  COMPLETE  MISSIONARY  REPOSITORY. 

Illustrated  by  numerous  Engravings,  made  expressly  for  this  work. 

By  Rev.  John  O.  Choules,  A.  M.,  and  Rev.  Thomas  Smith. 

Sixth  Edition,  Enlarged  and  Improved. 

RECOMMENDATIONS. 
From  the  Secretary  of  the  Am.  B.  C.  F.  Missions. 
tC^It  is  the  most  comprehensive,  and  the  best  extant.  It  contains  a  rich  store 
of  authentic  facts,  highly  important  both  to  the  minister  and  the  private  Christian, 
To  the  former,  it  will  be  an  invaluable  assistant  in  his  preparations  for  the  monthly 
concert  and  other  missionary  meetings;  and  in  the  family,  it  will  furnish  instruc- 
tive and  useful  employment  to  the  members,  of  different  ages,  in  many  an  hour 
that  otherwise  might  not  be  so  profitably  occupied.  R.  Anderson. 

From  the  Secretaries  of  the  Am.  Bap.  Board  of  Foreign  Missions. 
The  History  of  Missions,  as  its  name  denotes,  is  a  narrative  of  the  means  and 
methods  by  which  the  gospel  has  been  propagated  in  pagan  lands,  beginning  with 
the  earliest  efforts  of  the  church,  but  presenting  more  at  large  the  origin  and 

Progress  of  the  principal  missionary  institutions  of  the  last  and  present  centuries. 
•eing  derived  from  authentic  sources,  and  fitted,  by  its  happy  selection  of  inci- 
dents, to  cherish  an  intelligent  interest  in  the  subjects  of  which  it  treats,  we  hope 
it  will  secure  an  extensive  circulation.  It  is  worthy  of  a  place  in  every  Christian 
library.  Lucius  Bolles, 

Solomon  Peck. 

THE  GREAT  COMMISSION. 

Or  the  Christian  Church  constituted  and  charged  to  convey  the  gospel  to  the  world. 

By  Rev.  John  Harris,  D.  D.,  author  of 'Mammon,' '  Great  Teacher,'  &c. 

With  an  Introductory  Essay,  by  William  R.  Williams,  D.  D., 

of  New  York.    Second  Edition.     12mo.    Cloth. 

D^f  This  work  was  written  in  consequence  of  the  offer  of  a  prize  of  two  hundred 
guineas,  by  several  prominent  individuals  in  Scotland,  for  the  best  essay  on 
"The  duty,  privilege,  and  encouragement  of  Christians  to  send  the  gospel  of 
salvation  to  the  unenli?htened  nations  of  the  earth."  The  adjudicators  (David 
Welsh,  Ralph  Wardlaw,  Henry  Melville,  Jabez  Bunting,  Thomas  S.  Crisp)  state 
"  that  forty-two  essays  were  received,  and,  after  much  deliberation,  the  essay  of 
Dr.  Harris  was  placed  first.  They  were  influenced  in  their  decision  by  the  senti- 
ment, style,  and  comprehensiveness  of  the  essay,  and  by  the  general  adaptation 
to  the  avowed  object  of  the  prize." 

This  work  has  received  the  highest  commendation. 


THE 

KAREN  APOSTLE; 

Or,  Memoir  of  Ko  Thah-Byu,  the  first  Karen  convert,  with  notices  concerning  his 

Nation.    "With  maps  and  plates.    By  Rev.  Francis  Mason,  Missionary. 

American  edition.     Edited  by  Professor  Henry  J.  Ripley, 

of  Newton  Theological  Institution. 

£r3*"This  is  a  work  of  thrilling  interest,  containing  the  history  of  a  remarkahle 
man, and  giving, also,  much  information  respecting  the  Karen  Mission,  heretofore 
unknown  in  this  country.  It  must  ho  sought  for,  and  read  with  avidity  by  those 
interested  in  this  most  interesting  Mission. 

It  gives  an  account,  which  must  be  attractive  from  its  novelty,  of  a  people  that 
have  been  but  little  known  and  visited  by  missionaries,  till  within  a  few  years. 
The  baptism  of  Ko-Thah  Byu  in  1828,  was  the  beginning  of  the  mission,  and  at 
the  end  of  these  twelve  years,  1270  Karens  are  officially  reported  as  members  of 
the  churches,  in  good  standing.  The  mission  has  been  carried  on  pre-eminently 
by  the  Karens  themselves,  and  there  is  no  doubt,  from  much  touching  evidence 
contained  in  this  volume,  that  they  area  people  peculiarly  susceptible  to  religious 
impressions.     The  account  of  Mr.  Mason  must  be  interesting  to  every  one. 

"Perhaps  no  nation,  recently  discovered,  has  attracted  or  deserved  more  general 
interest  than  the  Karen.  All  will  be  delighted  to  read  the  memoir  of  one,  who 
united  with  the  common  characteristics  of  his  countrymen,  such  an  extraordinary 
degree  of  zeal,  e»f  perseverance,  and  success,  in  the  propagation  of  the  gospel 
which  he  himself  first  received  in  faith  and  in  love." — Baptist  Advocate. 

"  It  is  a  valuable  addition  to  the  volumes  now  multiplying,  which  bear  testimony 
to  the  valuable  character  and  results  of  the  missionary  work." — Ch.  Intelligencer. 

"This  work  will  be  read  with  interest,  showing,  as  it  does,  the  power  of  the 
gospel  upon  a  degraded  people,  and  the  rich  blessings  it  confers  upon  the  heathen, 
both  as  it  respects  this  life  and  the  life  to  come.  What  can  be  more  interesting 
to  a  Christian  mind,  than  to  see  the  darkness  which,  by  nature,  brcods  over  the 
human  mind,  dispelled  by  the  light  of  the  gospel,  and  a  benighted  spirit  guided  to 
a  world  of  eternal  day.  A  striking  instance  of  this,  the  memoir  presents.  It  also 
shows  how  the  gospel  can  raise  up  an  individual  from  the  depths  of  wretchedness 
and  crime,  and  make  him,  though  possessed  of  small  natural  abilities,  a  rich 
blessing  to  his  fellow-men." — Vermont  Chronicle. 

"  It  is  an  interesting  little  volume,  and  gives  a  vivid  picture  of  the  influence  of 
the  Christian  religion  in  taming,  subduing,  and  elevating  a  rough  and  darkened 
mind.  The  historical  notices  of  the  Karen  people  we  have  read  with  pleasure." — 
Bangor  Courier. 

"This  volume  abounds  in  that  kind  of  interest  which  belones  to  personal  narra- 
tive; and  the  effect  of  good  teaching  upon  '  new  minds,'  is  admirably  illustrated." 
—Phil.  U.  S.  Gaz. 


MEMOIR     OF 

ANN  H.  JUDSON, 

Late  Missionary  to  Burmah,  including  a  history  of  the  American  Baptist  Mission 

in  the  Burman  Empire.    By  Rev.  James  D.  Knowles.    A  new  edition. 

"With  a  continuation  of  the  History  down  to  the  present  year. 

£r3="  We  are  particularly  gratified  to  perceive  a  new  edition  of  the  Memoirs  of 
Mrs.  Judson.  She  was  an  honor  to  our  country — one  of  the  most  noble  spirited 
of  her  sex.  It  cannot,  therefore,  be  surprising,  that  so  many  editions,  and  so 
many  thousand  copies  of  her  life  and  adventures  have  been  sold.  The  name — the 
long  career  of  suffering — the  self-sacrificing  spirit  of  the  retired  country  girl, 
have  spread  over  the  whole  world;  and  the  heroism  of  her  apostleship  and  almost 
martyrdom,  stands  out  a  living  and  heavenly  beacon  fire,  amid  the  dark  midnight 
of  ages,  and  human  history  and  exploits.  She  was  the  first  woman  who  resolved 
to  become  a  missionary  to  heathen  countries," 


MEMOIR    OF 

GEORGE  DANA  BOARDMAN, 

Late  Missionary  to  Burmah,  containing  much  intelligence  relative  to  the  Burman 

Mission.    By  Rev.  Alonzo  King.    New  edition.    With  an  Introductory  Essay, 

by  a  distinguished  Clergyman.    Embellished  with  a  Likeness;  a 

beautiful  Vignette,  on  Steel,  representing  the  baptismal 

scene  just  before  his  death;  and  a  drawing  of  his 

Tomb,  taken  by  Rev.  Howard  Malcom. 

frj^Tn  noticing  the  lamented  death  of  Mr.  Boardman,  Mr.  Judson,in  one  of  his 
letters,  thus  speaks  of  his  late  worthy  co-worker  on  the  fields  of  Burmah: 

"One  of  the  brightest  luminaries  of  Burmah  is  extinguished;— clear  brother 
Boardman  is  gone  to  his  eternal  rest.  He  fell  gloriously  at  the  head  of  his  troops, 
in  the  arms  of  victory, — thirty-eight  wild  Karens  having  been  brought  into  the 
camp  of  king  Jesus  since  the  beginnins  of  the  year,  besides  the  thirty-two  that 
were  brought  in  during  the  two  preceding  years.  Disabled  by  wounds,  he  was 
obliged,  through  the  whole  last  expedition,  to  be  carried  on  a  litter;  but  his 
presence  was  a  host,  and  the  Holy  Spirit  accompanied  his  dying  whispers  with 
almighty  influence.  Such  a  death,  next  to  that  of  martyrdom,  must  be  glorious 
in  the  eyes  of  heaven.  Well  may  he  rest,  assured,  that  a  triumphal  crown  awaits 
him  on  the  groat  day,  and  '  Well  done,  good  and  faithful  Boardman,  enter  thou 
into  the  joy  of  thy  Lord." 

From  Rev.  Baron  Stow. 
No  one  can  read  the  Memoir  of  Boardman,  without  feeling  that  the  religion  of 
Christ  is  suited  to  purify  the  affections  exalt  the  purposes,  and  give  energy  to  the 
character.  Mr.  Boardman  was  a  man  of  rare  excellence,  and  his  biographer,  by  a 
just  exhibition  of  that  excellence,  has  rendered  an  important  service,  not  only  to 
the  cause  of  Christian  missions,  but  to  the  interest  of  personal  godliness. 

Baron  Stow. 

MALCOM'S  TRAVELS 

IN  SOUTH-EASTERN  ASIA. 

embracing  Hindustan,  Malaya,  Siam,  and  China;  with  notices  of  numerous 

missionary  stations;  and  a  full  account  of  the  Burman  Empire; 

with  Dissertations,  Tables,  &c.    In  two  volumes, 

beautifully  illustrated.     Sixth  edition. 

By  Howard  Malcom. 

MEMOIR     OF 

WILLIAM  CAREY,  D.  D. 

FORTY    YEARS    MISSIONARY    IN    INDIA. 

By  Eustace  Carey.    With  an  Introductory  Essay,  by  Francis  Wayland,  D.  D. 

With  a  Likeness. 

During  the  forty  years  which  Dr.  Carey  labored  in  the  missionary  cause,  he  was 
instrumental  in  the  publication  of  212,000  volumes  of  the  Scriptures,  in  forty 
different  languages,  embracing  the  vernacular  tongues  of  at  least  27,CCO.C0O  of  the 
human  race,  besides  performing  other  labors,  the  enumeration  of  which  would 
seem  almost  incredible. 


ANTIOCH: 


Or,  Increase  of  Moral  Power  in  the  Church  of  Christ.    By  Rev.  Pharcellus 
Church.    With  an  Introductory  Essay,  by  Rev.  Baron  Stow. 

£13"""  Here  is  a  volume  which  will  make  a  greater  stir  than  any  didactic  work 
that  has  been  issued  for  many  a  day.  It  is  a  book  of  close  and  consecutive  thought, 
and  treats  of  subjects  which  are  of  the  deepest  interest,  at  the  present  time,  to  the 
churches  of  this  country. 

"The  author  is  favorably  known  to  the  religious  public,  as  an  original  thinker, 
and  a  forcible  writer,— his  style  is  lucid  and  vigorous.  The  Introduction,  by  Mr. 
Stow,  adds  much  to  the  value  and  attractions  of  the  volume." — Chr.  Reflector. 

"  By  some  this  book  will  be  condemned,  by  many  it  will  be  read  with  pleasure, 
because  it  analyzes  and  renders  tangible,  principles  that  have  been  vaguely  con- 
ceived in  many  minds,  reluctantly  promulgated  and  hesitatingly  believed.  We 
advise  our  brethren  to  read  the  book,  and  judge  for  themselves." — Bap.  Record. 

"It  is  the  work  of  an  original  thinker,  on  a  subject  of  great  practical  interest  to 
the  church.  It  is  replete  with  suggestions,  which,  in  our  view,  are  eminently 
worthy  of  consideration."— Philadelphia  Christian  Observer. 

"This  is  a  philosophical  essay,  denoting  depth  of  thinking,  and  great  originality. 
*  *  *  *  He  does  not  doubt,  but  asserts,  and  carries  along  the  matter  with  his 
argument,  until  the  difference  of  opinion  with  which  the  reader  started  with  the 
writer  is  forgotten  by  the  former,  in  admiration  of  the  warmth  and  truthfulness  of 
the  latter."— Phil.  U.  S.  Gazette. 


THE   PSALMIST, 

A  New  Collection  of  Hymns,  for  the  use  of  the  Baptist  Denomination. 
By  Baron  Stow  and  S.  F.  Smith. 

This  work  contains  about  twelve  hundred  Hymns,  original  and  selected;  with 
words  for  select  music,  and  a  few  paees  of  chants  at  the  end. 

The  acknowledged  ability  of  the  editors  for  the  task ;  the  length  of  time  occupied 
in  making  the  compilation;  the  uncommon  facilities  enjoyed,  of  drawing  from  the 
best  sources  in  this  and  other  countries;  the  new,  convenient, and  systematic  plan 
of  arrangement  adopted;  the  quality  and  style  of  getting  up.  &c.  &c.  give  the 
publishers  confidence  in  the  belief,  that  it  is  a  work  of  far  superior  merit  to  any 
collection  now  before  the  public. 

THE  CHRISTIAN  MINIATURE  LIBRARY. 

Elegantly  bound  in  Cloth,  Gilt  Edges. 

THE    BIBLE    AND    THE    CLOSET; 

Or,  how  we  may  read  the  Scriptures  with  the  most  spiritual  profit. 

By  Thomas  Watson;  and  Secret  Prayer  successfully  managed. 

By  Rev.  Samuel  Lee;  ministers  ejected  in  1662. 

Edited  by  Rev  J.  O.  Choules.    With 

a  Recommendatory  Letter. 

By  Rev.  E.  N.  Kirk. 

THE    CASKET    OF    FOUR    JEWELS, 

For  Young  Christians.    Containing  A  polios— Growth  in  Grace— The 
Golden  Censer — and  The  Christian  Citizen. 

THE    MARRIAGE    RING; 

Or,  how  to  make  Home  Happy.    By  Rev.  John  Angell  James. 


